vv  * 


LIBRARY 

<>K    T1IK 

UNIVERSITY   OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Received.-     . 
Accessions  No^-^J    2—        Shelf  No. 


VIEW 


OF      T    H    K 


Conduft  of  the 

OF      T    H  S 

United  States. 


ft 
VIEW 

07       THE 

Conduft  of  the  Executive, 

I N  T II  E 

FOREIGN  AFFAIRS 


United   States^ 

CONNECTED  WITH  THE*MISSION  TO 

FRENCH  REPUBLIC, 

DURING   THE   YEARS    1794,    5,    &  6. 


By  James 

Late  Mini/let"  Plenipotentiary  to  the  fa'id 


ILLUSTRATED  BY  HIS 


Inftru£lions  and  Correipondence 

AND     OTHER 

AUTHENTIC  DOCUMENTS. 


COPY    R:GHT  SECURED  ACCORD^G   ro  LAW. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

inrcJ  by  and  for  BENJ.  FRANKLIN  BACH  E,  and  to  be  kad  at  the 
'e  of  the  AURORA,  No.  1.2,  Market- (licet, 


f  e>* 


Advertilement. 

THE  Editor  conceives  it  incumbent  on 
to  inform  the  Public,  that  the  Author  of  the  fol- 
lowing Vh>\v  is  notconcerned  in  the  emoluments 
of  the  publication.  The  Editor  holds  the  copy 
right  as  a  free  aift,  and  .it  is  entirely  at  his  expense 
and  for  his  benefit  that  the  work  is  published. 

One  paragraph  in  Mr  Monroe's  Instructions 
and  likewise  a  part  of  the  Le tiers  No.  2 2  ai.d 
09  (of  the  last  only  a  few  words)  are,  from  mo- 
tives of  delicacy,  omitted.  The  article  of  In- 
struction applies  to  the  case  of  an  individual, 
and  the  passages  in  those  letters  are  likewise  of  a 
personal  nature,  unconnected  with  the  merits  of 
any  general  topic. 

The  absence  of  the  Author  has  prevented  his 
superintendance  over  the  publication,  and  is 
the  cause  of  a  few  errors,  the  most  material  of 
which  are  noted  in  the  next  page.  His  distance 
from  this  city,  also,  delayed  the  receipt  of  the 
following  note,  until  it  was  too  late  to  give  it  its 
proper  place  in  the  J^iew*  It  "is  heie  sub- 
joined. 


ridas 


Note.  I  did  not  mention  the  intimation  about  the  Florida 
to  the  adminillration,  becauie  I  thought  it  a  fuby.ft  with 
which  I  had  nothing  to  do  feeking  only  to  open  the  Mifli- 
fippi  and  fettle  the  boundary,  according  to  my  inftrucHons ; 
and  becaufe,  had  the  cafe  been  otherwiie,  that  ftate  of  things 
was  too  tranfitory  to  admit  any  thing  being  done  in  it.  I  find 
however,  afterwards,  when  the  French  government  began  to 
change  its  policy  towards  us,  and  were  fuppcfed  to  be 
treating  for  that  territory  with  Spain,  that  in  communicating 
what  I  heard  of  the  depending  negotiation,  I  mention- 
fo,  its  former  difpofirion  in  that  refpect,  as  a  proof  o/  that 
change.  See  page  363. 


E    R    R    A     T    A. 

IN  THE  V  I  E  W. 

Page 

10  4th  Line,  after  the  word  administration  iafert,  and 
to  place  tbe  views  of  the  administration* 

IN  THB    DOCUMENTS. 
Page 

7  The  letter  fiiould  bear  date  the  nth  not  iot.b. 
15   Line  I4th»  read,  succeeded  for  succeed* 
19  The  letter  to  the  Prefident  oi'  the  COB  vent  i  on  fhould  be  da* 

led  the  itfb. 

24  In  the  i  ft  line  of  the  MinifterVlrtter,  read  representative  for 
representatives. 

41  Line  8th  from  bottom,  acid  ^period  afier  the  word  solid. 

42  Line  5th,  alter  observe  add  also. 

75  Line  8th  from  bottom,  re.'d  occluding  for  secluding 
80  Line  i4th  from  bottom,  $&& possesses  for  possess. 

1 1 1   Line  8th,  for  seemed  read  seem. 

119   Line  2ift,  for  dispositions  read,  disposition. 

Ibid.  Line  i3th  from  bottom,  for  avoided  read  dreaded. 

143   Line  1 8th,  for  completed  read  concluded. 

273  Line  24th,  for  constitution  read  election. 

274  Line  5th,  for  hundred  read  thousand. 

276  Line  27th,  after  declaration  add  in  favor. 

277  Line  26th,  for  whatever  read  irA-z/. 
296   Line  izth,  for  conclude  read  presume. 

374  Line  i9th,  before  the  word  complain  iufert  «£& 

375  Line  4th,  f«c  received 


v    i    E    w, 


|_N  the   month  of  May,    1794,  I    was   Invited 
by    the    Prefident    of  the  United    States,  through    the    Se- 
cretary   of   State,    to  accept    the   office  of  Minifter   Pleni- 
potentiary to  the  French  republic.     The  proportion  was  plain 
and  direct,  Lnnouncing  to  me,  for  the  iiril  time,  that  the  exe- 
cutive thought  of  me  for  thit  office  ;  aiid  certain  it  is,  I  did 
not  folicit,  defire  or  even  think  of  it  for  myfelf.     The  fecre- 
tary  obferved  that  Mr.  Morris  was  to  be  recalled  ,  and  itbe- 
intf  neceffary  to  appoint  a  fuccefibr,  the  prefident  had  requefl- 
ed  him   to  inform  me,  he  {hould  be  glad  I  would  take  hi ; 
place.     I  received  the  communication   with  a  due  degree 
ienfibility ;  but    yet  the  propofal  was  fo  new  and  unexpected, 
that  it  was,  from  a  variety  of  confederations,  impoflible  for  me 
to  give  an  immediate  anfwer  to  it.     I  requefted  fome  days  to 
deliberate  on  the  fubje£t,  which  were  granted. 

I  was  at  this  time  a  member  of  the  fenate  of  the  United 
States,  for   the  State  of  Virginia,  which  (lation  I  had  held  for 
feveral  years  before.  It  had  been  too  my  fortune   in  the  courfj 
of  my  fervice,  to  differ  from  the   adrniniftration,  upon  many 
of  OUT  moil  important  public  meafures.     It  is    not  necefla- 
ry  to  fpecify  here  the  feveral  initances  in  which  this  variance 
in  political  fentiment  took  place  between  the  adminiftratioa 
and  myfelf  :  I  think  proper  however  to  notice  two  examples 
of  it,  fmce  they  ferve  eflentially  to  illuftrate  the  principles  up- 
on which  that  variance  was  founded:  and  the  light  in  which  I 
was  known  to  the  adminiftiation  and  my   country  before  this 
propofal  was  made  to  me.  The  firft  took  place  when  Mr.  Mor- 
lis  was  nominated  minifter  plenipotentiary  to  the  French  re- 
public; which  nomination  I  oppofed,  becaufe  I  was  perfuaded 
from  Mr.  Morris's  known  political  character  and  principles,  that 
his  appointment,  and  efpecially  at  a  period  when  the  French 
iJjf.  a  courfe  o£  revolution,  from  an  arbitrary  to  a 


Fr.ee  government,  would  tend  to  difcountenance  the  repub- 
lican caufe  there  and  at  home,  and   otherwife    weaken,  and 
j.itly  to    our  prejudice,  the  connexion    fubfifting  between 
the  two  countries.     The  fccond  took  place  when  Mr.  Jay  was 
nominated  to  Great  Britain  ;   which  nomination  too  I  oppofed, 
becaufe  under  all  the  well  known  circumitances  of  the  mo- 
ment,  I  was  of  opinion  we  could  not  adopt  fuch  a  meafure, 
confiftently  cither  with  propriety,  or  any  reafonable  ppofpe6t 
of  adequate  fuccefs;  fince  being  a  meafure  without  tone,  and 
one  which  fecured  to  that  power  time,  which  of   all  things  it 
wiflied  to  fecure,  it    feemed -better   calculated   to  anfwer   its 
purpofe  than  ours ;  moreover,  becaufe  I   was  of  opinion,  in 
the  then  flate  of  European  affairs,  it  would  be  made   by  the 
enemies  of  the  two  Republics   the   means    ot  embroiling  us 
with  France,  the  other  party  to   the  -juropcan  war;  and  be- 
caufe I  thought  it  .was  unconftitutional  tq  appoint  a  member 
of  the  judiciary  into  an  executive  ofFcc  :   And  laitly    becaufe 
I  alfo  rhou-ht,  from;a  variety  of  confiderations,  it  would  be 
difficult  to  find  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,   a  per- 
fon  who  was  more  likely  to  improve,  to  the  greateit  poilible 
extent,  the  mifchicf  to  which  the  meafure  naturally  expoied 
us.     This  laft  example  took  place  only  a  few  weeks    before 
my  own  appointment,  which  was  on  the.  23th  of  May  1794. 
"When  I  confidered   thefe  circumftanccs,  I  was    furpriied 
i   this  propofal  fhoula  be  made  me  by  the  adminiitration, 
and  intimated  the  fame  to  the  Secretary  of  State;  who  replied, 
that  my  political  principles,  which  were  known  to  favor  the 
French  revolution  and  to  cherifh  a  friendly   connection  with 
France,  were  a  ftrong  motive  with  the  Prefident  for  offering 
rne  the  miffion,  fince  he  wirhcd  to  fatisfy  the  French  govern- 
ment what  his  own  fentiments  were  upon  thofe  points.     He 
added,  that  in  his  opinion,  the   Prefident  was  as  fincere    a 
friend  to  the  French  revolution  and  our  alliance  with  France, 
as  I  could  be,  and  ofcourfe  that  nothing  wcwjd  be  required 
of  me  inconfiftent  with  my  own  principles  ;  on  the  contrary 
that  I  mould  be  placed  on  a  theatre  where  I  might  gratify  my 
feelings  in  thofc  refpech,  and  at  the  fame  time  render  a  moft 
uleful  and  acceptable  fervice  to  my  country;  for  that  our  af- 
fairs with  France  had  fallen  into  great  derangement,   and  re- 
quired an    immediate  and    deci.fi ve  effort  to    retrieve    them. 
Thus  advifed  I  fubmitted  the  proportion  to  my   friends,  who 
w.reof  opinion  1  ought  to  accept   it,  and  whereupon   I  did 
accept  it. 

My  inftru&ions  were  drawn  in  ftricl:  conformity  with  thefe 
fentiments,  as  will  appear  by  a  perufal  of  them.  They  enjoin- 


It    <>n   nie,  '  "  nMnofl:  -.ir*  (o  IP/ 

French 

- 
ef 

•s  •   cf  //:  i  '  •  6  loejl'til  re- 

•  i -net 
in  the  c'Ar--fc  of  our  i\  :  in  explicit  terms 

(  :\\t\\r.\\*\\  neutrality  was  the  Jot  we  prckrrcd,  yet  i;i  cafe 
:r  tf  ".vow-.-  >*ne- 

had 

occurred  in  the  ccurfc-  ci  cur  aiTairs  of  a  nature  to  i  reatC   in 
France  doubts  of  a  t 

cxpresliy  adverted  to,  for  :  •  t:>  riiiR- 

pnteth;/  ;\ic- 

cc  fa  ful    .The    ini'Iion   of  Mr.  Jay  to  Lot>6c 
ly  noticed  ;  becaufe  it  was,  I  p:vf»i:  •:  to 

.produce  or  folicr  fuch  doubts.     IToon  '  inftruc- 

tio-is   were  25  follows  :  fe  It  is  no:  -ill  be  o- 

:  on  :;ter  r- 

But  you  m;iy  declare  tiie  ::^j-:ves  of  th^  v-,  tj  ob- 

tcli  /'->:':  ,  and   re-* 

uiioftbspL 

Another  incident  ivas  taken'  atlvan li^ 2  cf  by  tiie  r.dm'tnif- 
trati?:i,  vith  n  vievr  ro  fat-'  nt  of  France   th?.t 

its  profeflions  were  in   ail  rcf  The   fenate  r.r.cl 

hcuff  of  reprcf.ntativeG  hr.d  each  pa(Ted  a  rciblution,  ex- 
preiTive  of  the  i.ntereit  they  tcok,  refpcclirely,  intlie  vveifure  of 
the  French  republic,  with  a  requeft  by  each  to  the  executive, 
to  tnmfmit  the  fame  in  its  behaif  to  the  French  government. 
In  fuJfiiling  this  duty  the  executive  availed  itfelf  of  the  oppor- 
tunity furnimed,  to  declare  its  own  fentiments  on  the  fame 
fubje£t,  which  it  clid  in  terirjs  the  rnoft  ftrang  and  empha- 
tic that  could  be  tifecL  In  domoiunicating  the  refulution 
of  the  fenate  it  ».va's  cbf^rvcd  by  the  Secretary  of  Stare  (thro 
whcfe  department  the  communication  palled)  "  that  in  ex- 
ecuting this  duty,  the  liberal  fuccours  which  the  United  Sr 
received  from  the  French  nation,  in  their  fcrii^gle  for  inde- 
pendence, prefent  themiVives  warm  to  the  recoficclidn.  On 
this  bails  was  the  friendikip  between  the  two  nations  found*- 
cfd  :  On  this  bafis  and  the  continued  interchange  of  regard 
fince  has  it  grown ;  and  fupportcd  by  thefe  motives  it  will 
J-emaiii  firm  and  conftant.  The  Senate  therefore  tender  tr> 
the  committee  of  public  faftty,  their  zealous  whiles  for  the 
French  republic  •,  they  learn  with  fenfibiitty  every  fuecefs 

eh  praraotss  the  happinefi  of  tl^s  French  nation  ; 


"C    vi     ] 

the  full  eP  ablifhment  of  their  pence  and  liberty  will  be  ever 

ned  by  the  .Senate  as  a  happinefs  to  the  Umtcd  States 
V."     And  in  communicating  that  of  the  houi? 
of  rty;  rt  was  further  added  ;  »  that  in  no  manner 

could  tin's  honorable  and  grateful  fur, cHon  be  more  properly 
'•••  feizirigthc  occafion  of  declaring  to  the  al- 
ly of  tlvj  United  States,  that  the  caufe  of  liberty,  in  the  de- 
fence of  which  fo  much  American  blood  and  treafures  have 

i.uiflied,  is  chcrilhed  by  our  republic  with  increafing 
cnrhufuifm  ;  that  under  the  itandard  of  liberty  wherefoever 
u  iiiall  be  ditphycd,  tlie  a  fled  ion  of  the  United  States  will 
always  rally  ;  and  that  the  fuccelles  of  thofe  who  (land  forth 
avengers  will  be  gloried  in  by  the  United  States,  and 
will  be  felt  as  the  fuccciTcs  of  themfclves  and  the  other  friends 
of  humanity.  Yes,  reprefcntatives  of  our  ally,  your  com- 
munication 'has  been  addrefied  to  thofe  who  fliare  in  your 
fortunes,  and  who  take  a  deep  interefl  in  the  happinefs  and 
prbfperity  of  the  French  republic." 

Theie  resolutions  were  public,  being  printed  and  pub- 
lilhed  on  the  journal  of  each  houfe  ;  whence  it  was  reafon- 
ubic  to  infer,  that  the  communication  of  the  executive,  which 
announced  them  to  the  French  government,  was  likcwife 
of  a  public  nature,  especially  when  it  was  coniidcred  that 
the  committee  of  public  fafety  might  publilh  the  whole,  if  it 

lit  fit.  No  intimation  was  given  me  by  the  adminif- 
tration  that  it  was  its  wi(h  they  ihould  be  kept  fecrct  ;  I 

fort  concluded  that  the  publication  thereof,  was  a  cir- 
cumflance,  that  mud  have  been  contemplated  by  the  execu- 
tive. 

Upon  this  bafis  my  miflion  war,  laid  ;  a  bafis  which. fa- 
tisfied  me,  that  whatever  might  be  the  fuccefs  of  our -ex- 

•inary  million  to  England,  its  objects  were  fo  few,  and 

its  powers  ib  ftri£Hy  limited  and  well  defined,  that  nothing 

pofiibly  refult  from  it,  that  would  leflen  the  confidence 

of  France  in  the  friendship  and  affection  profeffed  towards  her, 

or  call  in  queition  the  purity  of  my  motives  in  accepting,  un- 

;  adminiitratfon,  this  million  to  the  French  republicr 
'  rheprofpecl;  before  me  therefore  every  way  was  an  eligible  one, 
My  connection  with  the  adminiftration  was  formed  upon  my 

.  iiiciples  j  or  rather  ourprinciples  appeared  to  be  thefame 
in  all  the  points  in  o,ue(lion  ;  and  the  duties  it  was  enjoined 
upon  me  to  perform,  were  thofe  in  which  of  all  others  I 
v.  idrjd  to  fuccccd  :  for  nothing  could  be  more  delightful 
to  me,  than  by  labouring  to  infpire  the  French  government, 
upon  terms  i;vre  u-nl  honorable  to  myfclf,  with  a  confidence 


E    v,i    i 

in  the  fair  and  friendly  views  of  our  own,  to  contribute  to  re* 
claim  to  the  bonds  of  a  clofc  amity,  two  couiurks  \vho f& 
friendfliip  was  contracted  in  the  war  of  our  revolution,  and 
which  ought  to  be  eternal  ;  but  who  were  now  unhappily  di- 
verging from  each  other,  and  in  danger  of  being  thrc\v;i  v/hol- 
ly  apart  ;  and,  as  I  preiumeclj  equally  againil  the  intereii:  and 
inclination  of  both.  Nor  could  any  thing  be  more  delightful 
to  me,  than  to  be  able, by  means  of  that  confidence,  to  recover 
to  our  citizens  a  full  indemnity  for  the  injuries  they  had  al- 
ready iiiitainedby  the  lofs  of  it  :  And  thcfc  were  the  particu- 
lar duties  it  was  enjoined  upon  me  to  perform.  I  embarked 
therefore  immediately  with  a  view  to  commence  and  purfuc 
them  with  zeal. 

Upon  my  arrival  in  Paris,  which  was  on  the  2(\  of  Auguft 
1794,  I  found  that  the  work  of  alienation  and  difunioa  had 
been  carried  further  than  I  had  before  even  fuipected.  The. 
liaraiTment  of  our  commerce  had  commenced,  aiid  gone  to 
fonie  extent  ;  and  a  coolnefs  and  diitruit  of  our  policy  \ver^ 
marked  ftrongly  in  their  proceedings.  In  fliort  it  was  ap- 
parent that  things  were  in  train  for  an  entire  feparation  of  the 
two  countries,  as  may  be  feen  by  reference  to  the  docu- 
ents  which  exhibit  a  correct  view  of  the  then  Hate  of  our 
affairs.* 

I  prefented  my  credentials  to  the  commiiTary  of  foreign  af- 
fairs, foon  after  my  arrival  ;  buc  more  than  a  week  had  elap- 
fed,  and  I  had  obtained  no  anfwer,  when  or  whether  I  ihouicl 
be  received.  A  delay  beyond  a  few  days  lurprifed  me,  be^ 
caufe  I  could  difcern  no  adequate  or  rational  motive  for  ir, 
The  ftate  of  things  occafioned  by  the  fall  of  Robefpierre,  which 
took  place  jufl  before  my  arrival,  might  protract  it  for  that 
term,  but  not  a  longer  one.  Soon  however  intimations  were 
given  me,  that  it  proceeded  from  a  very  different  caufe  ;  one 
too  which  materially  affected  the  honor  of  our  adminiltratiou 
as  well  as  my  own.  It  was  intimated  to  me  that  the  com- 
mittee, or  feveral  at  lead  of  its  members,  had  imbibed  an  o- 
pinion  that  Mr.  Jay  was  fent  to  England  with  views  unfriend- 
ly to  France,  and  that  my  million  to  France  was  adopted  for 
the  purpofe  of  covering  and  fupportrng  his  to  England  ;  that 
the  one  was  a  meafure  of  iubftantial  import,  contemplating  on  our 
part  a  clofe  union  with  England  ;  and  that  the  other  was  an  act 
of  policy,  intended  to  amuie  and  deceive.  It  was  added  that 

*  See  a  fummary  in  letter  No.  10,  p»ge  118  ;  alfb  my  notes  to  the  com- 
mittee, of  the  jd.  of  Sept,  page  30,  andiSof  Oil.  page  63. — As  alfo  Mr. 
Skipwith's  report  tp  m«  hcrctoibre  prmt«J  by  orc^«r  of  the  licufc  of  rcv>r«- 


L     v^     L 

this  in-  my  reception  but 

become  the  dupes  .of 

lent  it,  and  in  confcquence 

.•   to  f.:y  \vheii  I  fhould   be  received.     I 

.-.!  with  this  intelligence,  be- 

<  i  the  committee  had  taken   cf 

,iticn  was  unfounded  ;  and  bccaufe 

I  :  .  vcundis  it  uould  produce  cftl  els 

v  injurious  to  our  uiT.iirs.      And  on  my  uv  a  part  I  felt  a, 
•iv^nt  towards  the  committee,  for  fufpe£iing 
..  become  theinftrument  of  a  policy  ib  oppofte  to 
rny  o-.«,  n  pviiiciplct>  ;  or  mother  \vcrtls  thi:t  I  would  inihi  un- 
q  :~v,r  ci:;j  purpcic  of  prcinciing  the  vlev/s^ 
ih..;    ,  ...I  to  it,  by  betraying  thofc  republican  r/riu- 

j  n?»:r  to  my  heart,  and  to  the  advancement 
v.'hercei  my  4  ;nd  fcrvices  had  Lern  dedicated.     Upon 

ecu  '     j  circumiiiuices,  and  especially  as  I   ccn- 

cei'-  .  'f  ilr{;ii^   in  th?  procmd    upon  v,  hich  I  ftocd,  in 

rcfpedt  to  the  vic.v/:i  •.  f  ilie  admiriiflration  as  well  as  my  own, 
I  \.  .  .d   to  take  the  fubjcci:  from  the  committee,   and 

it  before  another  tiibunal.       "With  this  vic\v  I  ad- 
:i;rd  a  letter  to  the  convention  on  the  1  4th  of  that  month, 
.,\ir£  it  of  my  late  arri-\il,  :>nd  ailcm^  to  what  'department 
nmciit  1  ihouid    nrelent  mylclf  for  recognition  ; 
r.nd  I  was  luppy  to  find  tliai:  this  expedient  produced  iinnic- 
j  cflecl,  for  1  v/asin  eonfeqiiL^iec  thereof  rc- 
1  by  the  convention   itici/  oa  the    day 


*  N'oJuof  Mr.  Sklpwith  — 

\vcr  t^your  rrqusft  of  rry  ftitlng  to  you  fuch  incidents  as  con- 
cornet  a:ul  prcvccJal  ,C.LI-  iccc^i:;rn  by  u:c  national  ccjivention,  I  am  en- 
jktyieti  to  f«y,  i.  .n,!);.»:.c'j  of  tlic  f:.dt,  that  from  the 

j.umiiite  of  public  fafciy,  who  !i.iU  il;c  f.-.lc  coiv- 
•  •.;ii,;iiN,  foi;ij  u.>ubts  iia.i  btfp.ia  to  circul^ie  ui'  ilio    ul- 
•  r.f  your  leapt  ion  ;  and  I  we',!  OecclUd  n.at  uf  on  an   in'erview 


.Ml  wir'i  actiu'n;  iv.'.cman,   who   InJ  before  ft  r 

s  LOW  fill,  ;>.  tefpe-tUblc  flatioA  unoer  ihij 
rue  to  utidrrftandi  tliai  ;l;e^  tni^-iu  be  in  the  commitiea 
*J  P1  !l0':  orfcmeoupfi&tion  to  yo 

' 


!'  o  yo«     en^  fvco^nzei, 

rnmendcd  the  'expediency  -.n  1  pwpriciy  cf:your 

y  to  the  ccr.ven-icn.   The  fuhflanceof  tUi:'  ccuver- 
.-peaicd  ioir.c  l\v  fiiii  gcnllcman,  and  with  ihd 

particular  ;;  ^  you.     You  may  alfo  ieco!lcd,  as 

1  think  I  il,.«,  ihat  s.-  rJ:er  peilon  at  that  t'ii:C  holding  a«  cifice  wiilc  •   gave 

raibn,  did  mak?  10  boih  >ou  and  my- 
.  ii»c  delay  •  f  the  ,  ornn.ittceof  ;  ublic  fj.cty  at- 
:r  !/,i{fi,,;i  ;n  CAufin,:   you  to  Ix;    Jrci-.^nizca,  was 

tfl5Ct  -  ,  veiy  fa-ions  doubts  of  its  final  iilue.   With 

..:jc  citccui,  1  ;:.iu:ar  Sir,  vcur  mtft  obcdier,?  ilrvar.t, 

SKIP  WITH, 


V'hen  I  delivered  my  addrefs  to  the  convention,  I  thought 
proper  Jikc\vife  to  lay  bclcrc  it.,  the  r_  -   of  the 

.by  i  he   admi- 

,  as  \vei!  as  my  c\v::,  ;n  Kiy.cctto  France   and    the 
French  revolution  upon  clear,  juit,  u^d  hcr:cr.u>ie  ground,     I 
.lit  f  perceived  ciiitmcliy  that  not  only  die  temper  • 
ten  ih-.v.M  by   the  ccrrmittee.    but  the  general  deiang- 
nitiii  .:'.*irs  with  France,  \. 

ii  not  >.li.o£cther,  from  i  ife,J-a  futpijion  that  \vc 

;  feeling  no  motive  to  d 

Rilna:.  .     ih'.T  iv.utrd  pov/crs,  v.  Lieh  \vere 

powers,  and  ;'  '.tier/,  they  hud 

com;..  wit';  r-^fpe^V   co  i.  - 

theixrji-e  .  he  me  ft  lait-.sblc  tinic  to 

an  eiVort  to  ren  ov  re  the  molt 

likely  to  accoiiioiiih  it.     Upon  this   princ^pi-  th  :i  tint  llep. 
was  taken  and  I  i  to  find  that  it  pioduccd  intmedi* 

r.tdy  in  the  convention,  /•j-hout  France,  «h-j  ia\\:ii;r 

ble-ffec^:   I  had  cxv  ••   V/iih  u  how- 

ever it  did  no!:  produce  au  eirecl  le*  immediate^  nor  ever  hi 
the  f^Rie  degree.     ^ 

Being  recognize:',  I  now  applied  in yfc If  ro  th^  ')r 
ties  of  my  oiBeCj  and  \vhh  all   the  zeal  or  whXii  '.  •»    . 
ble.     The  fiiil  cbjcCl  to  which  I  turrj- 

tlcranged  (late  of  our  commerce,  and  the  iiril  :v  i. 

made  to  the  committee  of  public  -faicty  was  for  a,  i 
cf  the   ancient  and  legitimate  order  e:  /,  ith  repr.raticn 

to  cur  citizens  for  the   injuries  they  had  .  by  r.  de- 

parture from  it.      My  firit  note  to  the  committee  cf  public 
fafety  en  this  fubjec"!, bears  date  ox  tl:-e  3d  cf  S-:nien:ber,  :  794 ; 
*  in  \vhichU.  diivuiled  and  combated  copioully,  and  as  al 
I  could,  the  conducb  cf  France    in  thus    haralfin  -;   our  corn- 
ir.crce,  againit  the  ftipulations  cf  certain  articles  in  our  SPG  at  y 
\vith  her  ;  and  urged  er.rneftly   the  immeiii-.te  repeal   ( 
decrees    v/hieh   authorized  that  proceeding.       I  had 
my  note  \vith  this  demand,  when  further  ieiie£llon.,  11.:.. 
ened  by  the  apparent  temper  of  the   commit:  ;e;  fu^^eited  a 
doubt  v/hether  i  had  not  tranfcend~  1  tr.y   hlttrsw^lions,   and 
n:ig!it  not  by  fuch  a  demand,  under  fuch  eirev.  \   and 

upon  my  own  refponfibiiity,:.:ri:ig  en  my  country  the   embar- 
raiTmeRt  of  demands  on  I  ;•  part,  under  ,::ticle 

of  the  treaty.     I  examined  again  and  again   my  io&rucYions; 
and  \vasiinallyof  opinion  they  did  net  contc^ipiutc  ihs  dc- 

*  See  o^? 


rv        C      X       3 

But  yet  I  was  unwilling  to  futfer  the  impreflion  v,  hich 
the  manner  of  my  reception  by  the  convention  had  made  up- 
on the:  community  at  large,  to  pals  otf,  without  mi  effort  to 
,-e  it  to  advantage  j  and  v/ao  pcrfuaded  from  what  I  wit- 
d  of  the  gcner  f  of  the  public  councils,  that  the 

I  :t  imprcfiicn  to  the  bell  account,  was  to  make 
jal,  on  our  part,   to  b '-.-.'  iru -lives  on 
Upon    thij    principle,     therefore^    and    upon   d«ic 
_   circumftanccsj  the  lalh    chufe 
;,     ]jy   this  however  I   do   not  wifli 

to  be    undtTftcocl   as  having   been   guided    by    political  mo- 
rn   exprenlng    tiic   Lauirncnl^    continued   in    that 
chiuie.  *,     on  xthe    contrary  I    admit  they    \vcre  itridly  my 
.  ming  at  the  lame  time  that  they  would  never  have 
been  thus  exprcilcd,  had  I  not  been  fatusiied,  they  were  iuch, 
a3  it  was  honourable  for  the  United  States  to  exprefs,  and 
\vere  likely  alfo  to  promote  tlieir  intcrelh 

The  pail  age  in  my  indruclions  applicable  to  this  fubjecl 
xvas  as  iGilowr.    Alter  ip.eaking  of  the   Bordeaux  embargo  it 
adds  :     u  But  you  will  go  farther  and  iniift  upon  compenfa- 
tton  f'.;r  the  captures  and   fpoliations  of  our  property,  and  in- 
juries  to  the  pcrfons  of  our  citizens,  by    French  cruilers.'" 
!  appeared  to  me  to  be  a  nrateib!  difference    between   a 
power  to  demand    com  pen  IV.  tion  for  captures  and  ipcliaticns 
already  made,,  or  which  might  afterwards  be  made,   and  that 
ef  cailing  fpccifically  on  the  French  government,  to   execute 
certain  articles  of  the  treaty  between  the   United  States  and 
1'rance,  which  it  v/ai  known  before  I  left  America  were  fet 
aiidcj  and  the  "ivalbns  for  fo  doing  explained.     I  concluded 
intended  to  demand  an  execution  of  thofe  ar- 
ticles of  die  treaty,  I  fhould  have  been  fptei;  liy  iuilructed 
ib  to  do,  fince  tiie  objt-cl  appeared  to  me  to  be  too    par- 
'.  mpcn'tant  to  have  efeaped  the  attention  of  the  ad- 
n  ;  or,  being  attended  to,  to  have  been  meant  to  be 
hove  article  of  iniirucliGii.     And  the  cir- 
which  fu^gefled  caution  on  my  part,  Icit  I  fhould. 
expofe  i^y  country  to  injury  and    myfelf  to  cenfwre,  was  the 
:  in  our  treaty  of  alliance  with  France  of  1770,  by 
bound  c  uriel ves,  in   return  for  her  guarantee  of 
our  indep,  .    to  guarantee  to  her    forever,  her  poilef- 

I  was  IV-avi'iil   if  we  preiled  her  to 

articles  in  our  treaty  of  commerce,  which 

to  us,  it  might  induce  her  to  call  upon  us  to 

jiicntioru'J  ii\   our   trc-it     of   alii- 


My  note  was  now  before,   the  committee,  and  my  ci 
to  obtain  an  early  and  full  compliance  with  its  lever::]  r>! 
.  earneftand  imceafmg.  Six  weefcyhov  pic.!  and 

made  no  prcgrefo  at  ail.      On  the  it:h   o: 
a  fecond  note  in  fupport  of  the  former  and  with  like  erlecl:. 
From  the    committee  itfelf  I  could  obtain  no  aniv/er,  and    to 
my  informal  applications    to  forne  cf  its  s,^  found 

that  the  dilficulty  of  allowing  our  vcffcb  to  protect  the  pro- 
perty of  Engiifh  fubjetts,  v  y>  that  cf 
French  citizens,  againft  the  Engliih  .  \vith  that  of 
diilinguiihing  in  our  favor  from  the  cafe  of  Denmark  and 
.Sweden,  in  which  we  were  now  involved,  were  objections  of 
great  weight  with  the  committee.-]'  But  yet  I  thought  I 
could  difcern  another  motive  which  though  withheld,  or  rath- 
cr  not  avowed,  was  like  wife  a  powerful  one.  .  I  thought  I 
perceived, ftill  remaining  in  the  councils  of  that  body,  a  flrong 
portion  of  that  fafpieion  of  our  views,  in  iegard  to  our  mif- 
ilon  to  England,  fo  impreifive  upon  my  arrival  ;  but  which  "I 
had  hoped  was  eradicated  ;  and  the  more  eanrellly  I  prefiect 
an  accommodation  witTi  my  demands  the  more  obvioufly  did 
this  motive  prefeiit  itfelf  to  rtoy  view.  Thus  our  aitairs  were 
at  a  fraud  and  the  profpect  of  making  any  prcgrcls  in  them 
at  bed  a  gloomy  oner  In  the  interim  too  our  commerce 
was  harafled,  and  the  fame  fyftcm  continued  in  other  refpcfts, 
which  I  was  labouring  to  change.  PofTelTmg  then,  as  I 
thought  I  did,  the  fpecific  remedy,  I  was-  refolved  to  apply 
it  to  the  cHfeafe.  For  this  purpofe  therefore  I  fought  and 
obtained  aa  interview  with  the  diplomatic  members  of  the 
committee,  commencing  a  converfation  with  defign  to  lead 
them  to  that  point,  that  I  might  explain  in  a  fuitable  manner 
the  objects  of  Mr.  Jay's  million  to  England,  ancf  in  which  I. 
cafily  fucceeded.J  The  Gazettes  had  teemed  with  reports  for 

*  Sec  page  6?. 
I   See  page  82. 

|  Memorandum  of  a  corivrrfation  tfiat  paflecl  fomc  time  in  No- 
vember, in  an  inters'ic-AV  between  Mr.  Monroe  and  two  Diplomatic 
members  of  the  committee  of  Salui  Public  $  at  which,  by  Lisdeure, 
J  was  prefent* 

The  fubject  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Monroe's  obfcfving  on  the 
neceffity  that  all  powers  at  war  mr.flfeelto  bring  their  disputes  to  a 
elofe — That  thi>  was  often  efiedledby  the  interpolation  or  mediation 
of  a  third  power — That,  on  the  prefeiit  occafion,  the  United  States, 
aftuated  by  the  warmed  vifhes  for  the  tranquillity  and  happinefs 
r«f  the  Republic,  would  cheerfully  contribute  their  good  offices  to- 
s  bringing  abput  a  pacific«th)u  vv.it-k  ilic  allied  powers;  if  their 


L      &     3 

fern::  time  before  this,  that  Mr.  Jay  '-.vns  about  to  pals  oV~r  :,; 

-.nfo  a  r.icdtatioii  of  pence,  on  il:cp:r 

rica,  at  theiniu.ice    of  hngiand,  v-hich  rjportc!  h-.id,  .13  i  V.TI- 

i  a->  the  committee  v/.is  \vi:":  bio   fclirienl 

inbuted  co  k-^p  alive  ,if  net  hur^fc,  the  i'ufpi- 

fe>.      i  ••-:  by  raakir;:  n  kind 

.  .ror  our  fervices  to  th  ic  :j  promote   peace,  by 

of  n4edifltio%  according  to  a  .   tions; 

tut.  in  a  manner  to  create  a  belief  that  \vc  neither  \vilnecS    :;or 

:ts  by  felicitation  ;   r.c 

excer:  ..;iiaiice  ol  ;    .vidir.g  that  1  waneed  ::o 

,;iate  aniv.  -  ucation,  Irivin;^  m:;Je  it  cn- 

te  vie\7o    of  cur  ndmlnidra- 

tion  t  i  .v.ncc.     Sj  i".ir  r.iy  chici'objcdl  was  to  diicrcdit 

that  report  witliout  noticing  it.     The  members   however  ad- 


ir  ~  •  i  to  tae  Rcptil.'Ik  ;   r.'  t!;e 

citly,   thcg  v.  jr.;  cv  no  mca'.is  clirpofod  to 
:o  i;:rv    <  that  rni'jbt   bd  made  them  br  the    other 

•4         -s  nt  war,  ion-  />,  tacir  nu-.tiation. 

To  this  it  v.'aS  replied,  t.Kii  th.c  ^ovenment  rrccivcd  tliofe  oiTcrs 


i  of   tho  United 
:ht  cf  th  111  :  —  ' 
•lity  for  peaco,  mufl  irjakc 
:         .     that  the  dignity  of  the  Rt'v 

fuecefs  ,:l  prorreis  of  its  arms,  rendered 
this  mode  of  treating  0:1:  •  .le. 

It  v.-.is  r.fkccl  ;  if  JVlr.  Monroe  wss  in  correfpondence  with  Mr* 
j  .  •  vl-.idi  he  rtrpiied,  he  was  r.ot.  —  And  it  was/tlirti  funher 
alke.l  ;  il'  J.lr.  Jay  vas  expected  fj!.:i  !n  Pavii  ? 

Scir.e  convcrfakion  led  txj  Mr.  Monroe's  ohfervin^,  that  the  o'> 
ject  c;  V>  miflien  to  Eugland  \vas  conf.iK-dfoi^iy  tct'ie  pro- 

tprjnz  CQinenlatin  for  the  deredations  commit 


z  CQinpenlatipn  for  the  depredations  committed  on  oui 
and  obtaining  the  fnrreiidsr  of  the  \v/:!!c.r:i  -.'oRs. 

By  the  diplomatic  n:crnbers.  it  was  mentioned,  that  it  was  under-*- 
ftcod,  t!',e  United  States  had  declined  acceding  to  feme  prbpbfaig 
made  them  hy  Sweden  rrd  Dc-nr.ir.rk,  for  joining  their  armed  neu- 
trality —  to  which  Mr.  Monroe  obferved,  that  he  was  unucqviainted 
•with  inch  p  nlttlngthey  \vcre  r.i:ulo.  the  refult  could 

i)-:t  he  knov,T..  until   after  the  opening  of  the  iVl'r.o;)  of  congrcis. 

The  offer  of  the  mediation  of  the  Uivte-1  States,  made  by  Mr. 

?Jo::r  .1  t(;  r,ic  to  he-  received  with  ccolnefs,thoug!i  the  ex- 

-  'fusing  tl-.cir  fenfe  of  it  were  perfectly  polite  ;  and 

;  .  Jay,  a':o'.  c  eited,  with  others  of 

r.ior-j  '  --.-r,  thcvc  r.pp.i  red  to  be  couched  a  degree  Ov 

;i  of  the  oh'eCl  of  i;i<5  million. 

JOHN  H, 
P..-.V,  ^  -79;. 


tcrted  directly  to  it,  a(king  me  whether  it  v/as  frue,  an  - 
which  I  replied,  that  it  could  not  be  true,  fince  Mr.  Jay 
fent  to    England    upon    fpecial   bufinels  only,   "  t 
eompenfation  for  the  depredations  on  our  : 
render  of   the  weftern    polls,"*  to  which  his  authority    \vr.s 
ftrictly  limited.     The  members  acknowledged,  in  terras  L 
ciently  polite,  the  attention  which  was   iliewn  upon   that  oc- 
c.ifion,by  the  adrmniftration,  to  the  inter jft  of  France,  as  well 
in  the  offer  of  fervice  to  the    French  republic  by  the  United 
States,  as  in  the  confidential  communication  I  had  made  up- 
on the  fubject  of  our  own   affairs,  and  thus  the  conference 
ended. 

About  this  time  I  was  applied  to  by  Mr.  Gardoqur,  minil- 
ter  of  finance  in  Spain,  to  obtain  for  him  of  the  French  go- 
vernment permiffion  to  enter  France,  ojlenfibly  to  attend  cer- 
tain baths  on  account  of  ill  health  j  but,  as  I  fuppokd,to  open 
a  negociation  for  peace  with  the  French  republic.  At  nri't  1 
was  averfe  to  comply  with  Ins  demand-,  becaufe  I  vras  perfur.d- 
ed,  from  what  I  faw  of  the  jealous  temper  of  the  committee 
towards  us,  that  an  agency  in  the  affairs  of  the  enemies  of 
France,  however  friendly  the  motive  for  it  in  regard  to  France 
might  be,  was  more  likely  to  encreafe  than  diminifh  their  dif- 
truft,  and  by  means  thereof  injure  our  own  affairs  ;  and  be-* 
caufe  I  did  not  like  to  repeat  overtures  of  fri-rndly  oinces,  where 
k  was  poffible  the  motive  for  fo  doing  migJbt  be  mifinterpre- 
ted.  The  demand  however  being  reiterated,  and  palling  by 
trumpet  through  the  Spanim  and  French  armies,  I  could  no: 
well  avoid  prefenting  it  to  the  view  of  the  French  government. 
I  refolved  however,  in  fo  doing,  to  exprefs  myfdf  in  iuch 
terms  as  to  fhew  my  independence,  equally  of  Spain  and 
France  j  upon  which  principle  my  note  to  the  committee  of 
public  fafety  of  the  I3th  of  November  1794,  inclofi.ig  copies 
of  Mr.  Gardoqui's  letters  to  me,  was  drawn  ;  for  by  the 
manner  in  which  I  delivered  my  fentiments  of  Mr.  Gardcqui's- 
views  in  writing  thofe  letters  to  me,  it  mud  have  been  ob- 
tious,  that  there  was  no  political  concert  between  him  and  me  y 

*"  See  Mr.  Purviar.ce's  no'.e  of  the  conrerenc;,  which  inay  be  reHed  on  as 
accurate;  becaufe  he  interpreted  bctr/c en  the  members  2nd  myfcil,  upon 
that  occalion  ;  firce  at  that  time  I  could  not  fo  much  rely  on  my  knowledge" 
ef  the  French  language,  as  to  depend  on  mviclf  inthat  lefped.  By  his  no:e 
I  am  alfa  reminded,  that  other  iopics  were  touched  en  by  thefe  n-.e;nbers, 
and  in  particular,  that  f  wasaik-d,  whether  I  corrcloonded  with  Mr.  Jiy  * 
and  rep;ied,  that  I  did  not  (as  was  the  facl  at  the  lime)  on  po!ii:c~i  rv- 
pics,  which  wasdoubtleft  the  objett  of  the  enquiry.  I  recoiled  too,  that 
when  the q-ieilion  was  propounded,  it  was  done  ina  manner  toimprefr  me 
with  a  belief  it  was  fufpeded  I  made  the  proportion  at  the  instance  oi'  Mr. 
Jay,  and  in  harmony  with  rue  Brinfh  government. 

f 


C     *iv     ] 

and  by  the  manner  in  which  I  addreiTed  the  committes  upow 
that  occalion,  it  mud  have  been  tonally  To,  that  although  1 
wifhed  fuccefs  to  the  French  republic,  yet  I  had  too  high  at 
reipecl  for  the  United  States,  and  knew  too  well  what  was- 
ttue  to  myfclf,  to  weary  that  body  with  profeffions  or  overture* 
of  friendly  offices,  which  were  not  folicited.  This  incident  I 
;.m  fatisfied  produced  a  good  effeft  in  our  favor,  by  drawing 
towards  me  the  confidence  of  the  French  government,  and  of 
courfe  to  the  communications  which  I  made  it  an  the  part  of 
our  own.* 

jufl  after  this,  I  was  a  (Iced  by  the  diplomatic  members  of 
the  committee  of  public  fafety,  whether  I  thought  they  could 
obtain  by  loan,  of  the  United  States,  or  within  the  United 
States,  fume  money  to  aid  the  French  government  in  its  ope- 
rations. I  underftood,  about  four  or  five  millions  of  dollars 
were  wanted,  to  be  laid  out  in  the  purchafe  of  provifions  and 
other  fupplies  in  the  United  States.  The  inquiry  was  rather 
•an  erribarrafling  one,  for  many  reafons.  Upon  a  full  view 
however  of  all  circumftanccs,!  thought  it  beft  to  refer  the  com- 
mittee for  an  anfwer  to  the  administration ;  availing  myfelf  of 
the  occafron  it  furnifhed,  to  unfold  more  fully  the  then  fub- 
fifting  relations  of  the  United  States  with  Britain  and  Spain 
refpedVively,  with  a  view  not  only  to  dhTipate  all  remaining 
doubt  on  thofe  points,  but  to  engage  France  to  affift  us  in  our 
claims  upon  thofe  powers  in  cafe  it  mould  eventually  be  ne- 
cefTary  fo  to  do.  Shortly  after  this  I  was  informed  by  the  di- 
plomatic members  of  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  that  their 
mini  fter  then  about  to  depart  for  the  United  States  would  bein- 
Rru&edto  propofetoour  government  an  arrangement,  whereby 
France  fhould  engage  to  fecure  the  attainment  of  all  our  claims 
upon  thofe  powers,  when  fhe  made  her  own  treaties  with  them,, 
as  likewife  to  protect  our  commerce  againft  the  Algerincs.f 

By  thcfe  feveral  communications  and  explanations,  on  my 
part,  which  were  much  aided  by  the  movements  of  General 
Wayne  on  the  Frontiers,  (hewing  that  if  we  were  not  in  a 
<lat<;  of  aclual  war  with  Great  Britain,  fo  neither  were  we 
in  that  of  aclual  peace  ;  as  likewife,  by  fome  changes  in  the 
committee  itfelf,  it  was  foon  to  be  feen,  that  the  doubts  which 
that  body  had  heretofore  entertained  of  the  fmcerity  of  our 
profeflions,  and  rectitude  of  cur  views  began  to  wear  away;, 
for,  from  tins  period,  may  be  dated  a  change  in  its  policy  to- 
wards the  United  States  j  a  change  which  foon  became  fo  vU 
fibl'j  sfter  vvards. 

'  .««e  iz^.. 


About  this  time,  it  is  important  to  be  remarked,  that  I  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  the  2jth  Sep- 
tember, 1794*  which  affured  me,  that  in  his  judgment  our 
negociation  with  England  was  lively  to  fail  in  all  its  objt-cls, 
and  that  that  with  Spain  was  at  a  ftand ;  the  courts  of  Ma- 
drid and  London  being  cordial  in  their  hatred  of  the  United 
States,  and  a  determination  to  harais  them  through  the  Indi- 
ans. By  this  later  too,  I  was  advifed  of  the  efforts  made  by 
the  French  Minifter,  Mr.  Fauchet,  through  his  Secretary  Mr. 
Le  Blanc,  to  infpire  the  French  government  with  a  belief,  that 
certain  members  in  our  own  had  a  BritiJ/j  tendency;  and  admonifh- 
ed  of  the  means  I  had  to  confront  that  idea,  Jmce  I  knew  hoio 
Mr.  Jay  'was  rtjlricied  •  an  object,  to  which  my  attention  was 
now  particularly  called,  fince,  under  exifting  circumftances, 
it  was  deemed  indifyeafikje  for  its  tofiand  ivell  luiib  the  1 
Republic*.  Thus  advifed,  I  not  only  felt  myfelf  fortified  in 
the  meafures  I  had  already  taken  to  cultivate  a  good  under- 
ftanding  with  the  French  government,  as  above  itated ;  but 
Simulated  to  purfue  the  fame  object  by  like  means,  with  new 
zeal. 

By  this  time  I  had  bscome  perfonally  acquainted  with  many 
of  the  members  of  the  committee,  the  referve  heretofore 
fliewn  me  being  in  a  great  meafure  thrown  off;  nor  did  I  ever 
fail  to  avail  myfelf  of  the  opportunities  thereby  furniihed,  to 
urge  as  a  man,  what  I  had  fo  often  before  prcffed  as  a  public 
rninifter  ;  nor  can  it  be  doubted,  that  the  erred:  thereby  pro- 
duced, in  regard  to  the  objects  in  view,  was  a  falutary  'one. 

On  the  1 8th  of  November  1794,  the  committees  of  pub- 
lic fafety,  commerce  and  fupplies  united,  paffed  an  arrete,  by 
which  the  commiffary  of  marine  was  ordered  to  adjnfl  the 
amount  due  to  our  citizens  on  account  of  the  Bourdeaux  em- 
bargo ;  as  likewife  for  fupplies  rendered  to  the  government  of 
St.  Domingo.  By  it,  too,  the  embarraffments  which  impeded 
our  direct  commerce  with  France,  as  alfo  thofe  which  imped- 
ed it  with  other  countries,  by  the  arbitrary  rule  cf  contra- 
band, in  refpecl  tojprovifions  deitined  for  thofe  countries,  were 
done  away.  Free  paffage,  in  our  veffels,  was  likewife  allowed 
to  the  fubjects  of  the  powers  at  war  with  France,  other  than 
foldiers  and  failors  in  the  actual  fervice  of  fuch  powers.  In 
fhort,  all  the  objects  to  which  my  note  of  the  3d  of  Septem- 
ber extended,  were  yielded  ;  except  that  of  allowing  our  vef- 
fels to  protect  enemies'  goods,  which  point  was  declared  to  be 
withheld,  until  fuch  powers  iliouid  agree,  that  the  merchaa- 

*  Page  88. 


:  citizens,  in  neutral  veilc!?,  fhould  likev,  . 
* 

v;  the  bufincfs  of  reform  in  our  affairs  with  the  Frcncw 

happily  commenced.     i3  y  the  above  arrete  aa 

..as  actually  produced  in  the  general  temper 

Is  us;  for  by  it  many  practices,  very  inju- 

•\::i\  even  commendable,  were 

now  !c  criminal.     And  much  like -wife  was 

which  tiiis  change  in  the  public  couru- 

.:v;r;.l  in  our  favour,  produced  in  the  exc- 

t  tolerated;  for  after  this  I  do  rot 

..n  iiiftance,  e.fpeciaUy  in  France,  where  a  vefiel  of 

ours  \  in   uron  the  fufpicion  of  having  enemies' 

I'1.!-  ^fs  of  reform  did  not  end  here.;  on  the  con- 

trary it  was  only  commenced;   for  not  long  after  this   it  was 
jxropofed  by  the-  above  iiamed  committees,  united  with   that 
of  legiilatioij,  in  a  report  to  the  convention,  as  the  part  of  a  ge- 
neral iyilcm,  to  put  in  execution  like  wife  that  article  of  our 
.  which  itipuiatcs,  that  five  linns. (hail  make  free  goods, 
-oGtion  v/as  adopted  on  the  ^d  of  January,  1795, 
;  iced  to  me  by  die  cdfiW&i'ittfce  of  public  fif-^ty  imme- 
Thust!-  imony  between  the 

tv.  o  c  ,v  rcftored  by  a  repeal  of  the  feve- 

-  winch  had  difturl>ed  it.  f 

It  is .  , '.  ance  worthy  of  attention,  that  as,  upon  a  former 

.!  States  followed  the  fortune  of  the  other 
r»cut:r;  Donmark,  iSwtden,  &c.  when  the  de- 

reilriclive  of  their  commerce  paiTed,fo  upon  the  prefent 
•one  thole  powers  followed  the  fortune  of  the  United  States, 
by  participating  with  them  in  the  benefit  of  the  repeal  of  thofe 
decree.  In  the  former  iiage,  the  United  States  had  not  fuffi- 
cicnt  weight  to  feparate  thcmielves  from  the  condition  of  thofe 
powers,  wlu'ch  were  royal  powers,  and  unfriendly  to  the 
French  revolution ;  in  the  latter  diey  had  acquired  fufficient 
;L  to  recover  the  ground  they  had  loft,  and  even  to  im- 
part the  advantages  of  it  to  thofe  powers  alfo;  for  having  been 
heretofore  connected,  it  was  now  difficult  for  the  French 
government  to  diftinpiiifh,  in  that  refpecl,  between  thofe 
ihates  and  thofe  other  powers. 

OL.  -itli  France  were   now  in  a  profpcrous  ftate. 

By  the  repeal  of  the  decrees  under  \\hichour  trade  was  har- 

.,  there  was  an  end  put  to  complaints  from  that  caufe; 

*  Tage  9;.  f  Page  ie6, 


.crifl,  as  orders  were  iiTued  for  the  adjuftment  of  the  accounts 
•of  iuch  of  our  citizens  as  had  .claims  upon  the  French  Repub- 
lic, with  a  view  to  their  payment,  the  profptct  of 
for  pail  loflcs  was  like  wife  a  good  one.  ^Soon  too  ou<  G**n- 
mcrce  flourimed  beyond  wHat  was  ever  known  before;  lor  by 
-virtue  of  our  treaty  with  France  of  1778,  whole  liipiihuicns 
were  now  rcfpeckd  in  evtry  article,  we  were  becoming,  and 
.actually  became,  not  only  the  carriers  of  our  OV.TI  bulky  .i::d 
valuable  materials  to  England  and  her  allies  (with  the  exctpti- 
,on,  in  their  cafe,  of  the  ilricl:  contraband  of  war  c  of 

.courfe  to  every  port  of  the  fea,  which  gave  us  a  friendly  wel- 
come; but  were  likewife,  .on  account  cf  the  protection  \v;.icli 
our  veflels  gave  to  the  property  of  the  enemies  of  France,  be- 
coming alfo  the  carriers  of  England  and  her  allies  in  the  war. 
Such,  too,  was  the  friendly  bias  of  the  people  of  France  ^to- 
wards us,  that  notwithstanding  our  veflels  gave  no  protection 
to  French  property  againll  Englifh  cruizers,  nor  in  certain 
•cafes  to  the  productions  of  the  French  lilands  become  Ameri- 
can property,  yet  we  were  become  likewife  the  principal  car- 
riers of  France.  )  Even  the  privilege  -of  American  citizenfhip 
•was  an  object  of  great  value  to  the  owner  (I  mean  in  a  mer- 
cantile view)  for  an  American  citizen  could  neutralize  vefkrls, 
funds,  &c.  and  thus  profit,  in  many  ways,  by  the  condition  of 
his  country.  Nor  did  France  invite  us  to  the  war,  or  inar-ifeit 
,a  wi(h  that  we  fhould  engage  in  it ;  whilft  fhe  was  difpofed  to 
afiiil  us  in  fecuring  our  claims  upon  thofe  powers,  againft 
whom  we  complained  of  injuries.  In  iliort,  iuch  was  our  fi- 
tuation  with  the  French  Republic,  and  with  other  powers,  ib 
far  as  depended  on  the  French  Republic,  that  there  was  but 
one  point  upon  which  wehadcaufe  to  feel  or  exprefs  any  fc- 
licitude,  wrhich  was  that  it  might  not  vary. 

But  unhappily  this  date  of  things,  fo  cor-refpondent  with 
-our  ancient  relations  with  that  country,  fo  congenial  with  the 
public  fentiment,  and  necefiary  to  the  public  welfare,  was  not 
doomed  to  be  a  permanent  one ;  for  even  whilil  the  propoft- 
iion,  laft  above  mentioned,  was  depending  before  the  conven- 
tion, accounts  were  received  from  England,  that  Mr.  Jay  had 
-concluded  a  treaty  with  that  power,  of  very  different  import 
from  what  I  had  "been  taught  by  my  inilruclions  to  expect, 
and  had  likewife  taught  the  French  government  to  expecl: 
would  refult  from  his  million.  Hitherto  I  had  underftood, 
and  had  fo  ilated,  that  his  powers  were  limited  to  the  adjuft- 
ment of  the  particular  points  in  controverfy  between  the  two 
countries;  but  by  thefe  accounts  it  appeared,  that  a  treaty  was 
formed,  upon  very  different  principles,  whereby  cur  connw> 


[     xviii     ] 

-.\  with  France  war,  efientially  weakened,  by  a  new  and  very 
•clole  one  with  England.  Here  then  began  a  new  era  in  cur 
fliKiirs,  which  will  b^  perhaps  forever  memorable  in  the  an- 
nals of  our  country,  the  incidents  attending  which  I  will  pro- 
ceed tO  1'' 

It  will  readily  occur  to  every  difpaffion^te  mind,  that  this 
report,  though  merely  a  report,  mull  have  fubjettsd  me  to 

:ic  cmbarr  aliment,  which  would  continue  'till  I  was  ena- 
bljci  completely  to  diiprove  it.  But  I  will  net  dwell  on  this 
circu reliance.  I  will  proceed  to  narrate  facls  which  mew 
.-how  we  left  the  ground  we  had  gained  as  above,  and  ultimate- 
ly reached  the  point  where  we  now  are.  r 

j\sfoon  as  this  report  reached  Paris,  it  was  obvious  that  it 
produced  in  the  committee  a  very  difagreeable  fenfation  in  rc- 

.u  to  us;  for  immediately  afterwards,  I  was  applied  to  by 
That  body  in  a  letter,  which  itated  what  they  had  heard  of  the 
contents  of -that  treaty,  and  aiking  in  \vhat  light  they  were  to 
confidcv  it.1*  It  happened,  that  I  had  received  on  the  lame 
•day  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  of  the  25th  of  November,  fin- 
forming  me,  that  he  had  concluded  on  the  ipth  of  the  fame 
month,  a  treaty  with  Great-Britain,  which  contained  a  decla- 
tion  "  that  it  ihculd  not  be  conflrued,  or  operate,, contrary  to 
our  emitting  treaties-,"  but,  "  as  it  was  not  ratilkd,  it  would 
be  improper  to  publifk  it."  I  therefore  made  his  letter  the  ba- 
f;s  cf  my  reply  to  the  committee,  inferring  verbatim  fo  muc 
of  it  as  applied  ;  adding,  that  although  I  was  ignorant  of  th 
particular  (lipulations  of  the  treaty  (which,  however,  for  th 
removal  of  all  poffiblc  anxiety  on  that  fubje&,  I  would  com- 
municate as  foon  as  I  knew  them)  yet  I  took  it  for  granted, 
the  report  was  a-Itogethcr  without  foundation.  My  anfwcr 
v/as  fo  far  fatisfaclory  to  the  committee  as  to  prevent,  at  the 
time,  any  change  in  the  policy  recently  adopted  towards  us  ; 
for  the  decree,  which  propofed  to  put  into  full  execution  our 
treaty  of  commerce  with  France,  then  depending,  as  already 
obfcrvcd,  bd.orc  the  convention,  was  pafled  without  oppofi- 
tion. 

In  promifing  to  communicate  to  the  committee  the  con- 
tents of  this  treaty  as  foon  as  I  knew  them,  I  did  fo  in  the  ex- 
pectation of  fulfilling  my  promifc,  when  I  received  a  copy  of 
the  treaty  from  the  department  of  fhte,  and  not  before;  for 
I  cxpcded  no  further  information  upon  that  fubjecl:  from 
Mr.  jay.  I  concluded,  as  he  had  already  communicated  to 
jiic  a  pait  of  the  treaty,  and  withheld  the  refidue,  that  he  had 

,05. 


r  *:*  ] 

rforre  foupon  mature  deliberation,  and  meant  to 
«o  me  no  more  of  it;,  and  in  this  opinion  I  was  the  more  con- 
firmed, from  t!iat  pailiig^  in  his  letter,  which  Hated,  that  a* 
the  treaty  was  not  ratified,  it  would  be  improper  to  pul>!fi  icy 
fince  I  could  not  underftand  that  pailage,  othcrv/iie  than  as  an 
intimation,  he  ihouid  withhold  from  me  the  other  parts  of  the 
treaty.  And  in  making  that  promife  to  the  committee,  I  ciid 
it  with  a  view  to.  prcfcrve  the  fame  fpirit  of  candour  in  my 
communications  with  that  body,  nofiv  that  tbe  treaty  i':c.s  c:::~ 
ehtdsd,  that  I  had  done  whilft  the  Jie^xia^n  was  depending,  a, 
departure  from  which  would  doubtbfs  have  been  immedh:-1- 
Ly  noticed.  To  the  department  cf  ftatc  therefore  alone  I  new 
looked  for  fuch  information  refpecting  that  tiMnfaction,  as  the- 
public  mtereft  required  I  (hould  pofieis;.  always  prefuming  it 
would  place  the  rcfuit,  upon  a  footing  correfponcier.t  with  its- 
previous  communications  to  me,  and  mine  to  the  French  go- 
vernment, with  which  they  were  fuificiently  acquainted. 

On  the  r6th  January,  1795,  I  received  another  letter  from 
Mr.  Jay  of  the  28th  of  November  preceding,  informing  rr.e- 
that  lie  propofed  foon  to  communicate  to  me,  in  cypher,  the 
pr'uH-ipiil  /.'jads-of  the  treaty  ccrflc-i.':.  This  information 

furprifed  and  embarrafled  me.  It  furpri&d  me,  bccaufe  it 
promifed  a  rcfuit  different  from  what  I  had  expected  from  his 
preceding  letters;  and  it  embarraiTed  me  becaufe,  although 
it  was  for  many  reafons  an  object,  of  great  importance  with 
me  to  poiTefs  the  treaty,  in  cafe  it  were  of  the  kind1 1  had  un- 
derftood  it  would  be,  yet  I  was  now  very  avcrfe  to  receive  itv 
in  cafe  it  were  otherwise,  on  account  of  the  promife  I  had  al- 
ready made  to  the  committee,  to  communicate  to  it  the  con- 
tents, as  foon  as- 1  knew  them,  as  abore  frated.  Thus  circum- 
ftanced  I  refolved  to  write  to  Mr.  j  ay,  by  a  confidential  perfon, 
and  inform  him  of  my  engagement  with  the  committee,  re- 
quelling  a  copy  of  the  treaty  to  enable  mejfco_complv_vvith  ir^ 
urging  as  a  motive  for  his  fending  one  andTruly,  the  good 
effect  it  would  produce  upon  our  affairs  there;  in  the  expecta- 
tion of  obtaining  one,  only  in  cafe  the  treaty  v/as-of  a  par- 
ticular import,  in  which  cafe  I  could  fee  no  motive  whv  Lc 
fhouldrefufe  that  m,ark  of  confidence  to  the  committee;'  and 
of  preventing  its.  being  fent,  in  cafe  it  was  otherwife,  or  in  cvfe 
Mr.  Jay  did  not  wifh  its  contents  to  be  known  to  the  French 
government \  for  in  either  of  thofe  cafes,  andefoccully  if  clog- 
ged with  any  condition  whatever,  I  did  not  v/iih  to  poifrfs  it. 
I  committed  this  letter f  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Purviance,  a  very 

*  See  page  i  i.j.  *  Ibid, 


e  and  defending  citizen  of  Baltimore,  who  departed 
with  it  a  few  days  after  the  receipt  of  Mr.  Jay's  letter  above 
mentioned,  ana  returned  with  his  anfwer,  bearing  date  on  the 
$t:i  of  February,  i/jmstime  early  in  March  k>i lowing.  In  his 
Tvply  he  refufed  to  fend  me  a  copy  of  the  treaty  as  I  had  re- 
'.1;  urging  as  a  motive  for  his  rtfufal,  that  we  were  an 
independent  nation,  £fjV.  bad  a  right  to  form  treaties,  £sV.  with- 
ether  found  maxims  which  were  never  qucftioned.* 

Hero  again  I  concluded  and  hoped  that  the  bufmefs  be- 
t \veen  Mr.  jay  and  myfelf  was  at  an  end,  and  of  courfe,  that 
I  ihoulil  hear  nothing  further  from  him  upon  the  fubjec~b  of 
his  treaty.  But  here  again  I  was  disappointed  •,  for  fometime' 
.rch  I  received  another  letter  from  him  of  the  ipth  of 
February,  by  Colonel  Trumbull ;  ™  which  he  informed  me,, 
he  had  authorifed  that  gentleman,-  to  communicate  to  me: 
^the  contents  of  that  treaty,  in •  perfift  confidence^  to  be  imparted 
to  no  other  perfon.f  This  lait  letter  was  (till  more  extraor- 
dinary than  any  which  preceded  it :  For  as  he  had  refufed  to- 
fend  me  a  copy  of  the  treaty,  according,  to  my  requefr,  by  Mr,. 
Purviance,  snd  omitted,  not  to  fay  refufed  (though  indeed  I 
underilcod  his  ©million  in  the  light  of  a  refufal)  otherwife  to 
inform  me  of  its  contents,  by  that  very  fafe  opportunity,  I  did? 
not  fee  how  the  correfpondence  coivld  be  continued  on  that 
fubj.cct,  on  his  part.-  Nor  was  my  furprife  otherwife  than 
greatly  increafed,  after  having  informed  him,  that  the  only  ac- 
ceptable mode  by  which  die  contents  of  the  treaty  could  be 
conveyed  was  by  the  tranfmiffion  of  a  copy  of  the  kiftru- 
ment  itfelf,  at  the  proportion  which  he  now  made,  to  com- 
municate them  to  me  •verhill^  upon  a  prefumption  that  it 
would  be  more  fatisfaffory  to  me,  to  receive  them  thus,  than 
by  written  extracJs  from  the  treaty ,  and  upon  condition  that  I 
would  communicate  them  to  no  ether  perfon  whatever.  This- 
proportion  being  altogether  inadmiflible,  was  of  courfe  re-- 
je£Ud. 

Soon  after  this^  Colonel  Trumbull  made  a  communication,, 
upon  the  fubjed  of  this  treaty,  to  Mr.  Hichborn  of  Bofton,, 
\vith  defign  that  he  mould  communicate  the  fame  to  me  un- 
conditionally; and  of  courfe,  in  the  expectation  that  I  would 
communicate  it  to  the  French  government.  In  confequence 
I  received  this  communication  in  writing  from  Mr.  Hichborn,, 
with  the  attention  which  was  due,  to  thofe  two  gentlemen, 
\yhom  I  p-rfonally  rcfpectcd  ;  and  made  of  it,  afterwards,  all 
the  ufe  which  a  paper  ib  informal  would  admit  of  \\  And  thus 

*  Seepage  i  -.  t  TaSe  151.     "  :J ;  Pago  155, 


[     xxi     J 

WITS  executed  Mr.  Jay's  promiie  to   communicate   ton 
contents  of  his  treaty  with  the  Englilh    government ;  uponf 
which  topic  I  will  now  make  a   few  observations  only,  and 
then  difmifs  it. 

My  promife  to  communicate  to  the  committee  the  contents- 
of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  as  foon.  as  I  knew  them,  iufficiently  ex- 
plains the  motive  of  that  intimation  to  him  ;  but  why  de- 
mand a  copy  of  the  inftrument  for  that  purpofe  ?  Why  not 
make  my  reprefentations  to  that  body,  upon  the  faith  of  Mr. 
Jay's  to  me,  without  further  proof  ?  Ought  this  to  be  expect- 
ed under  like  circumflances  by  any  one  ?  Or,  ought  any  per- 
fon  who  refufes  to  repofe  confidence  in  another,  as  was  the 
cafe  in  the  prefent  initance,  by  withholding  the  document  in 
queftion,  to  expect  that  that  other  would  confide  in  him  ?  Is 
not  the  very  circumftance  of  withholding  a  document,  whilft: 
the  party  poffeffing  it  labours  to  imprefs  you  with  a  belief  that 
fuch  are  its  contents,  calculated  to  create  at  kaft  a  fufpicion 
that  the  fact  is  otherwife  ;  and  that  the  foiicitude  {hewn  pro- 
ceeds  from  a  defire  to  deceive  ?  And  if  fuch  would  be  the  ef- 
fect of  fuch  conduct  on  the  part  of  a  man  indifferent  or  un- 
known to  you,  what  ought  to  be  expected  from  it  when  prac- 
tifed  by  one  in  whofe  political  morality  you  had  no  confidence,, 
and  of  whofe  obnoxious  political  principles  and  views  you 
were  already  forewarned,  by  a  long  acquaintance  with  them  ? 
Thcfe  confiderations  will,  1  prefume,  likewife  fufliciently  ex- 
plain why  I  would  make  no  reprefentation  to  the  French  go- 
vernment of  the  contents  of  that  treaty,  for  which  I  became 
perfonally  refponfible,  upon  the  mere  authority  of  Mr.  Jay,. 
or  otherwife  than  upon  a  copy  of  the  inftrument  itfelf. 

But  I  had  another  reafon  of  great  weight  in  my  mind  for  re- 
quiring a  copy  of  the  treaty  from  Mr.  Jay,  or  preventing  fur- 
ther communication  with  him  on  that  fubject,  in  cafe  he 
would  not  fend  one.  My  object,  as  already  fiated,  was  by  fair 
and  honeft  means,  to  remove  the  fufpicions  which  the  French 
government  entertained  upon  that  fubjecF;  and  with  a  vie\v 
to  promote  the  intereit  of  my  country.  If  then,  Mr.  Jay  en- 
abled me  to  accomplifhed  the  object,  by  a  copy  of  the  treaty, 
he  feconded  my  views.  But  if  he  did  not,  every  communica- 
tion from  him  fhort  of  that,  only  tended  to  weaken  the  ground 
upon  which  I  ftood  ;  whilft  it  perfonally  embarrafied  me.  It 
will  be  remembered,  that  by  my  instructions  I  ftood  upon 
ftrong  ground  ;  fince  by  their  authority  I  could  declare  what 
I  believed  the  treaty  was,  as  I  had  before  clone  what  I  believ- 
ed it  would  be.  But  this  I  could  not  do  in  the  cafe  of  a  dif- 
ference of  the  treaty  from  my  inftruclions,  unlefs  I  remained 

d 


[    xxii     ] 

nbfoliitcty  ignorant  of  its  contents  :  Nor  would  the  "French  go- 
vernment believe  me  in  cafe  I  did,  unlefs  the  declaration  was 
fupported  by  circumltances  the  moft  fatisfactory,  of  which 
would  be  a  belief,  that  there  was  no  confidential  underftand- 
ing  between  Mr.  Jay  and  myfelf ;  for  knowing,  as  was  to  be 
prefumed,  the  footing  upon  which  we  flood  before  we.  left 
America,  as  well  as  the  adminiflration  knew  it,  or  even  we 
ourfclves,  and  fufpecting  (as  the  committee  always  did)  the 
object  of  his  miflion  to  England,  which  fufpicion  was  now 
revived,  perhaps  much  increafed, — it  would  not  fail  to  conftrue 
fiich  intimacy  into  a  proof  of  my  npoflacy,  and  his  and  my 
iniflion,  on  the  part  of  the  adminiflration,  into  an  act  of  poJi- 
tical  intrigue,  directed  againft  the  caufe  of  liberty,  of  which 
France  was  to  be  alike  the  dupe  and  the  victim  ;  an  imputa- 
tion I  not  only  did  not  merit,  but  to  which  I  was  refolved  to 
give  no  countenance  or  fanction  whatever,  by  any  part  of  my 
conduct.  This  consideration,  therefore,  likewife  fortified  me 
in  the  refolution  I  had  already  taken,  to  requefl  a  copy  of  the 
treaty  as  the  only  document  that  could  be  ufeful  to  me,  and 
neither  to  accept  from  him  that  or  any  other,  otherwife  than 
unconditionally. 

Such  was  my  conducl:  upon  the  above  occafion,  and  fuch 
the  motives  of  it.  Such  was,  likewife,  Mr.  Jay's  conduct 
upon  that  occafion,  on  whofe  motives  I  fhall  forbear  to  com- 
ment. What  they  were  throughout,  it  is  fubmitted  to  others 
to  determine,  upon  a  view  of  the  facts  and  circumftances 
prefcntcd;  which  cannot  otherwife  than  furnifh  to  the  impar- 
tial a  fatisfactory  guide.  [  Henceforward,  therefore,  I  looked 
to  the  department  of  ft  ate,  for  all  further  information  refpect- 
ing  the  contents  of  that  treaty,  and  in  the  interim,  upon  the 
faith  of  my  inftructions  and  the  claufe  fent  me  by  Mr.  Jay, 
continued  to  iflure  the  committee,  that,  in  my  opinion,  it  con- 
tained nothing  which  ought  to  give  them  juft  caufe  of  unea- 
fmefs ;  but  if  it  did,  that  it  would  be  difapproved  in  Ameri- 
ca: '  Which  aflurance  was,  moft  certainly,  not  without  effect; 
fmce,  by  means  thereof,  the  committee  was  preferved,  if  not 
in  a  ftate  of  perfect  confidence,  yet  in  one  of  perfect  tranquil- ) 

Heretofore,  the  few  letters  I  had  received  from  the  Secreta- 
ry of  State  were  written  before  he  was  apprized  of  my  ar- 
rival in  France  ;  and,  of  courfe,  referred  to  a  ftate  of  things 
which  preceded  that  event  :  But  about  this  period,  being  the 
beginning  of  February  1795,  I  received  a  letter  from  him  of 

«  See  page  147, 


[     xxiii     ] 

the  2d  of  December  1 794,*  which  was  written  after  he  knew 
of  my  arrival,  and  upon  the  receipt  of  my  third  letter  (of  the 
I5th'of  September,  of  the  fame  year)  the  two  preceding  let- 
ters having  not  yet  reached  him.  In  this  he  notices  my  ad- 
drcfs  to  the  convention  ;  as  alfo  my  letter  to  the  committee 
of  public  lafcty  of  the  third  of  September  following  j  both  of 
which  acts  he  cenfures  in  the  molt  unreferved  and  harm  man-  - 
ncr.  In  the  firft  he  charges  me  with  having  exprefled  a  ibli- 
citude  for  the  welfare  of  the  French  Republic,  in  a  itije  too 
warm  and  afYcdionate  ;  much  more  fo  than  my  inilrudions 
warranted  j  which  too  he  deemed  the  more  reprehenfible, 
from  the  confideraticn,  that  it  was  prefented  to  the  conven- 
tion in  public  and  before  the  world,  and  not  to  a  ccmmittee  in  a 
private  chamber ;  fince  thereby,  he  adds,  we  were  likely  to 
t*ive  offence  to  other  countries,  particularly  England^  with 
\ukom  we  were  in  treaty  ;  and  fince,  alfo,  the  dictates  cffmcc- 
r'ity  do  not  require  that  we  foould  publtfb  to  the  world  all  our  /I\7- 
ings  in  favor  of  France.  For  the  future  he  inftrucls  me,  to 
cultivate  the  French  Republic  with  zeal,  but  without  any  un- 
nectilary  eclat,  and  by  my  letter  to  the  committee,  demanding 
an  indemnity  for  fpoliations,  and  a  repeal  of  the  decrees  fui- 
pending  me  execution  of  certain  articles  of  our  treaty  of  com- 
merce with  France,  he  objects  that  1  had  yielded  an  interefl 
it  was  my  duty  to  fecure.  To  fupport  this  charge,  he  feletU 
out  the  laft  claufe  in  that  letter,  and  without  entering  into  ths 
fpirit  of  the  paper,  or  its  probable  effect  upon  the  committee, 
veafons  upon  it  as  if  it  flood  alone,  and  contained  an  abfolute 
and  formal  furrender  of  the  right  in  queition  •,  for  which  acl 
of  indifcretion,  or  rather  mifcondu£t,  he  intimates  in  pretry 
itrong  terms,  that  the  adminiitration  think  a  mere  reprimand 
inadequate. 

To  this  letter  I  replied  immediately,  in  one  of  the  1 2th  of 
February,!  in  which  I  anfwered,  explicitly,  his  feveral  char- 
ges, and,  I  prefume,  proved  they  were  unfounded  in  every  in- 
ilance.J  Upon  this  occafion  I  thought  proper  in  reply  to  his 
firft  charge,  to  lay  open  more  fully  than  I  had  before  done, 
fome  truths,  at  which,  indeed,  I  had  before  only  glanced  > 
particularly  the  light  in  which  our  adminiitration  was  view- 
ed by  the  committee  upon  my  arrival  ;$  a  circumftance  which 

*   Seepage  115.  f  PagenS.  \  Ibid. 

UTo  convey  an  idea  of  the  rife  and  progreft  of  the  di Tear. tent 
diftruft  of  the  French  government,   it  would  be  ueceflary  to  gtx 
back  to  a  period  antecedent   to  my  miflion. — to  the  appointment  of. 
a  man  of  the  political  principles  and  character  ivhidi  were  . 


liad  fubjecle-d  me  to  fo  many  and  painful  embaraflinents  at  that 
period,  and  for  fome  confiderable  time  afterwards,  and  fo  much 
to  the  injury  of  our  affairs  ;  details  I  \vould  never  have  given, 
liad  I  not  thus  been  called  en  to  do  it  in  my  own  defence  : 
For,  in  truth,  as  I  thought  after  thofe  embarrailments  were  fur- 
mounted,  that  complete  harmony  was  perpetually  re-efta- 
bliihed  between  the  rwo  countries,  it  was  my  wifh  as  well 
from  public  confederations,  as  from  motives  of  perfonal  deli- 
cacy towards  the  parties  intereded,  to  bury  them  in  oblivion. 
in  reply  to  his  ftcond  charge,  I  anfwered  by  informing 
him,  thrit  fome  time  before  the  receipt  of  his  letter  I  had 
tranfmitted  him  a  copy  of  a  decree  which  carried  into  full 
execution  the  violated  articles  of  .our  treaty  of  commerce 
-with  France  *,  whereby  the  very  objec?t  was  obtained  (as  in 
my  judgment  it  had  been  much  forwarded  by  the  mode  in 
which  it  was  preyed)  the  abandonment  whereof  he  had  laid 
to  my  .charge. 

I  like  wife  thought  proper,  upon  this  occafion,  to  explain 
fully  the  light  in  which  I  had  underftood  my  million,  as  dat- 
ed in  my  mihuctions;  with  the  relation  it  bore  to  that  of  Mr. 
Jay  ;  all  doubts  reflecting  which,  in  the  French  government, 
I  was  inftrucled  to  remove,  by  making  explanations  the  moil 
explicit,  and  upon  thofe  points  upon  which  fuch  doubts  were 
mod  likely  to  arife.  In  diiculling  urns  fubjeci,  and  dating  how  I 
had  ac?ted,  I  plainly  told  our  adminidration  within  what  limits 
I  expedled  the  refult  of  that  million  would  be  found  j  inti- 
mating, that  I  had  a  character  not  to  be  facrificed.  To  this 
view  I  was  led  by  the  general  tone  of  the  Secretary's  letter ; 
•which  created  a  doubt,  whether  the  ground  upon  which  I  was 
-placed  by  the  adnnniitnuion  was  a  folid  one  j  for  I  could  not 

to  Mr.  Morris,  my  predeceffor  ;      to  his  conduct  during  the 

-early  ihge  of  the  French  revolution,  and  w  hi  I II  in  office;    which  by 

./cly  favoring  the  royal  party,   in  oppolition  to  the  republican 

courfe  of  things,  rendered  him  odious   to  the  French  government; 

t^  his  being  continued    in  place,  notwithstanding  all  this,   till  his 

recall  was  absolutely  demanded  by  the  French  government  ;      and 

to  the  difcovery  made  by  that  government,  that  ours  was  not 

Tied  with  his  cnndiv  o  its  demand,  and  not  to  a  ciif- 

appr'cbation  of  any  part  of  MY.  Morris's  conduct  was  his  recall  o\v- 

Jng  ;  which  difcovery  was  made  by  an  intercepted  letter  from  the 

Secretary  of  State,  to  Mr.  Morris,  expreisly  alluring  him.tliat  i'ueh 

-was  the  caie.     It  would  be  painful  to  go  into  details  on  this  fubject; 

hit  the  circurnftances    here  hinted  will  make  it  eafy  to  conceive 

t.ho  unfavorable  inferences  that  mufl  have  been  drawn  refpecting  the 

temper  and  views  cf  our  adminidration. 


t     xxv     ] 

•conceive,  if  Mr.  Jay's  million  was  limited  to  the  objects  fpe- 
cified  in  my  inftruCtions,  and  was  otherwife  of  the  .character 
I  was  taught  to  believe  it  was,  why  fuch  fenfibility,  or  rather 
fuch  difiatisfaction,  fhould  be  fhewn  on  account  of  my  pre- 
fenting  to  the  convention,  publicly,  thofe  documents  which 
tended  to  prove  how  ftrong  the  feelings  of  the  adminiftraiiou 
were  in  favor  of  the  French  nation.  To  exprefs  fentirnents  in 
private,  which  it  was  wifhed  {hould  not  become  public,  ap- 
peared to  me  a  ftrange  doctrine  to  be  avowed  by  the  acl- 
miniftratio.n  of  a  free  people  ;  efpecially  as  it  was  known  that 
the  fentiments,  thus  expreiled,  were  in  harmony  with  thofe  of 
the  people,  and  with  thofe  publicly  and  formally  expreiled  by 
the  reprefentatives  of  the  people.  Nor  could  I  reconcii. 
a  folicitude  for  privacy  to  any  idea  of  confident  or  rational  po- 
licy, in  regard  to  the  object  of  the  million  to  England: 
the  object  of  that  million  was  to  prefs  that  government  into  a 
compliance  with  ©ur  juft  demands,  as  I  underftood  it  to  be, 
I  could  not  conceive  how  that  preilure  could  be  weakened  by 
a  knowledge,  that  we  were  upon  a  good  footing  with  the 
French  Republic.  On  the  contrary,  I  did  fuppofe,  that  a 
knowledge  of  that  fact  would  produce  the  oppofite  effect,  by 
giving  us  a  more  advantageous  attitude  in  the  negociation. 
Thefe  confiderations,  therefore,  fuggefted  a  train  of  reflection 
which  gave  me  much  difquietude,  from  a  fear  that  the  admi- 
niftration  had  dealt  uncarrdidly  with  me  from  the  commence- 
ment. 

Scarcely,  however,  had  I  difpatched  this  letter,  when  I 
received  another  from  the  adminiftration  of  the  5th  Decem- 
ber 1794  (three  days  later  only  than  the  former  one)  bur  of  a 
very  different  import  from  the  former  one.  In  this  lail  letter, 
my  two  firft  of  the  i  ith  and  25th  of  Auguft  1794,  were  ac- 
knowledged and  approved,  and  a  kind  of  apology  made  for  the 
harm  language  ufed  in  the  preceding  one.  In  this  alfo  was 
renewed,  in  general  but  very  ftrong  terms,  the  injunction  for- 
merly laid  on  me,"tocultivatewiththe  utmoft  zeal  the  friendship 
of  the  French  Republic,  taking  care  to  remove  every  fufpicion 
of  our  prefering  a  connection  with  Great  Britain  or  weakening 
our  old  attachment  to  France."  To  this  letter  I  likewife  gave 
an  immediate  anfwer,  in  which  I  afTured  the  Secretary  that  it 
had  removed  the  difquietude  his  former  one  had  occasioned, 
and  that  thus  initrucl:ed  I  fhould  continue  to  ufe  my  utmoft 
efforts  to  forward  the  objects  of  my  million,  as  I  had  done 
before. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  before  the  accounts  of  Mr.  Jay's 
Treaty  arrived  I  bad  availed  myfelf  of  forae  incidents  that 


occurred,  to  explain  to  die  committee  the  actual  fituation  of 
the  United  States  in  regard  to  Britain  and  Spain  >  with  a  vicv, , 
among  other  objects,  to  obtain  the  aid  of  France  in  our  depend- 
ing negociations  with  each,  in  cafe  it  were  deemed  neceiiary 
by  our  Executive  ;  and  that  the  French  government  propofed 
inrtru&irtg  its  miniiter,  then  about  to  depart  for  America,  to 
make  feme  propcfition  to  our  admmiitration  upon  that  fubje£t. 
But  as  foori  as  thole- accounts  were  received,  that  project  was 
of  courie  abandoned;  for  it  was  entertained  only  at  a  time, 
\vh-jn  it  was  fuppofed  the  million  to  England  would  fail. 
JSiiii  however  I  wiihed  molt  eaineftly  to  embark  the  committee 
in  fupport  of  our  claims  upon  Spain,  iince  ibe\  formed  a  diftin<ft 
iiitereit,  as  yet  unprovided  for,  and  now  much  expofed  to  dan- 
ger by  the  appearance  of  an  approaching  peace  between  France 
:<nd  Spain  ;  for  I  thought  it  probable,  if  they  \\ere  not  then 
vd,  much  time  might  elapie  before  they  would  be.  Nor 
Uid  I  doubt,  it  would  be  eafy  to  accomplifh  the  object,  efpe- 
ciuHy  if  I  could  fatisfy  the  committee,  beyond  ail  controverfy, 
that  the  interclt  of  France  was  not  injured  by  our  Treaty  with 
England,  without  which  indeed  1  felt  a  reluctance  to  afk  that 
aid  ;  and  in  order  to  enable  me  to  do  which,  by  an  a£t  of con- 
iiujnce  and  candour  (in  cafe  I  found  it  neceflary)  and  not  to 
fatisfy  any  unwarrantable  demands  of  the  French  government, 
i.;r  none  fuch  were  made,  w.\s  a  itrong  motive  why  I  had 
icqucited  of  Mr.  Jay  a  copy  of  his  i:  Jaty  as  above  related. 

Upon  due  consideration  therefore  of  thefe  circumftances 
(although  Mr.  Purviance,  to  whom  I  intruded  my  letter  for 
Mr.  Jay  had  not  yet  returned)!  addrtfled  the  committee  upon 
that  fubjecl,  in  a  letter  of  the  2  5 th  of  January  1795,-}-  in  which 
I  explained,  more  fully  than  I  had  before  done,  the  nature  of 
uur  claims  upon  Spain  ;  and  likewife  endeavoured  to  prove 
that  independent  of  the  motive  of  rendering  an  ufeful  and 
acceptable  fervicc  to  the  United  States,  which  1  prefumed 
was  a  itrong  one,  fmce  it  would  always  draw  after  it  its  own 
reward,  from  a  jull  and  a  gencroiu;  people, — there  were  other 
oonBderations  of  intcreit,  growing  out  of  the  relation  which 
i  iun  y,  to  be  benefited  by  the  fecurity  of  thofs  rights,  had 
with  the  French  iilands,  which  in  themfelves  were  fulficient  to 
prompt  the  French  government  to  yield  us  that  aid.  To  this 
letter  I  received  an  anfwer  from  the  committee,  of  the  8th  of 
February  following,  addreifeci  in  very  polite  terms,  promifmg 
t'j  cxamitu.  with  profound  attention  the  obfervations  I  had 
fubmitttid  to  it,  and  to  give  me  the  refuk  \vithcut  ckhy4 

t  Papist- 


xxvi 


Thusthisaffaii  refted  till  fometime  in  the  beginningof  March 
following,  when  I  was  informed  by  Mr.  Pelet  of  the  diploma- 
tic fecUon  of  the  committee  of  public  fafety.f  and  afterw.r 
by  Mr.  Cainbacerrs,  likewife  of  that  fetVion,  that  in  reliance 
our  treaty  with  England  contained  nothing  injurious  to  France, 
they  hadexprefsly  inftrucled  their  agent,  then  negociating  wiri\ 
Spain,  to  life  his  utmoft  endeavours  to  fecure  for  the  United 
States  the  points  in  controverfy  with  that  power.   And  fhorrjy 
afterwards,  as  their  negociation  advanced,  I  was  afked,  as  well 
as  I  remember  by  thole  members,  as  likewife  by  Boiiiy  D'An- 
gla»>    whether  we  \\  ifhed  to  pofleis  the  Floridas,  fince  it  was 
intimated  it  would  be  eafy  for  France  to  obtain  them;  byr 
which  fhe  would  not  do  otherwife  than  with  a  view  to  cede 
them  to  the  United  States.     I  replied  I  had  no  power  to  an- 
fwer  fuch  an  interrogatory;  but  was  well  perfuaded  we  did  not 
wifh  an  extention  of  our  territory.     Well  latisfied  I  am,  that 
France  declined  taking  them  in  her  treaty  with  Spain,  which 
foon  followed,  from  a  fear  it  might  weaken  her  connection 
with  the  United  State?. 

It  merits  attention,  that  the  part  which  the  French  govern- 
ment now  took,  with  a  view  to  fccure  the  claims  of  the  United 
States  againil  Spain,  in  its  own  treaty  with  that  power,  was 
taken  merely  from  motives  of  friendihip  for  thofe  States, 
without  any  claim  to,  or  demand  of  retribution  of,  any  kind 
whatever.  It  equally  merits  attention,  that  it  was  taken  at  a 
time  when  the  contents  of  the  Englifh  treaty  were  unknown  to 
the  French  government,  and  not  untufpetted  by  many  to  be 
ef  a  nature  injurious  to  France.  Had  that  treaty  then  never 
patfe-d,  and  had  we  alfo  otherwife  preferved  the  ground  upon 
which  we  ftood  with  that  nation,  in  the  commencement  of  its 
revolution,  what  might  we  not  have  expected  from  its  friend- 
fnipl? 

About  the  middle  of  May  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr, 
ShortJ  at  Madrid,  written  by  the  defire  of  the  duke  of  Alcudia, 
chief  minifter  of  Spam,  to  requeft  that  I  would,  as  minifterof 
the  United  States,  endeavour  to  open  a  new  and  more  a£Uvc. 
negociation  between  that  power  and  France,  he  having  previ- 
ouily  aflured  Mr.  Short,  that  the  claims  of  the  United  States 
ihould  be  adjufted  to  their  fatisfacUon.  The  profpecr.  there- 
fore  of  fucceis  in  that  important  concern  was  now  as  fair  as  it 
could  be. 

Shortly  after  this  Mr.  Pinckney,  who  \vas  commiOicned  to 

T    r  -  ;  See  the  poftfcript  to  letter  No.-  1  2. 
|  See  Puge  t8u 


!_     xxvni     jf 

r;CjTOCKitc  and  acljuil  our  interfering  claims  with  Spain,  arrived 
in  Paris  0:1  his  way  to  Madrid.  I  informed  him  of  what  had 
bctvv-een  the  committee  of  public  fafety  and  myfelf 
that  fubjeft;  alluring  him  I  was  of  opinion,  if  he  would 
explain  the  object  of  his  million  to  the  committee  and  alk  its 
friendly  cooperation,  fatisfying  it  at  the  fame  time,  that  the 
interns  of  France  were  not  injured  by  our  treaty  with  En- 
gland, that  fuch  aid  would  be  granted.  Mr.  Pinckney  was- 
aware  of  the  benefit  which  would  be  derived  from  fuch  aid; 
but  yet  did  not  confider  himfelf  at  liberty  to  obtain  it,  by 
flie wing  a  copy  of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  which  I  intimated  might 
be  neceflary  completely  to  remove  the  doubts  that  were  enter- 
tained in  that  refpeSr.,  and  therefore  deemed  it  mod  fuitable 
to  fay  nothing  to  the  committee  upon  the  fubjecl:  of  his  million. 
I  obtained  for  him,  however,  an  interview  with  the  diplomatic 
members  of  the  committee,  by  whom  he  was  recei-ed  with 
refpeclful  attention;  after  which  he  proceeded  on  his  route  to 
Spain.  From  this  period  I  never  mentioned  to  the  committee 
the  fubjedl:  of  our  difpute  with  Spain  ;  becaufe  all  agency  in 
that  bufmefs  feemed  now  to  be  completely  withdrawn  from 
it,  and  becaufe  I  could  not  well  do  it,  under  exifting  circum- 
ftances,  without  violating  equally  the  rules  of  decorum  to  both 
.'.ments.  By  the  committee  indeed,  a  further  prefTureon 
my  part  for  its  aid,  would  moft  probably  have  been  deemed  an 
adt  of  extreme  impropriety  ;  and  by  our  adminiftration  it 
might  have  been  deemed  an  indelicate  and  ill-timed  interfe- 
rence with  its  meafures.  Had  the  committee,  however,  fecured 
for  us  thofe  objects  in  its  own  treaty,  without  regarding  our 
million  to  Spain,  it  would  have  exhibited  a  novel  fpe£tacle  to 
the  world  ;  that  of  one  government  purfuing  another  with 
good  oiEces,  apparently  againft  its  wimes;  nor  would  the  fur- 
prife,  which  that  fpectacle  mud  have  occafioned,  have  been 
diminimed  by  a  knowledge  of  the  interior  details  which  pro- 
duced it.  It  would  atleait  have  greatly  embarrafled  the  adminif- 
tration to  explain  the  caufe  of  fuch  a  phenomenon  to  its  cre- 
dit 5  notwithstanding  the  advantage  thereby  gained  to  the 
public. 

Such  was  the  Hate  of  things  when  Mr.  Pinckney  arrived, 
in  Spain  ;  who  very  wifely  and  very  fortunately  pufhed  his 
ncgociation  to  a  clofe,  whillt  that  ftate  lafted. 

Sometime  in  the  beginning  of  May  17951  I  received  a 
letter  of  the  8th  March,*  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  and 
Ihortly  afterwards  two  others  ;  one  of  the  I5th  February-}-  au<l 

*   Sc-  pagr.-  156.  |  Puge  164. 


[     xxix     3 

the  other  of  the  7th  of  April  *  following.  In  that  of  thfe  i5th 
February,  the  Secretary  informed  me  he  had  not  then  receiv- 
ed Mr.  jay's  treaty,  butobferves,  u  it  is  probable  our  commer- 
cial intercourfe  has  alfo  been  Tegulated  :  Say,  if  you  pieafe, 
that  a  treaty  has  been  concluded  for  commerce  alfo,  &c." 
He  adds,  u  that  in  the  principal  heads  of  the  negociation,  the 
furrender  of  the  pods,  the  vexations  and  fpoliations  of  our 
commerce,  and  the  payment  of  theTJritifh  debts7~France  can 
have  no  poflible  concern^"  that  by  our  treaty  with  her,  fhe 
enjoys  all  the  advantages  of  the  moft  favoured  nation,  Sec. 
and  by  that  of  the  8th  of  March,  he  acknowledged  the  receipt: 
of  the  Britifh  treaty  on  the  7th,  but  fays  it  will  remain  undi- 
vulged  by  the  Executive  till  the  8th  of  June,  when  the  Senate 
would  convene  to  deliberate  on  it.  In  this  he  notices  the  un- 
eafmefsof  the  French  Minifter  on  account  of  that  treaty,  up^ 
on  which  point  he  makes  fome  general  obfevvationsjieclara- 
tory  of  our  right  to  regulate,  by  treaty,  our  affairs  with  Eng- 
land,  in  regard  to  the  ports,  fpoliations  and  commerce,  as  we 
pleafed,  adding,  that "  fo  far  as  a  curlbry^peruikLpf  the  treaty- 
enabled  him  to  ipeak,  he  cliicovered  no  reafonable  ground  for 
diflatisfacYion  in  the  French  republic."  And  in  that  of  the 
7th  of  April,  the  fame  fentiments  in  general  were  exprefled, 
with  a  remark,  "  that  the  confining  of  the  contents  of  the 
treaty  to  the  Prefident  and  Secretary  of  State,  was  not 
from  any  thing  fmifterv  to  wards -France,  but  from  the  ufages 
in  fuch  cafes ;  not  from  an  unwillingnefs  that  the  executive 
conduct  fhould  be  canvafied,  but  from  a  certain  fitnefs  and 
expectation  arifmg  from  fuch  a  diplomatic  acl."  He  adds 
alfo,  "  that  the  invariable  policy  of  the  Prefident  is,  to  be  as 
independent  as  poffible  of  every  nation  upon  earth,  &c." 

By  thefe  letters  it  appeared  that  Mr.  Jay  had  concluded  a 
treaty  upon  other  principles  than  thofe  to  which  his  powers 
were  reftricted,  as  inferred  from  my  inftru&ions,  and  of 
courfe,  that  the  nature  and  object  of  his  miflion  to  England 
h^rj  frffn  rpifrpprpfpntpHT  throughjBe* ._to-4fe€^xen€rr"govern- 
ment.  VThis  circumftance  fubje&ed  me  to  a  degree  of  em- 
barrafTment  which  mavbe  eafily  conceived  ;  nor  was  it  leflen- 
ed  by  the  intimation  oTlhe  Secretary,  that  he  faw  ne  reafon» 
able  ground  for  ditfatisfa&ion  in  the  French  republic,  efpeci- 
ally  as  he  admitted  the  uneafinefs  of  itsJMiniiter,  and  likewife 
withheld  from  me  the  contents  of  the  treaty  j  a  referve  I  could, 
not  account  for  upon  any  confident  principle  on  the  part  of 
the  adminiftration  ;  nor  otherwife,  but  upon  its  belief  that  the 

*  See  Page  1 66. 


treaty  would  be  deemed  injurious  to  France  by  the  French 
government.  The  more,  therefore,  I  reflected  upon  this  fub-» 
ject,  the  more  uneafmefs  it  gave  me.  I  was  aware  of  the 
r^rpach  to  which  I  was  perfonally  expofsd,  let  the  commer- 
cial part  of  the  treaty  be  what  it  might.  But  this  was  not 
the  only  confideration  which  gave  me  pain  *,  I  was  alfo  fear- 
ful that  this  tranfaction  would  bring  on  a  crifis  in  our  affairs, 
which  might  be  productive,  in  many  refpects,  of  much  harm. 
Soon,  however,  Ijefolved  upon  the  line  of  conduct,  which, 
in  die  then  juncture  of  affairs,  it  became  me  to  purfuc. 
That  the  adrnjjiijtration  had  injured  me,  was  a  point  upcni 
whichjjiad  no  doubt ;  that  it  had  likewife  corrmjomifed  its 
own  credit,  and  with  it  that  of  the  United  States,  was  alfo  a 
truth  equally  obvious  to  my  mind.  But  the  regard  due  to 
thefc  con ii derations  was  the"  point  to  be  determined.  What 
did  the  honor  and  intereft  of  my  country  require  from  me  in 
the  actualjlate  of  affairs  ?  What  was  my  object  in  accepting 
the  miffion  to  the  French  republic,  and  how,  under  exifting 
circumftances,  could  that  object  be  bed  promoted  ?  Thefe 
were  confiderations  of  primary  importance  which  prefented 
themfelves,  and  claimed  a  more  early  and  difpaffionate  deci- 
fion.  Upon  mature  reflection,  therefore,  it  appeared  that  I 
had  but  one  alternative,  which  was  to  remain  where  I  was, 
and  proceed  in  the  functions  of  my  office,  notwithstanding 
the  embarraffments  to  which  I  rnight  be  perfonally  fubjected, 
or  to  retire,  andJinjreTiring,  tojip  it  tranquilly,  without  ex- 
plaining my  motives  for  it  •,  or  by  explaining  them,  denounce 
the  adminiitration  to_  the  public.  But  by  withdrawing  tran- 
quilly, I  mould  not  only  have  admitted  the  mifconduct  of  the 
administration,  which  1  did  not  then  wi(k  to  admit,  but  like- 
wife  my  own,  fmce  it  would  have  expofed  me  to  the  fufpicion 
of  having  accepted  the  truft  to  ferve  a  particular  purpofe,  and 
withdrawing  after  that  was  accomplimed.  Befides,  it  ieem- 
ed  probable  that  my  retreaT"at  that  moment,  in  either  mode, 
might  have  fomc  influence  in  inducing  the  French  govern- 
ment to  adopt  a  fyfhem  of  policy  towards  us,  which  it  was 
equally  myjiuty  and  my  wifh  to  prevent.  I  refolved,  there- 
fore, to  (land  firm  at  my  poft,  and  let  occurrences  be  what 
they  might,  to  continue  as  I  had  done  before,  to  ufe  my  ut- 
moil  endeavours  to  preferve  harmony  between  the  two  coun- 
tries ;  fmce  that  being  an  object  invariable  in  my  mind,  I  did 
not  fee  how  I  could  abandon  it  at  a  moment  when  it  was  me- 
naced by  a  new  danger,  from  whatever  caufe  or  quarter  pro- 
ceeding. To  this  refolution  too  I  was  the  more  inclined, 
from  the  confideration,  that  U  \vaj[  npw  probable,  in,  c^afe  the 


[    **«   ] 

treaty  with  England  was  in  other  refpects  of  a  diiTerent  import 
from  what  I  had  been  taught  to  expect  it  would  be,  and 
fhould  likewife  be  ratified  —  that  I  fhould  be  recalled  by  the 
adminiftration  j  which  compiilfory  mode  of  retreat  I  preferred 
to  a  voluntary  one,  upon  the  principle,  if  the  admimftration 
took  that  meafure  without  fhewing  a  fufficient  caufe  for  it, 
confident  too  with  its  previous  declaYaTioris7  that  it  would  not 
only  furnifh  to  the  world  a  new  datum,  whereby  the  better  to 
ellimate  its  general  policy  ;  but  likewife  leave  me  completely 
at  liberty  to  explain,  in  every  particular,  the  motives  of  my 
owjx~£0riduct. 

Having  then  refolved  to  (land  at  my  pod,  or  rather  not 
defert  it  by  a  voluntary  retreat,  the  path  before  me,  though 
likely  to  be  difficult,  was  neverthelefs  a  direct  one.  On  the 
one  hand  it  was  my  duty,  let  the  treaty  be  what  it  might,  to 
endeavour  by  all  fuirable  means  to  reconcile  the  French  go- 
vernment to  it.  And  on  the  other,  to  flate  faithfully  to  our 
own  fuch  facts  and  circumftances  as  occurred,  tending  to  mew 
the  impreflion  which  the  treaty  made  on  the  French  govern- 
ment ;  fc  that  the  adminiftration,  being  correctly  advifed, 
t  act  accordingly.  Upon  this  principle,  therefore,  I 
replied  to  the  Secretary,  in  anfwer  to  his  letters  above  men- 
tioned, that  I  regretted  the  decifion  of  the  adminiftration  to 
keepjhf:  treaty  lecret  for^ha^exoxiDecified  i  fince,  jisJLhad 
explained  to  the  French  government  the  object  of  Mr.  Jay's 
million  whilit  its  iiTue  was  uncertain,  it  was  thought  ftrange 
the  refult  mould  be  now  withheld  \  a  circumitance  too,  I 
added,  which,  by  keeping  alive  the  fufpicions  that  were  at 
firft  imbibed  of  its  contents,  would  not  fail  to  prove  hurtful 
to  our  affairs  in  the  jntejim.  I  allured  him,  however,  that  I 
fhould  continue  to  endeavour  to  infpire  the  French  govern- 
ment with  a  confidence,  either  that  the  treaty  contained  no- 
thing improper,  or  would  n6TB~e  ratified  in  cafe  it  did.*  j) 

About  the  laft  of  June  or  beginning  of  July  1795,  Colonel 
Humphreys,  then  refident  minifter  of  the  United  States  at 
Lifbon,  arrived  at  Paris  with  a  view  to  obtain  of  the  French 
government  its  aid,  in  fupport  of  our  negotiations  with  the 
Barbary  powers.  He  brought  no  letter  from  the  adminiftra- 
tion to  the  French  government,  to  authorize  his  treating  with 
it  in  perfon,  and  of  courfe  it  became  my  duty  to  apply  in  his  be- 
half for  the  aid  that  was  defired.  Accordingly  I  addrefled  a 
letterf  to  the  committee  of  public  fafety  on  the  5th  of  July 
1  795  opening  the  fubject  to  its  view  generally,  and  requeft- 
;ng  its  aid  in  fuch  mode  as  Jhould  be  agreed  between  us.  I 

*59-  t  Page  19?, 


[     xxxii     ] 

own  I  made  this  application  with  reluctance,  becauie  under 
exiiling  circumftances  I  did  not  think  it  could  be  made  with- 
out compromitting  in  fome  degree  the  credit  of  the  United 
States  ;  for  between  governments  as  between  individuals  I 
de^m  it  undignified,  however  friendly  their  antecedent  rela- 
tion may  have  been,  to  folicit  good  offices,  at  a  time  when  the 
friendmip  of  the  foliating  party  is  doubted,  as  was  the  cafe 
in  the  prefent  inilance.  B  ut  I  own  alfo  that  my  reluctance  was 
diminiihcd  by  the  knowledge  that  the  adminillratien  poffefTpd 
the  treaty  with  England,  whilfl  Colonel  Humphreys  was  in 

ica,  and  the  prefumption  thence  arifing,  that  this  ob- 
>jeclion  was  weighed  and  overruled  before  his  departure.  Hav- 
ing however  made  the  application  I  was  refolved  to  purfue 
the  objecl  of  it  with  the  utmoft  poUible  zeal.  In  confe- 
quence  I  fought  and  had  many  conferences  with  the  members 
of  the  diplomatic  fection  of  the  committee  of  public  fafety, 
and  the  commiffary  of  foreign  affairs  upon  the  fubje6t,  in 
which  I  was  afTurcd  the  aid  defired  mould  be  given  in  the 
moil  efficacious  manner  that  it  could  be.  After  fome  delays 
too,  attributable  atone  time  to  us,  on  account  of  the  fituation 
of  our  funds,  and  at  another,  to  the  committee  then  much 
occupied  with  their  own  affairs,  arrangements  were  taken  for 
purfuing  thofe  negociations  under  the  care  of  Joel  Barlow, 
and  with  the  full  aidofFran.ee.  At  the  moment  however 
when  Mr.  Barlow  was  upon  the  point  of  embarking  with  our 
prcfents,  &c.  intelligence  was  received  that  a  Mr.  Donaldfon, 
whom  Col  Humphreys  had  left  at  Alicante  with  a  conditional 
power,  but  in  the  expectation  that  he  would  not  proceed  in  the 
bufinefs  till  he  heard  further  from  him,  had  paffed  over  to 
Algiers  and  concluded  a  treaty  with  that  regency,  and  of 

2  without  the  aid  of  France  ;  and  thus  ended  our  appli- 
ed on  to  the  French  government  for  its  aid  in  fupport  of  our 
negociations  with  thofe  powers,  and  nearly  in  the  fame  man- 
ner as  that  did,  which  I  made  for  its  aid  in  fupport  of  our 
negociation    with   Spain.       But  as    Mr.  Barlow  was   like 
impowered  by  Colonel  Humphreys  to  treat  with  Tunis 
and  Tripoli,  and  the  real  ftate  of  the   bufinefs  with  Algiers 
was  unknown  5  it  was  ftill  thought  advifable  that  he  fhould 
thither,  in  the  hope  by  concentring  in  his  hands  bur 

fivel  uCTf rnS  WltH  thol"e  re£endes>  that  not  only  any  error 

been  committed,  if  fuchwere  the  cafe,  might  be 

correded,  but.  that  by  his  obfervations  upon  the  chafer  and 

umftances  of  thole  powers,  fuch  light  might  alfo  be  ob- 

amed as  would  prove  ufcful  in  the  guidance  of  our  affairs 

ith  them  for  the  future.     Accordingly  Mr.  Barlow  depart- 

1  foon  after  this  w  the  difcharge  of  the  duties  of  the  truft 


repofed  in  him,  and  to  whofe  very  important^  and  extraordi- 
nary fervices  to  his  country,  in  the  courfe  o"f  his  million,  I 
with  pleafure  add  here  my  teilimony  to  that  of  all  thole  who 
are  acquainted  with  his  conduct  in  it. 

(LFrom  this  period  JE  had  but  one  object  to  attend  to,  the 
prefervation  of  our  actual  footing  with  France,  which  was,  as 
already  fhswn,  as  favorable  as  we  could  wiih  it  to  be.  Nor  . 
was  there  any  caufe  to  apprehend  a  change. for  the  worfe,  un- 
lefs  it  was  produced  by  the  Engliih  treaty.  But  the  contents 
of  that  treaty  were  unknown  and  of  courfe  there  could  be  no 
fair  ground  for  a  change  of  policy  towards  us  on  the  part  cr 
France.  And  upon  the  fubject  of  it,  but  little  was  now  iUiJ, 
either  by  the  committee  or  myfelf,  in  our  occafional  inter- 
views. By  the  committee  indeed  it  was  never  mentioned  even 
informally,  except  when  forne  occurrence  brought  to  view 
the  fubiiiting  relations  between  the  United  States  and  France, 
fuch  for  example  as  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Trumbuil,  Mr. 
Jay's  fecretary,  of  Mr.  Pinckney  on  his  route  to  Spain,  and  of 
Colonel  Humphreys,  as  above  fiated  ;  or  upon  Corns  preffure 
for  the  fettlement  of  the  claims  of  individuals  ,  upon  which 
occafions  it  was  eafy  to  perceive,  it  was  a  fubject  not  loft 
fight  of.  And  by  me  it  was  never  introduced,  for  as  I 
had  no  new  communication  to  make  to  the  committee  upen 
it,  whereby  to  remove  the  fufpicions  that  were  entertained  of 
its  contents,  and  any  -dlufion  to  it  in  that  itate  could  of  courCe 
only  ferve  to  revive  unpleafant  fenfations  to  our  difcd  van- 
tage, I  thought  it  moil  eligible  to  keep  it  out  of  view.  I  con- 
tinued however  to  look  with  anxious  expectation  to  the  ad- 
miniftration,  in  the  hope  of  receiving  from  it  foon  fuch  in- 
formation, refpecting  that  treaty,  and  of  the  future  views  of 
our  government  towards  France,  as  might  at  leaft  preferve 
the  fubfifting  harmony  between  the  two  nations. 

Early  in  June  1 795  accounts  were  received  in  Paris  that  the 
Britilh  government  had  revived  its  order  for  the  feizure  of 
provifion  vefTels  deftined  for  France.  At  that  period  Paris, 
and  many  other  parts  of  France,  were  m  the  greatefl  diftrefs 
for  provisions,  in  confequence  whereof  the  attention  of  the  go- 
vernment was  directed  with  great  folicitude  to  thofe  quarters 
whence  fupplies  were  expected,  particularly  to  the  United 
States  of  America,  where  great  fums  had  been  expended  in  the 
purchaCe  of  them.  Unfortunately  however  but  few  of  thofe 
veflels  reached  their  deftination,  for  in  general  they  were  tak- 
en into  port  by  the  Britifh  cruifers.  It  was  foon  obvious  that 
this  aggreffion  of  Great  Britain  upon  the  rights  of  neutral  na- 
tions, being  made  with  the  intent  to  increafe  the  diftrefs  of 
famine  which  was  then  raging  at  Paris,  and  thereby  promote 


[     xxxiv     ] 

the  diforders  which  were  in  part   attributable  to    that  cauie, 
excited  a  ferment  in  the  French  councils  which  was  not  point- 
ed againft  Great  Britain  alone.       The  neutral   powers  were 
iikewife   animadverted  upon,  particularly  the  United  States^ 
:   t  vj  attention  of  the  committee  was,  as  I  had  reafon 
t3  believe,  in  a  more  eipecial  manner  drawn,  by  the  report  of 
ret  agents  from  England,  who  fbted  that  he  was 

iied  therethrough  a  channel  to  be  relied  on,  that  the  i 

'.ration  had  intimated   the  meafure  v/ouid  not  bs 

ifive  to  our  government,  fmcc  it  was  a  cafe  provided  for 
l-ttwe~n  the  two  governments.  I  was  however  happy  to 
iind  that  this  report,  which  I  treated  with  contempt,  was  at 
the  time  not  much  attended  toby  the  committee  ;  for  it  was 
t!e:.Mied  impoillble,  that  our  government  fhoukl  give  a  fane- 
lion  to  tiie  fyftem  of  kings  for  ftarving  France.  Neverthelefs 

r  the  treaty  appeared,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  communi- 
i  :.:  the  purport  of  that  report  to  the  ridnimiflration,  vvirh 
comments  that  were  made  on  that  part  of  the  treaty, 
vhich  was  fuppofed  to  authorize  the  Britiih  feizures  ;  in  the 
hope  that  fuch  a  conduct  would  be  obferved  in  regard  to  that 
proceeding  of  the  Englifh  government,  as  would  exempt  us 
from  the  imputation  of  countenancing  it.* 

About  the  middle  of  Augiifl  17955  American  gazettes  wtrc 
received  at  Paris  containing  copies  of  the  Englifh  treaty, 

jreby  its  contents  were  made  known  to  the  committee  of 
public  fafety  without  my  aid.  From  this  period  therefore 
all  myftery  upon  that  fubjecl:  was  at  an  end.  The  pcfieflion 
ef  the  treaty  enabled  the  French  government  to  judge  for 

If  upon  all  the  points  which  it1  involved.  Nor  was  the 
effect  which  it  produced  an  equivocal  one  ;  for  there  did  not 
appear  to  me  to  be  a  defcription  of  pevfons,  not  in  the  inter- 
e;t  of  the  coalefced  powers  who  did  not  openly  and  feverely 
cenfure  it.  True  it  is,  it  made  its  appearance  at  a  time  when 
it  was  likely  to  produce  the  word  effect,  being  when  Paris 
and  many  other  parts  of  France  were,  as  above  mentioned, 
iu  the  utmort  diitrefs  for  provifions,  and  when  the  Britifh 
were  like  wife  feizing  our  provifion  veflcls  deilincd  for.  their 

'ief. 

It  will  readily  occur,  from  a  variety  of  confiderations, 
that  my  fituation  was  now  truly  an  embarraifing  one.  1  had, 
however,  long  before  this  fettled  in  my  mind  the  part  it  be- 
c  ime  me  to  ad  during  this  crifis  of  our  aflairs  5  which  was  to 
do  every  thing  in  my  power,  confident  with  propriety,  to  re- 

*  Page  zo;. 


toncile  the  French  government  to  that  treaty.  I  had  • 
Iptenrw  no  new  deciilon  to  make,  but  limply  to  puifiu 
which  I  had  already  made.  But  as  yet  it  was  not  known 
that  the  treaty  was  ratified,  nor  certain  that  it  would  be,  for 
the  fpontaneous  and  almoit  univerfal  difapprobation  that  was 
bellowed  upon  it  throughout  the  United  States,  as  ibonas  it 
was  feen,  was  fufficient  at  leail  to  infpire  a  doubt  on  that 
point :  Nor  had  I  any  letter  from  the  department  of  ft  ate  of  a 
lateda:e,  to  intimate  the  courfe  our  ad  mih  HI  ration  was  likely 
to  take.  At  this  period,  therefore,  comprehending  the  months 
of  Auguft  and  September,  1795*  I  did  not  know  how  to 
act.  ;*  for  admitting  that  neither  my  previous  well  known  pc- 
Htical  principles,  nor  the  communications  I  had  made  to  the 
French  government,  which  were  in  oppofition  to  the  refult 
now  before  it,  impofed  upon  me  any  reflraint,  tho'  doubtlefs 
in  ill-Id  propriety  they  ought  fo  to  have  done,  yet  until  our 
government  took  a  part,  it  was  impoflible  for  me  to  take  one. 
Had  I  for  example,  turned  out  in  that  llage  as  a  partizan  of 
the  trer.tv,  a-i-l  provoked  a  difcuiTion  of  its  merits  with  the 
French  government}  and  a  month  afterwards  received  advice 
from  the  adrniniftration  that  it  was  rejected,  I  mould  not  on- 
ly have  expofed  myfelf  to  comempt,  but  like  wife  have  deprived 
the  United  States  of  the  merit  which  the  rejection  would 
have  entitled  them  to  with  the  French  nation.  Befides,  what 
advantage  was  to  be  gained  by  fuch  a  courfe  of  proceeding  in 
any  ftage  ?  Was  it  not  always  in  time  to  difcufs  the  merits  of 
that  treaty,  when  the  French  government  refolved  to  do  it  ? 
and  was  it  not  my  duty,  feeking  to  preferve  harmony  between 
the  two  countries,  to  labour  rather  to  prevent  a  difcuffion 
throughout,  than  to  promote  one  ?  A  certain  portion  of  re- 
ferve,  therefore,  on  my  part,  was  now  particularly  neceflary ; 
and  fuch  was  the  conduct  which  I  obierved.  At  the  fame 
time  I  afrirm,  that  it  was  my  invariable  practice  to  avail  myfelf 
of  every  opportunity  that  occurred,  to  inculcate  by  all  the 
means  in  my  power,  as  well  by  obviating  fuch  objections  as 
were  made  to  the  treaty,  in  the  bell  way  I  could,  as  by  urging 
confederations  of  a  more  general  nature,  the  propriety  andpc- 
licyof  preferving  the  fubfifling  harmonybetween  the  two  coun- 
tries, and  with  what  effect  will  be  feen  by  the  documents 
which  follow. 

At  this  period  I  witnefied  a  very  extraordinary  political  phe- 
nomenon. The  appearance  of  the  treaty  excited  the  general  dif- 
guft  of  France  againft  the  American  government,  which  \\\:» 

*  S^c  Pag?  206, 


[     xxxvi     ] 

now  nirninifhed  by  the  oppofition  which  the  American  people 
made  to  the  treaty  :  for  as  ibon  as  France  faw  that  the  Ameri- 
cans took  up  the  caufe  as  their  own,  and  were  indignant  at  a 
meafure  which  they  thought  arranged  them  on  the  fide  of  Bri- 
tain and  of  kings,  againlt  France  and  public  liberty;  from 
thit  moment  did  a  friendly  fentiment  dilcover  itfelf  in  her 
councils  and  throughout  the  community  towards  us,  which 
by  moderating  the  temper  of  the  French  government  pro- 
moted of  courfc  the  views  of  the  adminiftration.  The  con- 
trary effect  was  charged  upon  that  difplay  of  the  public  fen- 
timent in  America  ;  but  the  charge  was  dictated,  more  in  the 
fpirit  of  party  than  of  true  philofophy;  for  it  was  not  warrant- 
ed at  the  time  by  the  principles  of  the  human  heart  nor  did 
it  correfpond  with  the  fact. 

But  near  the  middle  of  September  had  now  arrived  and  I 
had  heard  nothing  from  the  adminiftration  of  its  decifion  on 
the  Britifh  treaty,  or  its  views  in  that  refpecl:,  and  in  the  in- 
terim had  the  mortification  to  fee  that  we  daily  loft  ground 
which  it  would  not  be  eafy  to  recover.  In  ihort  it  was  ob- 
vious not  only  that  the  French  government  no  longer  confided 
in  the  amicable  profeffions  of  our  own,  but  that  this  treaty  had 
otherwife  produced  an  effecT:  fo  unfavorable  in  the  public 
councils  towards  us,  as  to  give  caufe  to  apprehend  in  cafe  it 
were  ratified  confequences  of  a  very  ferious  nature. 

By  my  original  inftrudion  it  appeared  that  in  cafe  our 
negociation  with  England  failed  and  meafures  of  fome  tone 
were  in  confequence  taken  towards  her,  that  much  reliance 
would  be  put  on  France.  It  was  in  fact  the  plain  import  of 
thofe  inftructions  ;  that  if  war  was  reforted  to,  which  in  that 
cafe  feemed  to  be  contemplated  by  the  adminiftration,  that 
we  mould  be  arranged  again  on  the  fame  fide  with  France, 
our  firjl  and  natural  ally  (to  ufe  the  words  of  the  adminiftra- 
tion) fince  I  was  exprefsly  inftructed  to  let  thatbe  feen  by  the 
French  government.  And  by  fubfequent  letters,  particularly 
ilv/t  of  the  25th  of  September  i794>  this  idea  was  reitera- 
ted and  inforced.  It  was  upon  this  principle  that  I  touched x 
upon  that  topic,  in  my  communications  with  the  committee 
of  public  fafety  at  a  certain  period,  the  refult  whereof  was 
always  m^e  known  to  the  adminiftration  immediately  after- 
wards. Nor  can  it  be  doubted,  in  cafe  that  negociation  had 
failed,  or  the  treaty  been  rejected,  that  fuch  would  have  been 
the  policy  of  our  adminiftration.  Having  then  at  that  period 
intimated  the  reliance,  which  in  that  cafe  might  be  placed 
on  France,  it  became  my  duty,  now  that  it  appeared  proba- 
ble the  treaty  would  be  rejected,  and  myfelf  in  confequence 


[     xxxvii     ] 

called  on  to  verify  the  intimations  I  had  given  of  the  difpofitior* 
of  France  to  fupport  our  claim*  again  it  that  power,  to  (late 
the  arrangements  it  would  be  neceffary  for  us  to  adopt  to  fe- 
cure  that  fupport.  Accordingly  I  informed  the  admin iitration, 
explicitly,  that  if  the  treaty  was  rejected,  and  it  was  wiihed 
to  command  with  effect  the  fortunes  of  France  in  any  further 
negociation  with  England  we,  remaining  at  peace  and  relying  on 
France  for  the  fupport  of  thofe  claims  agairtfl  that  power  •uqithout 
nn-j  effort  of  our  own,  that  under  exifttng  circumjlances  it  would 
not  only  be  neceffary  for  the  adrmniltration  to  avail  itfelf  of 
fome  well  known  pronounced  character  in  regard  to  the  great 
queition  which  now  agitates  the  world,  to  whofe  care  the  ne- 
gociation fhould  be  committed,  but  that  in  other  refpedts  ex- 
traordinary circumfpection  mould  be  ufed  in  the  profecutiou 
of  the  negociation  itfelf : — -For  otherwife  it  would  not  com- 
mand the  confidence  of  France,  nor  could  her  fupport  without 
it  be  counted  on  as  fure  or  effectual.*  If  this  was  done  I  re- 
peated to  the  administration  my  ailurance  that  I  was  fatisiied 
the  full  aid  of  France  might  be  obtained  to  fupport  our  claims 
upon  that  power,  and  upon  terms  fair  and  honorable  to  us  : 
Nor  have  I  a  doubt  that  iuch  fupport  wifely  managed  in  ne- 
gociation would  have  been  effectual* 

About  the  lalt  of  September,  or  fiHt  of  October  1795,  I 
received  feveral  letters  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  which, 
thofe  of  June  iftf  July  2dJ,  i4th[|  and  -2iitf[  alone  merit  at- 
tention :  All  of  which  came  to  hand  at  or  about  the  fame 
time,  and  generally  by  the  route  of  England*,  the  veffels  by  which 
they  were  lent  being  taken  into  port  there,  under  the  order 
of  the  Britifn  government  which  hTued  in  the  fpringfor  feiz- 
ing  all  veffels  laden  with  provifions  deftined  for  France. 

The  letter  of  June  ift  contained  a  justification  ol  the  con- 
duct of  the  adminiftration  in  forming  a  commercial  treaty* 
with  Great  Britain  at  ihat  period  ,  and  Hkewife  a  vindica- 
tion of  the  administration  againft  the  charge  of  a  want  of 
candor  (which  Teemed  to  be  apprehended)  in  the  explanations 
that  were  given  by  it  of  the  motives  of  that  miffion-,  in  which, 
the  idea  of  a  commercial  power  was1  always  withheld.  The 
Letter  of  Juty  2d  contained  advice,  that  the  treaty  was  not- 
ratified,  and  that  the  prefident  was  undecided  upon  the 
point  of  ratification  ;  which  uncertainty  too  as  to  the  ratifica- 
tion was  encreafed  by  thofe  of  the  i4th  and  21  ft.  A  copy 
•f  the  treaty  accompanied  the  letter  of  July  2d,  and  a  copy 

*  See  page  209. 

t  Pages  229.     \  256.     H  257.     5  257. 


[     xxxviii     ] 

of  the  correfpondenee  v/ith  Mr.  Adet,  upon  the  fubjecT:  of 
the  treaty,  that  of  July  I4th. 

It  was  inferred  from  thefe  letters,  that,  when  that  of  June 
jft  was  written,  the  executive  had  refolved  to  ratify  the 
treaty  in  cafe  the  fenate  approved  it,  and  that  the  hefitation 
\vhich.  afterwards  took  place  proceeded  more  from  the  (hock 
xvhich  the  general  difapprobation  of  the  treaty  by  the  people 
gave  the  adminiftration,  tharTfrom  any  difiriclination  on  its 
v.vvn  part  co  the  ratification.  It  was  likewife  inferred  that 
that  letter  was  written  with  a  view  to  lay  the  foundation  for 
luch  an  event,  in  the  expectation  the  ratification  would  proba- 
bly embroil  us  with  France.  In  one  particular  the  contents 
of  this  letter  aiTccled  me  perfonally,  by  affirming  that  my  in- 
ilrucYions  hadnot  warranted  the  confl ruction  I  had  given  them, 
in  explaining  as  I  had  done  the  motives  cf  Mr.  Jay's  million 
to  London.  In  this  was  opened  a  (ubje£r,  for  difcuiTion  be- 
tween the  executive  and  myfelf  of  a  very  delicate  nature. 
It  was  however  ft  ill  my  hope  that  our  affairs  with  the  French 
republic  would  be  fo  managed,  as  to  prevent  any  controver- 
fy  whatever,  or  even  difcuilion  of  an  unfriendly  kind  be- 
tween rhe  two  governments,  and,  in  any  event,  my  firm  rdb- 
lution  to  engage  in  none  of  a  perfonal  nature,  with  either  of 
them,  if  to  be  avoided.  Upon  this  principle  I  anfwered  the 
above  letters  of  the  Secretary,  (imply  by  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  their  receipt  •,  repeating  to  him  at  the  fame  time  my 
a durance  that  I  had  done  and  mould  continue  to  do  every 
thing  in  my  power,  not  only  by  a  proper  ufe  of  the  documents 
and  lights  derived  from  him,  but  of  fuch  others  as  my  own 
imperfect  experience  and  erring  judgment  had  fupplied,  to 
prderve  harmony  between  the  two  countries.* 

It  happened  that  a  few  days  after  the  receipt  of  the  cor- 
refpondehce  between  the  fecretary  of  State  and  Mr.  Adet, 
which  accompanied  the  lettter  of  the  I4th  of  July  above  no- 
ticed, I  had  occafion  to  ufe  and  accordingly  did  ufe  it.  I 
had  called  upon  Mr.  Jean  Debry,  the  member  of  the  commit- 
tee of  public  fafcty  who  was  charged  with  American  affairs, 
to  procure  the  paiFports,  difpatches,  &c.  which  werepromifed 
by  the  French  government  for  Mr.  Barlow,  who  was  upon  the 
pointof  departing  for  Algiers  to  purfue  the  negociation  of 
our  treaties  with  the  Barbary  powers.  Scarcely  however  was 
this  topic  clofed,  when  my  attention  was  drawn  by  this  mem- 
ber to  another,  tint  of  our  treaty  with  England,  v/hich  he 
Lid  was  confidered  by  the  committee  as  injurious  to  France. 

*   Page  2 


He  added  that  he  was  then  preparing  a  letter  in  behalf  of  the 
committee,  and  by  its  order,  to  rne  upon  that  fubj-  cl.  V»re 
difcuflfed  this  point  fomc  time,  till  at  length  I  afked  him  if  the 
committee  had  received  the  correfpondence  of  our  Secretary 
of  Srate  and  Mr.  Adet's  upon  it,  to  which  he  replied  in  the 
:  — I  then  aiked  permifiion  to  put  into  his  hands  a  copy 
of  "that  correfpondence-,  requefting  further  that  the  letter  fpok- 
en  of  might  be  deferred  until  the  committee  hail  examined 
and  weighed  it,  to  which  he  readily  aflerited:  A  copy  of  the  cor- 
refponde.ice  was  in  cpnfequence  lent  him  on  the  next  day,  or 
very  foon  afterwards.*  It  was  upon  this  ground  that  I  ia- 

*  See  Mr.  Purviance's  note — 

About  the  end  of  September,  or  perhaps  the  beginning  of  Oc\c- 
ber  lift,  1795  -7  lonroe  at  a  conference  he  had 

with  there-pr  tentative,  Jc*n    Debry,    then  a  member  of  the   com- 
.--{  r»alat  Public,  and  charged  with  the  department  of  Ameri- 
can .  ..Thirs. 

This  conference  v/as  forthe  pnrpofe •  of  en^cinp:  the  good  cftlces  of 
the  rrench  government  in  atdofoufoegocratrens  then  pending  with 
Algiers,  &f.  .'une  I uojc-ct  had  fome time  before 

Been  made  to  the  .-.  •>  and  alYurances  returned,  that  meafares 

would  be  taken  to  promote  oer  withes. 

crfation  digrefliog  fron>  the  above  topic  to  others,  turn- 
•-'lat  oi"  tiie  treaty  concladcxl  between  the  United  States  and 
':         ind,  a  copy  of  which,  with  the  news  of  its  ratification  by  the 
:  accompanied  b)  certain  comments  or  flriftures  fchereon  by  a 
French  citizen,  Jean  Debry    faidhad  been  jud  received  by  the  com- 
mittee, and  if  Irecclledl  right  h?  immediately  after  hinted  atthedif- 
fatiifaclion   excited  by    this   trea'.y   in  the    mind  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

Being  aiked  by  Mr.  Monroe  if  they  had  received  the  correfpon- 
dence which  had  paffed  between  their  minifter,  ^lr.  Adet,  and  our 
government  on  the  fubjccl,  he  replied  they  had  not; — whereup- 
on he  waspromifed  by  Mr.  Monroe  a  copy  of  that  correfpomience, 
and  it  was  accordingly  delivered  to  him  the  next  day,  or  in  a  very 
few  days  after. 

Upon  his  intimating  to  Mr.  Monroe  the  intention  of  the  com- 
mittee to  addrefs  him  a  letter  upon  the  fubj  eel  of  the  treaty,  it 
was  requeued  this  letter  might  be  deferred  until  the  correfpon- 
dence juft  fpuken  of  had  been  examined  and  weighed  bv  the  com- 
mittee.— In  this  proportion  heacqmefced,andprefumed  they  v.-culcl 
likf-vife — The  topic  being  purfued,  Mr.  Monroe  took  occafion  to 
reprefent  the  great  importance  of  cool  and  difpaffionate  meafures 
on  the  part  of  the  French  government  in  their  relation  v,*ith  the 
United  States,  alluring  J.  Debry,  that  the  purfuit  offuch  n:: 
could  not  fail  to  produce  the  happieft  effecls,  while  from  a  differ- 
ent policy  might  flow  conferences  highly  gratifying  to  the  enemies 
of  both  republics. 


tlmated  in  my  letter  of  the  2oth  of  O&ober  my  opinion,  that 
if  the  treaty  was  ratified,  1  Ihould  hear  from  the  French  go- 
vernment upon  the  fubjccl  of  it  :  Of  the  fymptoms  cf  dif- 
content  which  I  witnefled,  I  had  before  given  frequent  in- 


timations. 


On  the  27th  of  October,  1795,  the  convention  clofed  its 
career,  by  transferring  its  powers  to  the  prefent  government  of 
Prance,  founded  in  a  conftitution  which  had  been  regularly 
fubmitted  to  the  people,  and  adopted  by  them.  To  this  new 
government  was  Hkewife  transferred  the  fubfifting  relations 
between  France  and  other  powers,  comprehending,  of  courfe, 
thufe  with  the  United  States  of  America, 

Juft  before  this  change  of  government  in  France,  Mr.  Fau- 
diet  arrived  from  the  United  States  with  an  account,  that 
the  treaty  was  ratified  ;  of  whofe  arrival,  difiatisfa£tion  with  t 
the  treaty,  and  apparent  favorable  reception  by  the  commit- 
tee of  public  fafety  I  informed  our  adminiilration  in  my 
letter  of  the  cti*  of  November,  which  immediately  fol- 
lowed.* 

In  the  beginning  of  December,  1795,  *  rece^ecl two  letters 
from  Mr.  Pickering,  who  had  been  called  by  the  prefident 
provifionally  to  the  department  of  State,  upon  the  resignation 
of  Mr.  Randolph  ;  the  firft  of  which  bore  date  on  the  I2th,f 
;and  the  fecond  on  the  I4th  of  September  of  the  fame  year.  By 
that  of  the  I2th  I  was  informed  officially,  and  for  the  firft 
time,  that  the  treaty  was  ratified,  although  near  a  month  had 
clapfed  fince  the  ratification.  And  by  that  of  the  I4th 
I  was  advifed  of  an  attempt  made  by  the  Captain  of  a  £ritilh 

Some  particular  expreflion  ufed  by  Mr.  Monroe,  in  urging  this 
point,  provoked  on  the  part  of  J.  Debry  a  reply,  in  which  be  dwelt  at 
dome  length,  and  with  fome  warmth  too,  upon  the  perfect  compe- 
tency of  the  pren  :.n  government  to  difcern  and  decide  upon  what 
mealures  were  proper  to  be  taken  by  it  under  particular  circum- 
flances  ;  upoH  its  uniform  friendly  difpofition  towards  the  United 
Staus  and  upon  the  evil  effects  that  muft  refult  from  a  final  adoption 
of  the  treaty  with  Britain. 

Some  hints  too  were  given  by  J.  Debry  of  a  projedt  which  had 
beenfkeuhed  for  either  extending  or  urengtheningthe  cxiflingcon- 
neclions  between  the  two  republics,  which  from  its  not  being  fuifi- 
ciently  matured,. and  owing  toCthe  other  great  labours  of  the  com- 
juittee  had  not  been  hitherto  intimated  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

J.  H,  PUHV1ANCE. 

Paris,  Apg.  1796. 

284,  f  ag. 


C     xli     ]• 

.frigate,  to  feize  Mr.  Fauchet,  the  late  French  rrdnifter,  with* 
in  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  on  his  return  home,  as 
like  wife  of  the  meafures  taken  by  our  adminiilration  to  obtain 
of  the  Britifh  government  adequate  fatisfactien  to  the  United 
States  for  that  violation  of  their  rights. 

The  letter  of  the  1 2th  of  September,  firft  above  mention- 
ed, which  announced  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  was  writ- 
ten expresfly  for  the  purpofe  of  defignating  to  me  the  conduct 
I  was  to  obferve  for  the  future,  and  in  confequence  of  the  rati- 
fication, in  my  deportment  towards  the  French  republic.  It  will 
therefore  be  proper  to  prefcnt  here,  concifely,  the  fubitance  of 
that  letter. 

Mr.  Pickering  begins  by  obferving,  that  as  the  treaty  with 
Great  Britain  was  ratified,  and  likely  to  become  a  compact: 
between  the  two  nations,  it  was  proper  I  mould  become  pof* 
fefied  of  the  opinions  of  our  government,  efpecially  as  it  appear- 
ed probable  from  my  letters  and  the  movements  of  dife-ffeffed  per- 
Jons  in  the  United  States,  that  unfavorable  impreflions  upon  the 
government  and  people  of  France  were  to  be  apprehended. 
Hs  adds,  that  from  motives  of  fnendfhip,  and  with  a  view  to 
produce  tranquillity  and  fatisfa&ion,  the  administration  hadac- 
ted  with  the  utmoil  candor  tov/ards  the  French  government 
in  every  ftage  of  the  negociation  ;  of  which  he  gives  the  expla- 
nations that  were  made  it  of  the  motives  of  Mr.  Jay's  million 
to  London,  whilft  the  negociation  was  depending,  and  the 
communication  of  the  treaty  to  Mr.  Adet,  after  the  advice 
of  the  fenate,  and  before  the  ratification  by  the  prefident,  as 
diftinguiihed  examples  :  Affirming  that  by  the  treaty  iifc-if 
the  rights  of  France,  whether  founded  in  the  laws  of  nations 
or  treaties  with  Lie  United  States,  remained  unviolated  and 
unimpaired.  He  then  adverts  to  the  late  feizures  by  order  of 
the  Britiih  government,  of  provifion  vefTels  dcftined  to  France, 
as  a  circumftance  likely  to  create  inquietude,  with  a  view  to 
explain  the  i8th  article  ;  which  he  fays  had  been  mifreprefent- 
cd  in  America,  as  being  unfriendly  to  France.  The  firil 
paragraph  of  that  article,  he  admits,  had  departed  from  the 
fpirit  of  modern  treaties,  in  allowing  certain  articles  of  mer- 
chandize, made  free  by  fuch  treaties,  to  be  deemed  contra- 
band of  war  ;  but  yet,  he  fays,  we  have  not  departed  from  the 
fpirit  of  the  old  law  of  nations,  by  admitting  any  article  to  be 
contraband  which  by  that  law  was  not.  Britain  he  faid  would 
not  relax j  and  therefore  the  bed  that  could  be  done  in  that 
vafe,  was  to  recite  in  the  treaty  the  lid  of  contraband  defignat- 
ed  by  the  old  law  by  way  of  advertisement  to  our  maritime  and 
wnmtrcial  people )  to  admwifh  tjpem  of  a  rifk  ivhich  exijled.  And 


L    xia    3 

by  the  fecond  paragraph  cf  that  article,  \vhich  refers  to  tlie 
doctrine  inufted  on  by  England,  that  provifions  may  be  con- 
traband u  hen  deftined  to  places  net  blockaded  or  inverted,  he 
fays  that  without  acknowledging  her  doclrine,  we  have  guard- 
ed again!!  its  ill  effects,  by  ftipulating  that  when  provifions 
:er  art;c!es,  net  generally  contraband,  {hall  become  iuch, 
•and  for  that  reafon  be  feized,  they  (hall  not  be  confiscated 
but  paid  for  :  A  ftipulation,  he  adds,  it  was  evidently  expedi- 
ent for  the  United  States  to  obtain,  fince  by  it  our  commerce 
is  no  longer  left  a  prey  to  future  fpoliatiovs  without  any  definite 
menus  of  liquidation  or  redrep  :  That,  whether  it  was  left  to  oppoff 
this  prevention  of  England  by  force,  was  aqtteftion  which  pertain- 
ed to  the  proper  authorities  of  the  United  States  to  decide,  who  alone 
k-ul  a  right  to  determine  in  what  manner  it  was  bcft  to 
obviate  an  evil,  and  when  it  was  proper  to  repel  an  injury  :  That 
as  an  independent  nation  we  were  the  exclufive  judges,  and 
competent  guardians  of  whatever  concerned  our  intereft,  po- 
Jicy  and  honor  -,  upon  which  fubjeCts  we  would  never  aik  the 
advice,  or  be  governed  by  the  councils,  of  any  foreign  nation 
whatever.  Re  then  proceeds  to  animadvert  upon  the  impoli- 
cy of  going  to  war  with  England  ;  fince  thereby,  he  fays,  our 
commerce  would  be  ruined,  and  thoufands  of  our  citizens  be 
(hut  up  or  die  in  jails  and  prifon-fhips  ;  our  landed  intereft 
would  fuller  ;  agriculture  decline  •,  the  fources  of  revenue 
fail,  and  other  thoufands  of  our  citizens  dependant  on  it,  be 
involved  in  ruin  •,  whence  would  follow  the  calamity  of  a  di- 
rect tax  tofupport  the  war,  and  happy  fhould  we  be  if  our 
misfortunes  ended  there,  or  if  we  could  contemplate  only  a 
foreign  war,  in  which  all  hands  and  hearts  might  unite.  He 
adds  that  by  going  to  war,  we  (hould  even  hurt  France,  fince 
our  ports  would  be  blocked  up  and  our  commerce  at  an  end. 
That  afruitlefs  diverfton  on  the  fide  of  Canada  would  nearly 
bound  our  efforts;  whereas,  whilflwe  remained  neutral,  the  aid 
we  give  her  was  immenfe  ;  for  as,  by  the  claufe  in  queftion, 
payment  was  ftipulated  for  our  provifions  deilined  to  France, 
when  taken,  being  contraband,  it  was  prefumed  our  merchants 
would  find  therein  a  new  llimulus  for  puftiing  their  enterprizes 
to  that  country.  He  affirms  however,  that  the  late  order  for 
fei/incj  did  not  proceed  from  that  claufe  in  the  treaty  ;  be- 
caufe  the  Britifh  had  feized  before  the  treaty,  and  becaufe  al- 
ib  the  order  apniird  to  other  neutral  powers  with  whom  there 
was  no  fimilav  ftipulation.  •  Finally  he  proceeds  to  lay  down 
certain  portions  to  which,  he  fays,  I  may  give  the  folemnity  of 
truths  ;  fuch  as,  that  the  late  negcciation  did  not  proceed 
from  any  predilection  in  our  government  towards  England  j 


[     xliii     ] 

that  the  remembrance  of  the  lad  war,   from  \vhich    we  j lift- 
began  to  recover,  made  us  deprecate  \\hut-jver  even  fecined  tu 
like  a  renewal  of  it ;  that  there  were  i.  .;cs  of  clil- 

ferenc  ...iand  G.  •:!,  the  aa- 

juitment  whereof  could  not  longer  be  delayed  ;  that  the  com- 
mercial part  of  the  treaty,  though  important,  was  a  iubcrdiuate 
one,  and  not  a  new  meaiure  \  that  the  government  of  the 
United  States  was  fmcerely  friendly  to  the  Trench  nation. 

My  wiih  was  to  conciliate  the  French  government  towards 
the  treaty  which  was  now  ratified,  and  moft  anxiou/ly  hud  I 
looked  to  the  adminiftration  for  the  means  of  doing  it :  1'ut 
no  perfon  will,  1  am  perfuaded,  be  able  to  point  out  any  trait 
in  the  above  letter  that  was  likely  to  produce  that  <- 
The'eulogium beftowed by  it,  in  the  beginning,  upon  the  can- 
dor of  the  adrniniilration,  which  it  fays  was  {hewn  tc 
the  French  government  in  every  ftage  of  the  negotiation,  and 
t  the  treaty  was  depending,  if  admitted  by  that  govern- 
ment, was  not  a  thing  for  me  to  dwell  on.  Acts  of  candor 
when  performed,  if  acknowledged  by  the  party  to  whom 
they  are  laid  to  be  rendered,  ought  not  to  be  boafted  of  bv 
thole  who  perform  them.  But  if  they  arc  not  acknowledged, 
and  efpecially  if  the  a<ft  upon  which  the  pretenfion  is  founded 
is  viewed  in  a  different  light,  as  there  was  reafe-n  to  prefurne 
was  the  cafe  in  the  prefent  in  (lance,  then  the  pretenfion,  if 
urged,  is  likely  to  produce  an  ill  effecl.  This,  therefore,  was 
not  a  topic  for  me  to  open  to  the  French  government ;  nor 
did  the  commentary  on  the  treaty  which  the  letter  contained, 
furnifh  one  better  adapted  to  die  purpofe.  Indeed  itprofcfles 
to  notice,  and  in  fact  notices  only  one  article,  the  1 8th,  and 
in  io  doing,  admits  in  etlecl  all  the  objections  that  were  urg- 
ed again il  it :  For  it  agrees  that  we  had  thereby  not  only  yield- 
ed the  modern  rule  of  contraband,  with  refpecl  to  general 
kinds  cf  merchandize,  which  by  fpecial  treaties  were  made 
articles  of  free  trade  ;  but  that  we  had  alfo  made  an  arrange- 
ment with  England,  whereby  fhe  was  permitted  to  feize  our 
provifion  veffels  deftined  to  France,  whenever  a  crifis  arrived 
which  made  it  eligible  for  her  fo  to  do,  upon  the  condition 
of  paying  us  for  ihe  provifions  thus  feized  a  reafonable  mer- 
cantile profit,  including  freight  and  the  expences  incident  to 
detention.  The  explanation  given  of  the  fecond  claufe  which 
reipe&s  provifions  is,  it  is  true,  at  firft  view,  fomewhat  ambi- 
guous, yet  the  true  import  of  that  explanation  is  as  above.  In* 
deed  the  difguife  is  fo  thin  as  to  make  it  doubtful  whether  it 
was  intended  as  a  difguife  ;  or  rather  whether  the  explanation 
\vas  not  given  with  a  view  to  let  it  be  feen,  that  fuch  was  the 
realopject  of  that  itipuhtion,  Aiu^//,  it  fays,  was  thereby 


,  which  it  was  deemed  better  thus  to  adjnft  than  to  rc,\ , 
force.  Of  what  nature  then  was  that  evil  ?  Did  it  coniiit  in 
thefeizurc  of  provision  veflels  deftined  to  a  blockaded  port? 
Did  any  one  ever  complain  of  fuch  a  feizure  as  an  injury? 
Or  did  the  adminiitration  contemplate  war  in  cafe  that  point 
was  not  yielded  to  us  ?  Befides,  a  mode  was  adopted,  where- 
by the  means  of  liquidation  and  rcdrefs  were  provided  againft 
future  /pollution*  •,  what  fpoliations  ?  Such  feizures  as  were 
made  of  provifions  deftined  to  a  blockaded  port  ?  Are  fuch  to 
iv:  called  fpoliations  ?  What  was  the  point  in  controverfy  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  which  it  is  faid  was  thus  adjuited  ? 
Was  it  not. (imply  whether  the  pretenfions  of  England,  who 
claimed  a  right  to  feize  provifions,  as  contraband,  at  pleafure, 
with  a  view  to  ftarve  France,  ((hould  be  allowed  ?  And  were 
not  thofe  the  fpoliations  for  whofe  liquidation  and  redrefs>  defi- 
nite means  were  faid  to  be  provided  ?  Or  would  the  adminif- 
tration,  in  a  demand  of  payment  for  thofe  feizurea,  which  took 
place  after  the  treaty  was  concluded,  diftinguifh  the  cafes,  and 
con  fine  that  demand  to  fuch  veflels  as  were  taken  in  their  route 
to  a  blockaded  port,  faying,  for  thefe  only  will  we  be  paid, 
but  for  the  others,  comprehending  perhaps  99  out  of  I  oo, 
we  will  not — and  thus  revive  the  controversy  which  it  was 
laid  was  thus  amicab.ty  clofed  ?  This,  it  is  prefumed,  would 
not  be  done.  This,  therefore,  was  not  a  ground  to  conciliate 
upon,  nor  did  the  other  parts  of  the  letter  fumifh  one  that 
was  more  fo  j  for  the  picture  of  the  horrors  of  war  which  it 
p:  efented,  a  picture  common  to  all  wars,  was  either  altoge- 
ther inapplicable,  or  if  applicable,  was  fo  only  by  furnifhing 
a  reply  to  objections,  which  it  was  apprehended  would  be 
vaifed  againft  the  conduct  of  the  aclminiftration  -,  as  was  the 
declaration  which  the  letter  contained,  that  the  late  feizures 
were  not  made  in  confequence  of  that  treaty  ;  and  as  was  like- 
wife  the;  argument  it  furnifhed,  that  the  ftipulation  in  the 
i  Mill  anicle,  which  fecured  payment  in  cafe  of  feizure,  would, 
by  encouraging  the  enterprizes  of  our  merchants  to-  France, 
be  for  her  benefit.  Thefe  two  latter  topics  were  indeed  deli- 
cate ones  for  me  to  touch  on,  efpecially  as  it  was  known 
thr.t  the  other  neutral  powers  complained  that  we  had  flight- 
ed, if  not  injured,  them  ;  and  as  it  was  likewife  known  by  the 
example  of  the  feizures  in  the  fpring,  which  enfued  after  the 
treaty  was  concluded,  that  if  the  practice  was  permitted,  let 
the  encouragement  be  what  it  might,  Britain,  preponderating 
at  fea,  might  take  almoft  every  veflel  that  attempted  to  enter 
the  French  ports.  And  withrefpect  to  the  declaration,  that 
•we  were  an  independent pevpte  and  had  a. rtgbt  ty  decide  for  utr<* 


C    «i»   3 

fefaeS)  &c.  fo  often  repeated,  I  did  not  perceive  how  it  ap- 
plied at  the  tim^  :  t.K;u  had  been  no  qutrtton  on  that  point 
that  I  knew  of.  France  hid  attempted  to  impoie  on  us  no 
conditions  ;  had  aiked  of  us  no  favours  ;  on  the  contrary  had 
(hewn  a  difpoiidon  to  render  us  many  ;  under  which  circum- 
flances  we  had  made  a  treaty  with  Britain,  which  it  was  ex- 
1  by  the  adminiftration  would  produce  an  ill  effect  ia 
France,  but  of  which  (he  had  not  yet  complained  :  To  prevent 
which  and  reconcile  her  to  that  treaty  was  the  object,  and  to 
accomplifh  which  required  on  our  part  wife  and  temperate 
councils.  It  became  us  with  that  view  to  convince  her  judg- 
ment, and  to  avail  ourfeives  of  her  antient  and  friendly  difpo- 
fition  towards  us,  not  to  provoke  and  irritate  her  paffions.  So 
that  upon  the  whole,  I  did  not  perceive  a  (ingle  trait  in  this 
letter,  which  was  written  after  long  delay,  and  doubtlefs  with, 
mature  deliberation,  to  defignate  the  courfe  I  was  to  purfue 
in  confequence  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  which  breath- 
ed a  fpirit  of  conciliation;  not  even  in  that  part  which  contain- 
ed what  was  called  pofitions  to  which  I  was  initru£ted  to  give 
the  folemnity  of  truths  ;  for  thjy  alfo  were  calculated  only  to> 
meet  objections,  and  were  otherwife  exprelTed  in  fuch  a  tone 
of  moderation,  in  point  of  friendly  regard,  as  to  have  been 
well  adapted  to  a  communication  in  a  like  cafe  to  Ruilia,  Tur- 
key, or  any  other  power  with  whom  we  had  no  political  con- 
nection. On  the  contrary^that  litter  appeared  to  me,  in  its 
general  tenor,  to  be  dictated  in  a  fpirit  of  hoftility,  and  more: 
with  a  view  to  promote  a  rupture  than  prevent  one. 

To  reconcile  France  to  that  treaty,  I  expected  to  have  beea 
authorifed  to  explain  to  her  government  how  long  the  com- 
mercial part  was  to  remain  in  force  $  to  (tare  to  it  formal!)^ 
that  we  were  ready  to  enter  into  a  new  commercial  treaty 
\vith  her,  and  upon  what  principles,  to  be  commenced  either 
in  Paris  or  Philadelphia  :  In  which  expectation,  and  with  a. 
view  to  the  event  of  a  ratification,  I  had  told  the  admimrtra- 
tion,  when  I  advifed  it  of  the  ill-effect  the  treaty,  whofe  con- 
tents were  then  known,  had  produced,  that  I  fhculd  await  its 
orders  without  any,  the  flighteft,  compromitment  either  of  it 
or  myfelf.*  But  nothing  of  this  kind  was  to  be  found  in  that 
letter,  nor  in  any  which  preceded  or  followed  it.  For  all 
that  the  letters  contained  or  attempted,  which  touched  that 
fubject,  luas  a  j unification  of  the  admi.-ift ration,  againjl  the 
fharge  'which  was  either  raifed  or  expeEled^  of  having  evaded  tkf 
ivertures  of  France  to  treat  on  commerce t  at  a  tune  when  it 

*  See  Page  206. 


L    »ivi    J 

„  ^ 

admitted  that  an  advance  was  mads  by  the  attmin'ijlratwn  to  treat 
en  that  fub/jcj)  and  a  commercial  treaty  actually  concluded  by  if, 
••u'ih  Great  Britain.*  Still,  however,  my  object  was  the 

xvhich  was  to  conciliate  and  prevent,  if  poiiible,  a  rup- 

:t\ve-jn  the  two  countries  ;  and  I  was  refo!ved>  if  I  could 
derive  no  aid  from  the  adminift ration  to  promote  that  end,  at 
leaftn.v  co  Income  its  inllrument  in  defeating  it,  if  fuch  was 
its  view,  which  now  teemed  probable. 

But  it  was  my  duty  to  anfwer  this  letter,  which  .(  did  with- 
out a  comment  ;  for  it  was  improper  for  mo  to  cenfure  and 
iifcl*fb  to  advifc.    1  {imply  acknowledged  its  receipt  with  au  af- 
furance  that  due  attention  ihoui.l  be  paid  to  it,  as  occafion  re- 
quired -,f  to  which  1  likewife  added  the  fact,  that  fymptoms 
of  difcontent  were  itiil  feen,  but  whether  they  would  allume 
riore  unfavorable  I  knew  not  :  If  they  did  I  would 
tviy  communicate  it. 

:  e  was  however  one  trait  in  that  letter  to  which  a  more 

explicit  anfwer  became  necefTary.     It  had  been   intimated  to 

me  in  that  of  June   the    ift,   that  my  inftructions  had  not 

explanation  I  had  given    of  the  object  of  Mr. 

i  London  ;  which  intimation  was  here  repeat- 

.1  manner  it  is  true  not  fo  direct,  but  yet  in  a  tone  not 
leis  pofitive.  I  had  avoided  anfwering  that  paflage  in  the  for- 
mer letter,  from  the  confideration  that,  in  the  then  ftate  of 
our  affairs,  the  intereft  of  our  country  required  cool  and  unit- 
ed councils,  to  extricate  us  from  the  difficult  fituation  into 
which  we  were  thrown.  But  by  reviving  and  prelnng  this 
point  upon  me,  it  feemed  as  if  the  adminiitration  expected 
an  anfwer,  with  defign  to  ground  on  it  fome  meafure  it  was 
mueh  bent  on,  in  which  view  it  was  my  duty  to  give  one.  I 
therefore  anfwcred  that  paflage  by  obferving,  that  my  former 
communications  had  ihewn  that  I  had  underilood  and  acted 
on  that  part  of  my  inftructions  differently  from  what  it  ap- 
peared by  thefe  letters,  it  was  intended  I  fhould  underitand 
and  act  on  it ;  whereby  I  was  placed,  by  the  courfe  of  events, 
i  n  a  very  delicate  and  embarralfing  dilemma,  from  which  in- 

•  was  not  then  perhaps  relieved,  though  I  hoped  and 
thought  I  was.  In  my  anfwer  I  dated  the  fact  correctly,  and 
left  it  to  adminiftration  to  purfue  its  policy. 

e  tone  of  the  new  government  was  cool  and  referved 
towards  me.  But  my  conduct  was  the  fame,  becaufe  my  ob- 
ject was  the  fame.  I  (hewed,  it  is  true,  no  mark  of  undue 
condefcention  to  that  government,  but  yet  I  certainly  omitted 

*  Page  238.         t  296 


no  opportunity  that  occurred  to  conciliate  its  good  will  .to- 
wards us.     Unhappily    however 

displayed   itfelf  in  i  :tion,  whcie  nieafures   obvi- 

oully  tended  to  promote  a  rupture. 

Soon  after  the  new  government  was  organized  I  rer 

•.jr  from  the  miniiter  of  foreign  affairs,  co;:  of  the 

mifeondu£t  of  Mr.   Parifli,  American   ccnful  at   I : 
in  gran: ing  pafTports  to  Englifh  fubjedls  as  American  citizens, 
and  in  being  the  agent  of  England   for  the  equipment  of  the 
emigrants,  defiring  that  I  would  comma ;ucate  his  note  to  our 
.government  with  j  -.  Ir.Purifh  be  removed.*  Some 

confiderable  time  before  this  I  had  earneftly  recommended 
this  meafure  to  our  adminiftration,  urging  many  coniidera- 
tioas,  fuggefted  as  well  by  fome  particulars  of  his  own  con- 
duct, as  by  the  circumftance  of  his  being  a  Britiih  fubject, 
•why  it  was  of  importance  to  our  intereil  and  character  as  a 
feparate  and  neutral  people,  that  his  commiiTion  fnculd  be 
revoked  and  committed  to  an  American  citizen.-};  Thofe 
considerations  appeared  to  me  to  be  fo  ftrong  and  pref- 
fing,  tliat  I  concluded,  ?.s  foon  as  they  were  brought  ta 
the  view  of  die  adminiftration,  he  would  be  removed,  and 
of  courfe  that  the  meaiure  was  already  taken  :  In  which  ex- 
pectation I  anfwered  the  minifter  politely,  intimating  that  I 
ihould  communicate  to  our  government  the  requeft  of  his  in 
that  refpedt,  not  doubting  that  it  would  be  readily  complied 
with.  I  ihould  have  ilated,  that  I  had  anticipated  the  de- 
mand fometime  before,  and  recommended  the  meafure  of  my 
own  accord  j  but  I  wifhed,  now  that  it  was  aiked  by  the  French 
government,  that  it  might  appear  to  be  granted  at  its  requeft  ^ 
an  accommodation  which  I  was  perfuaded  would  produce  a 
good  effect  at  the  time.  But  I  was  foon  advifed  by  Mr.  Pick- 
ering;|:  that  this  Britiih  iubjedt  mould  not  be  compelled  to 
yield  his  pofl  to  an  American  citizen,  at  my  requeil,  fupport- 
ed  as  it  was  by  fuch  weighty  reafons.  And  the  fubfequcnt 
management  of  the  affair  upon  the  application  of  the  French 
government  Ihewed  that  the  incident  became  rather  a  caufe  of 
irritation,  than  of  conciliation  with  that  government  ;  not- 
withstanding the  evident  impolicy  of  fuch  a  procedure  at  the 
time,  on  account  of  the  dills  to  which  we  were  brought :  For 
although  the  adminiftration  (not  being  able  to  refill  the  ob- 
jections to  his  continuance)  did  remove  him,  yet  it  was  done 
in  a  manner  fo  as  to  {hew  the  French  government,  it  \v. 
done  in  compliance  with  its  requcit.Jj 

*  Page  SGI.     f  195,     t  319.     |j  36$. 


[     xlviii     ] 

In  January  1 796,  Mr.  Randolph's  pamphlet  was  received 
sn  Paris,  which  contained  feveral  of  the  Prefident's  letters,  in 
fome  of  which  the  French  republic  was  fpoken  of  in  terms  by 
no  means  refoectful,  and  the  friends  of  the  French  revolution 
in  the  United  States  reproached  with  being  the  friends  "  of 
war  and  confufion  ;"  and  ihortly  after  this,  was  received  alfo, 
the  Prefident's  addrefs  to  congrcfs.  upon  the  opening  of  the 
feffion,  which  in  treating  of  the  fiourilhing  condition  of  the 
United  States,  contracted  it  with  the  miferable,  famifhed,  and 
diforganized  (late  of  other  powers.  Much  too  was  faid  in 
that  addrefe  of  the  advantage  of  cu.r  accommodation  with  Bri- 
tain, as  likewife  of  the  favourable  difpofition  of  that  power 
towards  us,  without  the  flighted  attention  being  fhewn  to  the 
Trench  republic  ;  unlefs  indeed  it  was  referred  to  in  the 
picture  of  diftrcfs  above  noticed,  as  was  inferred  by  the 
French  government,  as  I  underftood  from  good  authority,  at 
the  time. 

In  the  courfe  of  the  year  179^5  the  French  government 
had  repealed,  as  already  {hewn,  all  the  decrees  which  were 
paffed  during  the  million  of  Mr.  Morris,  under  which  our 
trade  had  been  harraffed,  and  had  alfo,  notwithstanding  its 
fufptcion  of  the  contents  of  the  Britim  treaty,  fhewn  a  diipo- 
fjtion  to  aflift  us  in  other  cafes, and  had  actually  taken  meafures 
to  aflill  us  in  thcfe  of  Spain  and  the  Barbary  powers  ;  yet  none 
of  thofe  acts  orof  the  difpofition  which  prod  need  them  were  even 
glanced  at  in  the  preficlent's  addrefs  to  congrefs,  although  it 
•was  to  be  inferred,  fuch  notice  would  have  produced  a  good  ef- 
fect, and  although  it  was  then  as  juft  as  it  was  politic  to  no- 
tice them.  This  conduct,  in  the  adminiftration  was  the  more 
extraordinary,  from  the  confideration  that  thofe  decrees,  by 
whofe  authority  our  trade  was  harrailed,  with  the  harraffment. 
itfelf,  had  been  announced  in  former  communications  to  the 
congrefs,  when  the  Britifh  depredations  were  announced.  It 
ieemed  natural  therefore,  now  that  fo  much  was  faid  upon  the 
fubje:t  of  our  accommodation  with  England,  that  fomething 
ihould  alfo  be  faid  of  the  repeal  of  thofe  decrees  by  the  French 
government,  as  of  the  proofs  of  friendfhip  it  had  fhewn  us 
in  other  refpecls.  But  this  was  not  done. 

Under  fuch  circumilances  it  was  impoflible  forme  to  fuc- 
ceed  in  conciliating  the  French  government  towards  the 
Britifh  treaty,  fmce  my  efforts  were  not  only  not  feconded 
in  that  refpecl,  by  our  adminiftration,  but  absolutely  coun- 
teracted by  it.  Neverthelefs  I  continued  to  purfue  the  fame 
line  of  conduct  that  I  haddonc  before,  being  refolved  not  to 
xehx  in  my  efforts,  however  unfuccefsfuj  I  might  be. 


C     xlix     ] 

The  fequel  of  mymiflion  exhibits  an  intcrefling  but~p 
ful  fpectacL-,the  diitinguithing  charactoriftics  whereof  are;  the 
avowed  decifion  of  the  French  government  to  take  forne  mea- 
fure towards  us  in  confequence  of  cur  treaty  with  England, 
as  illuftrated  by  many  examples  -,  with  my  efforts  to  prevent 
any  fuch  meafure  taken  effect  ;  and  the  attack  made  on  me 
by  our  adminiftration,  upon  pretexts  equally  unjuft,  frivolous 
and  abfurd.  This  part  therefore  I  {hall  reduce  to  as  frnall  a 
eompafs  as  poflible. 

On  the  ijth  of  February  1796,  I  called  on  the  rninifter  of 
foreign  affairs  to  ft  ate  to  him  the  diftrefs  of  many  of  our  citi- 
zens, merchants  at  Paris,  on  account  of  their  claims  upon  the 
French  government,  with  a  view  to  engage  his  aid  for  their 
relief  ;  but  was  immediately  diverted  from  that  object  by  infor- 
mation \vhich  he  gave  me,  that  the  directory  had  at  length 
made  up  its  mind  how  to  act  in  regard  to  our  treaty  with 
England  ;  which  it  confidered  as  having  annulled  cur  treaty 
of  alliance  with  France,  from  the  period  of  its  ratification  ; 
and  had  appointed  or  intended  to  appoint  an  Envoy  extraor- 
dinary, to  repair  to  Philadelphia  toremcnftrate  again  ft  it  ;  ad- 
ding that  he  was  ordered  to  fend  me  an  official  note  upon  the 
fubject,  which  he  fhould  accordingly  do.  I  exprefled  to  him 
my  great  furprife  and  concern  at  the  communication,  and  was 
difpofed  to  enter  immediately  fully  upon  the  fubject,  but  was 
prevented  by  obferving  that  he  was  upon  the  point  of  going 
out,  whereupon  I  left  him  for  the  time.* 

I  attended  him  pgain  on  the  day  following,  and  remonf- 
trated  moft  earneftly  againft  the  meafure,  urging  every  argu- 
ment that  I  could  avail  myfelf  of  to  divert  the  government  from 
it  ;  offering  to  enter  with  him,  whenever  he  thought  fit,  into 
a  difcuHion  of  his  objections  to  our  treaty,  or  any  other  act  of 
our  government  ;  alluring  him  that  I  ihould  not  only  be  al- 
ways ready  to  enter  with  him  into  fuch  explanations,  but  in 
the  prefent  inftance  (hould  do  it  with  pleafure,  fmce  by  being 
poffeffed  of  our  view  of  the  fubject,  they  would  be  better 
able  to  decide  whether  the  complaint  was  well  or  ill  founded, 
and  of  courfe  how  far  it  merited  to  be  confidered  in  that  light. 
Upon  this  occanon,  as  upon  the  preceding  one,  the  minifter 
declined  dating  any  fpecific  objections  to  the  treaty,  or  any 
other  act  of  our  government,  and  therefore  I  could  make  no 
Specific  defence.  He  admitted  however  that  the  objections  I 
had  urged  to  the  meafure  had  weight,  and  promifed  to  com- 
municate them  to  the  directory,  from  whom,  he  doubted  not, 
they  would  receive  the  attention  they  merited.f 

*  Page  3 10.  t  3124 


r  i  3 

Thus  I  continued  without  interrmilion  my  efforts  to  break 
this  meafure,  repeating  in  my  conferences  with  the  -minifter 
of  foreign  affairs,  who  always  heard  me  with  attention,  all  the 
objections  that  1  could  urge  againft  it ;  affuring  him  that  it 
was  not  admitted  by  our  government,  that  any  deviation  was 
ir.ade  by  our  treaty  with  England,  from  thofe  with  France  i 
and  renewing  my  proportion  to  enter  with  him  into  a  cliicuf- 
-. "that  poi.it.*  Finally  upon  hearing  from  him  that  the 
fubjecl  was  iliil  before  the  directory,  and  fearing  the  com- 
.1  promiied  me  might  be  deferred,  till  it  would  be  too 
late  for  me  to  produce  an  effect . upon  the  meafure  itfelf  (if 
.1  it  were  poflible  in  any  cafe)  I  aiked  and  obtained  an 
nee  of  the  directory  on  the  8th  of  March,  with  a  view 
at  k.aft  to  attempt  it.f  The  refult  of  this  audience  was  a  pro- 
inifw  by  the  directory,  that  the  order  for  fending  an  envoy  ex- 
traordinary to  the  United  States  fhould  be  refcinded,  and  the 
miniiteroi"  foreign  affairs  be  inftru<5ied,  to  furnilh  me  a  copy, 
;md  difcufs  with  me  its  feveral  complaints  againft  the  conduct 
of  cur  government,  and  that  no  meafure  mould  be  taken  upon 
the  fubject  of  thofe  complaints,  till  after  my  anfwer  was 
received  and  fully  weighed. J 

Accordingly  a  fummary  of  thofe  complaints  was  prefented 
me  by  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs  in  a  paper  bearing  date 
;  ipthcf  March  1796.  (ipth  of  Ventofe  by  the  French 
calendar)!}  to  which  I  replied  in  one  of  the  15th  of  the  fame 
month.f  Copies  of  thcie  communications  were  tranfmit- 
tcd  to  the  Department  of  State  in  my  letter  of  the  2d  of  May 
following. 

About  the  2oth  of  April  I  received  from  the  Department 
•€>f  State  a  letter  of  the  7th  of  January.,  tranimitting  the  corref- 
pondence  which  took  place  between  the  Prefident  and  the 
minifter  of  France,  when  the  flag  of  the  French  republic  was 
pr-jibited  by  the  former  to  thcgovernment  of  the  United  States. 
I  received  at  the  fame  time,  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  a  let- 
ter to  the  directory  of  France,  from  the  prefident  cf  the  Unit- 
ed States,  upon  the  fame  fubjecl:  j  which  I  was  initrutted  to 
take  the  earliefc  opportunity  to  deliver.  Accordingly  I  de- 
livered that  letter  to  the  minifUr  of  foreign  affairs  on  the  next 
day,  with  a  rcqueft  that  he  would  prefent  the  fame  to  the  di- 
rectory as  foon  as  poffible.  A  few  days  after  this  I  received 
from  the  miniiler  a  ihort  note,  informing  me  that  he  had  fub- 
mitt'jd  to  the  directory  the  difpatch  which  was  addreffed  to  it, 
by  the  prefident  of  the  United  States,  in  the  name  of  the  con- 
grefs ;  and  that  the  French  government  could  not  but  receive 


C   K-  3 

.'.-.tisfaction  whatever  tended  to  confirm  the  bonds  of 
friendmip  between  the  two  nations. 

From  the  period  of  my  audience  by  the  directory,  and 
more  efpecially  after  my  communication  with  the  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  was  handed  in,  I  had  frequent  conferences 
with  ieveral  of  the  members  of  the  directory,  in  which  I  labor- 
ed to  promote  the  fame  object,  and  at  one  time,  as  I  thought, 
with  complete  fuccefs  ;  being  informed  by  a  member,  upon 
one  of  thofe  occafions,  that  the  directory  had  done  nothing 
towards  us  in  regard  to  its  complaints,  and  he  prei 
would  not.  The  purport  of  this  communication  was  im- 
mediately made  know  to  the  department  of  State  in  my  next 
letrer  of  the  I2th  of  June  1796. 

But  this  profpect  was  foon  changed  ;  for  on  the  2  5th  of  the 
fame  month  I  received  a  letter  from  the  miniiler  of  foreign 
affairs  requeiting  information,  whether  the  intelligence  which 
the  gazettes  announced,  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  having 
agreed  to  carry  the  treaty  into  effect,  was  to  be  relied  on, 
and  in  cafe  it  was,  aiVing  further  in  what  light  they  were  to 
view  that  event,  before  he  called  the  attention  of  the  direc- 
tory to  thofe  confequences  refulting  from  it,  which  fpecial- 
ly  interciled  the  French  republic.  I  replied  to  the  mmifter, 
that  withrefpect  to  his  firft  interrogatory,. whether  the  houfe 
of  reprefentatives  had  paired  a  law  to  carry  the  treaty  into 
effect,  I  could  give  him  no  authentic  information,  havin  g  no 
official  advice  upon  it.  And  with  refpect  to  the  fecond,  that 
as  I  had  already  anfwered,  and  as  I  fuppofed  to  his  fatisfac- 
tion,  his  feveral  objections  to  that  treaty,  to  which  I  had  re- 
ceived no  reply,  it  was  impoffible  for  me  to  enter  again,  un- 
der fuch  crrcumftances,  into  that  fubject.  But  if  there  were 
any  points  in  the  communication  I  had  made  him,  upon  which 
he  thought  I  had  not  been  fufficiently  explicit,  and  he  uould 
be  pleafed  to  itate  them  to  me,  that  I  would  immediately 
notice  them  more  particularly  than  I  had  done,  and  I  hoped 
fatisfactory.* 

On  the  7th  of  July  following  I  received  another,  note  from 
die  minifter,  dating  certain  objections  to  the  Britifh  treaty,  to 
which  I  made  a  reply  on  the  i4th  of  the  fame  month.j- 

In  the  beginning  of  Auguft  1 796,  the  directory  recalledMr. 
Adet  and  appointed  a  gentleman  to  take  his  place,  with  the 
grade  of  charge  des  affaires  ;  \v  ho,  I  concluded,  from  particular 
confiderations,  could  not  be  well  received  by  our  government. 
As  foon  therefore  as  I  heard  of  this  appointment,  I  remon- 

*  Page  349.    t  355-6- 


C    Bi    ] 

ftrated  ftrenucuily  againft  it,   with  the  French  government, 
and  with  fuccefs  \  for  it  was  revoked.* 

In  the  beginning  of  Auguft,  I  faw  in  the  gazettes  a  commu- 
nication from  the  rainiiter  of  foreign  affairs  to  Mr.  Barthek- 
jny,the  ambaffador  of  France  to  the  Swifs  Cantons,  anounc- 
ing  an  arrete  of  the  directory,  by  which  it  was  determined  to 
uct  towards  the  commerce  of  neutral  powers  in  the  fame  man- 
ner as  thofe  powers  permitted  the  Englim  government  to  act 
towards  them.  In  conftquence  I  applied  alfo  to  the  minifter 
for  information  relative  to  that  arrete  ,  from  whom  I  received 
a  general  anfwer  only,  correfponding  in  fentiment  with  his 
leiter  above  mentioned,  to  the  ambaffador  of  the  republic  at 
Bafle. 

About  the  laft  of  Auguft,  I  heard  that  Mr.  Adet,  (who  had 
heretofore  been  remit  ated  when  the  arretes  for  appointing  an 
envoy  extraordinary,  and  charge  des  affaires  were  refpe£hvely 
revoked)  was  now  recalled  and  no  iuccefibr  appointed  to  him. 
I  was  advifed,  at  the  fame  time,  that  any  further  application 
from  me  to  the  French  government  would  be  improper  ;  fincc 
it  would  not  only  prove  fruitlefs,  but  moil  probably  produce 
an  ill  effea.f 

Near  feven  months  had  now  elapfed  fince  the  rninilter  of 
foreign  affairs  communicated  to  me  the  difcontent  of  the 
directory,  on  account  of  our  treaty  with  England,  and  its  de- 
cifion  to  make  the  fame  known  to  our  government,  by  an 
envoy  extraordinary,  to  be  difpatched  to  the  United  States; 
in  the  courfe  of  which  time  I  had  not  received  a  fmgle  line 
from  the  Department  of  State  (a  letter  of  the  7th  of  January 
txcepted,  which  applied  to  another  fubje&}  although  I  hud 
regularly  informed  it  of  every  incident  that  occurred  ;  and  al- 
though the  crifis  was  a  very  important  one,  requiring  the 
profound  attention  of  the  adminiilration.  In  the  courfe  of 
this  time,  therefore,  I  was  left  alone  by  the  adminiftration,  to 
oppofe  the  difcontent  of  France,  not  only  unaided,  but  like- 
\vi:e  under  circumltances  otherwife  the  moil  unfavourable. 
At  this  period  however,  which  was  in  the  beginning  of  Sep- 
tember 1 796,  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  1 3th  of  June  preceding,  communicating  to  me  the  high 
cliflatisfacHon  of  the  prefident  on  account  of  my  conduct  re- 
fpecting  the  Britifh  treaty.  To  that  letter  I  returned  an  an- 
fwer of  the  loth'  of  the  fame  month.J 

On  the  1 2th  of  Oct.  following  I  received  a  letter  from  the 
minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  announcing  the  recall  of  Mr. 

*  See  Page  361.     f  363.     J  365. 


C    in;  j 

A  u<_t,  with  the  motive  of  it.     To  that  letter  I  replied  in  one 
of  the   1 2th  of  October. 

In  the  beginning  of  November  1706,  I  received  a  letter 
from  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  226.  of  Auguft,  announcing 
my  recall  by  the  p refute nt  of  the  United  States.  In  thi;->  letter 
the  Secretary  refers  me  for  the  motives  of  that  meafure,  to 
his  former  letter  of  the  rjth  ot  June.  He  adds,  however,  in 
this  that  the .  prefident  was  further  confirmed  in  the  propriety 
of  that  meafure  by  oitjxer  concurring  circumitances,  but  of 
which  he  gave  no  detail.  To  this  letter  I  made  no  reply  un~ 
rill  after  my  return  to  Philadelphia,  in  July  1797. 

About  the  loth  of  November  1796,  General  Pinckney  ar- 
rived in  Paris  with  my  letters  of  recall,  by  which  my  million, 
to  the  French  republic  was  terminated.  I  prefented  him  im- 
mediately to  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs  for  recognition,  and 
at  the  fame  time,  delivered  to  the  minilter  a  copy  of  my  let- 
ters of  recall,  requeuing  that  I  might  have  a  day  affigned  me 
for  taking  leave  of  the  French  government  as  foori  as  con- 
venient. 

It  gives  me  pleafurc.  to  remark  here,  that  the  conduct  of 
General  Pinckney,  upon  that  occafion,  which  was  one  of  pe- 
culiar delicacy  to  me,  was  in  every  refpect  candid,  manly,  antl 
honorable. 

On  the  firft  of  January  1797,  I  took  leave  of  the  execu- 
tive directory  of  France,  in  an  audience  fpecially  ailigned  me- 
for  the  purpofe,  and  failed  with  my  family  for  the  United 
States,  as  foon  as  the  feafon  would  permit. 

Upon  leaving  France  I  committed  my  letter-book  and 
ether  public  documents  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Prevoft  who  had 
afted  with  me  in  the  character  of  Secretary  of  Legation,  a 
young  man  of  merit  and  talents,  well  quaiirkd  to  ferve  hi* 
country  in  a  more  important  trull. 

The  above  is  a  plain  narrative  of  the  facts  and  incidents  at- 
tending my  miflion,  from  its  commencement  to  the  cioie ;  up- 
on which  I  will  make  a  few  comments. 

The  prefent  fituation  of  America  is  under  flood  by  every 
one,  becaufe  almoil  every  one  is  fome  way  or  other  affected 
by  it.  And  what  it  has  been  in  every  preceding  flage  of  this 
European  war,  is  equally  well  known,  for  the  fame  reafon. 
The  picture  fhe  has  exhibited  is  an  uniform  one.  Its  cha- 
racters are  ftrong,  but  yet  not  diverfified.  In  her  foreign  re- 
lations nothing  is  to  be  fecn  but  the  wafte  and  pillage  of  her 
commerce,  fometimes  by  feveral  powers  ,  always  by  fome- 
one  power  ;  and  little  lefs  than  anarchy  at  home  ;  for  th^ 
feeds  of  difcontent,  jealoufy  and  difun-ion  have  been  fcacrerecfc 

h 


'..-oughout  thcfe  States,  in  the  courfe  of  a  few  years  paff, 
with  a  wafteful  hand.  By  what  means  then  was  this  ftate  of 
things  produced,  and  why  was  it  produced  ? 

It  is  well  known,  that  the  executive  adminiftration  has  here- 
tofore guided  all  our  meafures  j  purfuing,  in  many  inftances, 
a  courfe  of  policy  equally  contrary  to  the  public  feeling,  and 
the  public  judgment:  And  it  was  natural  to  exped  that  that  ad- 
inimitration  Ihould  now  be  held  highly  refponfible  for  the 
embarraffments  it  has  thus  brought  upon  our  country.  But 
by  this  attack  on  me,  a  new  topic  has  been  raifed  for  difcuf- 
iion,  which  has  drawn  the  public  attention  from  the  conduct 
of  the  adminiftration  itfelf  5  for  in  confequence  the  only  quef- 
tion  now  before  the  public  feems  to  be,  whether  I  have  me- 
rited the  cenfure  thus  pronounced  upon  me,  by  the  adminif- 
tration,  or  have  been  dealt  hardly  by.  But  this  was  a  mere 
political  manoeuvre  intended  doubdefs  to  produce  that  ef- 
fect. 

Whether  I  have  preformed  my  duty  to  my  country,  as  I 
ought  to  have  done,  in  the  various,  contradictory,  and  em- 
barrafTmg  fituations,  in  which  I  was  placed  by  the  adminif- 
tration,.  is  a  point  upon  which  my  country  will  determine,  by 
the  facts  and  documents  fubmittcd  to  it.  Upon  this  point  I 
fear  not  the  refult,  becaufe  1  have  the  utrnoft  confidence  in  the 
wifdom  and  rectitude  of  a  public  decifion,  when  facts  are  be- 
fore the  public  ;  and  becaufe,  knowing  what  my  conduct  was, 
I  can  always  find  a  confolation  in  my  own  bread,  if  the  con- 
trary Ihould  be  the  cafe.  But  whether  the  adminiftration  has 
performed  its  duty  to  the  public,  by  a  proper  difcharge  of 
the  great  truft  repofed  in  it,  during  this  awful  erifis  of  hu- 
man affairs,  is  a  queftion  of  much  greater  importance  ;  which 
ought  to  be  well  underftood,  I  arn  happy  however  in  reflec- 
ting that  thefe  two  points  are  altogether  unconnected  with; 
and,  independent  of  each  other  ;  fince  the  eftablifhment 
of  mifconduct  on  its  or  my  part,  is  no  proof  of  the  good  con- 
duct of  the  other  patty.  To  each  a  feparate  duty  \vas  allot- 
ted, and  the  queition  is  entirely  a  diftinft  one,  how  each  per- 
formed that  duty,  in  its  appropriate  fphere. 

NoT-fkould  I,  inrefpecl  tomyfelf,  add  a  word  to  the  light 
which  thofe  documents  contain,  being  willing  fo  far  as  the 
propriety  of  my  own  conduct  is  involved,  to  fubmit  the  point 
to  the  judgment  of  my  countrymen,  upon  the  documents  a- 
lorie.  But  the  adminiftration  has  attempted  by  this  attack 
on  me,  to  fhield  itfelf  from  the  cenfure  it  juftly  apprehended, 
In  the  hope  of  throwing  the  blame  on  others  ;  a  fineffe 
"*h:ch  ought  not  to  fucceed.  It  is  proper  therefore  to  ftrip 


the  adminiuration  of  a  mantle  thus  artfully  drawn  over  it : 
With  which  view  I  propofe  to  examine  briefly  the  charge  al- 
ledged  againfl  me  by  the  adminiftration,  with  the  evidence 
by  which  it  fupports  it :  Not  for  the  fake  of  {hewing,  I  repeat 
again,  that  my  conduct  did  not  merit  the  attack,  but  that  the 
adminiftration  knew  it,  at  the  time  it  made  the  attack. 

The  charge  which  the  adminiftration  alledged  r.gainft  me 
is  to  be  found  in  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  refer- 
red to  above,  of  the  I3th  of  June  1 796  ,*  the  purport  of  which 
is,  that  I  with-held  certain  documents  from  the  knowledge 
of  the  French  government,  illuftrative  of  the  views  of  ours, 
refpe&ing  the  Britifh  treaty,  although  I  knew  the  French  go- 
vernment was  diiTatisfied  with  that  treaty,  and  had  likewife 
acknowledged  the  receipt  of  thofe  documents  :  and  the  tefti- 
mony  adduced  to  fupport  this  charge  confifts  of  the  three 
following  circumftances:  Firit  the  importance  of  the  docu- 
ments themfeives,  which  were  deemed  conclufivc,  and  fuffici- 
ent  to  have  filenced  the  French  government  had  they  been 
thus  applied  :  The  fecond,  the  delay  of  that  government  to 
cxprefs  its  difcontent,  for  fometime  after  I  was  poflcfied  of 
thofe  documents ;  notwithflanding  fuch  difcontent  was  known 
to  exift  on  account  of  the  Britifh  treaty,  and  was  likewife 
much  aggravated  by  other  caufes  •,  and  the  third,  the  fuc- 
cefs  which  attended  my  efforts  to  remove  that  difcontent,  af- 
ter the  1 5th  of  February  1796,  when  it  was  announced  to 
me  by  the  miniftsr  of  foreign  affairs,  as  heretofore  fhewn  ; 
whence  it  was  inferred,  that  had  I  begun  in  time,  the  affair 
would  have  been  fmothered  in  embrio. 

This  is  the  charge,  and  this  the  teftimony  by  which  it  is 
fupported.  The  fecretary  adds,  it  is  true,  in  his  letter  of  the 
22 J  of  Auguil  following,  that  there  were  ether  concurring 
circumft  nces,  which  confirmed  the  prefident  in  the  proprie- 
ty of  the  meafure  he  had  taken  towards  me  ;  but  thefe  he 
did  not  then  communicate,  nor  has  he  fincc,  though  called  on 
to  do  it  ;  nor  has  he  communieated  other  teftimony  to  fup- 
port the  charge  already  raifed.  To  that  charge  therefore  with 
the  teftimony  adduced,  I  mail  confine  my  comments. 

It  is  proper  to  obferve  here  that  the  documents,  the  with- 
holding which  the  fecretary  lays  to  my  charge,  were  two  let- 
ters, one  from  Mr.  Randolph  of  the  I4th  of  July,  1/95,  com- 
municating his  correfpondence  with  Mr.  Adet,  upon  the  fub- 
jecl:  of  the  treaty,  received  about  the  beginning  of  October 
following,  and  one  from  Mr.  Pickering  of  the  I2th  of  Sept. 

*  Page  364. 


received  fomctime  about  the  laft  of  November,  or  beginning 
of  December,  of  the  fame  year  ;  for  thcfe  were  the  only  let- 
ters which  I  received  from  the  department  of  State  on  that  fub- 
ject,  after  the  treaty  was  fubmitted  to  the  fenate  ;  or  indeed  be- 
fore, except  fitch  as  (hewed  the  fluctuating  ilate  of  the  execu- 
tive mind  refpecHng  the  ratification  ;  which  letters  could  not 
be  referred  to  as  explaining  the  views  of  the  executive,  fince 
then  it  had  none.  To  thefe  two  letters  therefore  the  charge 
folely  applied. 

It  is  alfo  proper  to  obferve  here,  that  the  firft  of  thefe  let- 
ters was  (as  heretofore  dated)  put  into  the  hands  of  the  com- 
mittee of  public  fafety,  as  foon  as  it  was  received,  a  fuitnble 
cccafion  permitting  it  $  that  the  feooiul  was  not  then  received, 
sndof  co'urfe  could  notbe  thusapplied;  though  indeed  had  itbeen 
then  received,  I  do  not  think  I  iliould  have  thus  applied  ir,  for 
rcafons  heretofore  given.  It  will  however  be  ieen  by  a  pe- 
rufal  of  my  difcuflion  with  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  that 
I  omitted  nothing  which  either  of  thofe  papers  contained, 
which  could  be  turned  to  any  account.  The  fir  (I  of  thefc. 
facts,  it  is  true,  was  not  then  known  to  the  fecretary  ;  for  as 
the  object,  at  that  time  contemplated  by  the  committee,  was 
not  purfucd,  on  account  I  prefumc  of  the  change  of  govern- 
ment which  took  place  immediately  afterwards  in  France,  and 
might  poinhly  never  be  revived,!  declined  mentioning  it  to 
our  adminitt  ration,  from  motives  of  delicacy  to  both  govern- 
ments ;  wifiiing,  if  to  be  avoided,  that  no  fuch  evidence  of 
the  difcontent  of  France,  (herald  appear  in  my  correfpondenee. 
The  omiinon  however  to  communicate  it  to  the  adminiftra- 
tion,  was  no  ground  whereon  to  charge  me  with  a  contrary 
line  of  conduct,  againfl  the  force  of  fo  many  other  facts  and 
circum Ranees  as  were  at  the  time  in  its  pofieflion.  The 
other  fact  could  not  then  be  known,  becaufe  the  decifion  re- 
fpetting  me  was  hurried,  before  a  copy  of  that  difcuflixm 
was  received.  The  caufe  of  fuch  precipitation,  at  that  pre- 
cife  time,  and  under  the  then  exifting  circumfrances,  the  ad- 
miniitration  ought  to  explain. 

But  I  will  proceed  to  examine  the  fecretary's  charge  with  the 
*efHmony  by  which  he  fupports  it  •,  the  firft  item  of  which 
i.-,,  the  importance  of  the  documents  in  queftion;  which  he  fays 
were  fuffccient  to  have  filenced  the  French  government,  had 
they  been  thus  applied,  whence  he  infers  that  they  were  not 
thus  applied.  In  noticing  this  piece  of  teftimony,  I  do  not 
wi(h  to  be  underftood  as  derogating  from  the  merit  of  thofe 
documents  :  I  will  admit,  at  leait  for  argument-fake,  that  the 
letters  referred  to  are  well  written.  But  I  deny  that  the  coa- 


C    Ivii    3 

clufion  drawn  from  that  circumftance  is  a  juft  one ;  or  in 
other  words  that  the  continuance  of  the  discontent  of  the 
French  government,  after  I  received  thofe  documents,  is  u 
proof  that  the  light  they  contained  was  withheld.  It  is  well 
known,  that  every  free  government  is  the  pr&per  guardian  of 
whatever  concerns  its  inter  eft y  policy,  or  ko?2sr,  upo?i  luhicbfitbjicfs 
it  takes  its  civn  counfel,  and  purfues  its  CIJUH  meafures  ,-*  no; 
it  often  happen,  that  fuch  government  regards  the  counfcl 
of  any  foreign  nation  whatever.  I  believe  no  inftance  can 
be  adduced,  by  the  adminiflration,  of  any  counfcl  being  afk- 
ed  or  attention  fliewn  on  its  part  to' the  counfels  of  the  French 
nation,  from  the  commencement  of  the  adminiilration  to  the 
prefent  day,  nor  to  the  ceunfels  of  a  minifter  of  that  nation  ; 
one  inftance  only  excepted,  in  which  his  counfcl  was  afked, 
but  immediately  rejected..  Why  it  was  afked  it  v.  ill  be  eaiy 
to  explain,  as  it  likewife  will  be  to  mew,  that  it  was  deter- 
mined to  reject  it  before  it  was  afked.  This  fentiment  then, 
which  is  a  juft  one,  ought  to  be  admitted  as  reciprocal  j  but 
although  the  fecretary  is  firm  and  peremptory,  when  he  applies 
it  in  our  favor,  yet  he  denies  its  exiftence  as  applicable  to  the 
French  republic.  He  fuppofes  after  thofe  letters  were  written, 
that  the  affair  with  France  was  fettled  ;  that  we  were  to  hear 
no  more  of  her  difcontent  about  the  Britifh  treaty,  or  if  we 
did,  that  I  was  to  be  refponfible  for  it.  In  {hort  he  feems  to 
have  concluded, from  the  moment  thofe  letters  were  forwarded 
to  me,  that  he  had  put  that  nation  under  my  care,  and  if  I 
clid  not  keep  it  in  order,  that  I  merited  cenfure.  This  indeed 
were  an  eafy  way  to  fettle  our  controverfies  with  foreign  pow- 
ers, and  fortunate  fhould  we  be  if  we  could  thus  adjuft  them. 
But  how  happens  it,  that  none  of  our  controverfies  have  been 
thus  adjufted  ?  Many  letters  have  been  written  ;  much  la- 
bour beftowed  in  that  line  by  the  fecretary  himfelf,  and  ftill 
\ve  are  involved  in  many  controverfies  ;  none  of  which,  even 
of  the  old  ones,  feem  yet  to  be  finally  fettled,  though  the  op- 
portunity for  it  was  a  moft  favourable  one  ;  whilft  others 
are  accumulated.  I  think  therefore  it  muft  be  admitted,  that 
the  continuance  of  the  difcontent  of  the  French  government, 
after  thofe  documents  were  received,  however  important  they 
might  be,  was  no  proof  that  any  light  they  contained  was  with- 
held by  me. 

And  with  refpecl  to  the  fecond  circumftance  relied  on  ; — the 
delay  of  the  French  government  to  bring  forward  its  com- 
plaintSj  for  fometime  after  I  received  the  documents  in  quef- 

*  See  Secretary's  letter,  page  287. 


iii   3 

tton,  not\*Tithfranding  its  difcontent,  &c.  I  cannot  conceive 
how  that  can  be  urged  in  fupport  of  the  charge.  If  that  ar- 
gument was  found,  it  would  follow  that  if  that  government 
had  brought  forward  its  complaints  fboner,  my  conduct  would 
have  been  correct  ;  whilfl  on  the  other  hand,  if  it  had  never 
complained,  there  would  have  been  a  complete  demonftration.- 
of  the  charge.  It  is  impollible  to  reafon  on  an  argument  fo 
abfurd.  I  (hall  only  o1  ferve  upon  it,  that  had  I  been  called 
on  for  a  proof  cf  my  activity  and  zeal,  tQ  preferve  tranquilli- 
ty between  the  two  countries,  I  fhould  have  urged  the  delay 
of  the  French  government  to  complain,  difcontented  as  it  was, 
as  a  moft  fatisfactory  one.  Indeed  I  do  not  know,  before 
the  goveinment  did  complain,  how  I  could  produce  any 
ether. 

And  the  third  circumflance  relied  on,  to  prove  mifconduct 
in  me,  feems  to  be  equally  abfurd.  I  believe  it  is  the  firfl 
time  that  the  fuccefs  of  exertions  was  ever  urged  as  a  proof 
that  none  were  made,  or  that  they  were  not  made  in  due  time. 
Such  fuccefs,  where  the  object  was  a  defirable  one,  is  generally 
received  by  the  party  for  whom,  or  under  whofe  aufpices,  it  is 
rendered,  with  pleafure  ;  and  obtains  for  the  party  rendering 
it,  fome  degree  of  acknowledgment.  But  that  it  fhould  be 
adduced  as  a  proof  of  previous  mifconduct,  and  treated  as 
fiich,  is  an  act  of  which  I  think  there  is  no  example.  Ar- 
dent muft  have  been  the  purfuit  of  fome  political  object  there- 
by counteracted,  or  keen  and  violent  the  paffions  which  other- 
wife  hurried  the  adminiftration  on,  or  furely  it  would  not 
have  uied  fuch  an  argument.  I  will  aik,  and  the  queftion 
ought  to  be  attended  to,  whether  thofc  efforts,  whofe  details 
were  then  before  the  adminiftration,  contained  the  evidence 
of  a  mind  indifferent  to  the  object  in  view  ?  Whether  the 
fujcefs  which  attended  them,  whereby  the  courfe  of  the 
:h  government  was  actually  checked  and  fufpended,  for 
uven  months,  was  a  proof  that  that  government  thought 
me  infincere,  or  that  the  counfcll  gave  was  unworthy  its  at- 
tention ? 

I  might  obferve,  that  for  this  argument  to  have  Weight,  my 
fuccefs  ought  to  have  been  complete.  But  unfortunately 
feliis  was  not  the  cafe  as  is  too  well  known.  My  efforts  pro- 
iluced  an  effect .  for  a  certain  term  only :  A  fufficient  one 
However  to  have  permitted  the  adminiftration  to  interpofc, 
and  ailift  me.  It  did  interpofe,  it  is  true,  but  it  was  not' for 
that  purpofe.  Had  my  fuccefs  been  complete  w£  fhould  have 
witnefTcd  an  extraordinary  political  phenomenon,  that  of  a 


E   ifc   3 

minifter  furnifhing,  by  fuccefsfu!  fervices  to  his 
try,  teftimony  to  an  adininiitration  hoftile  to  him,  to  prove 
that  he  had  rendered  none,  and  was  a  delinquent.  Such  an 
argument  is  too  abfurd  to  be  dwelt  on.  It  requires  only  t* 
be  underilood,  to  be  defpifed. 

Whether  I  purfued  the  wife  ft  courfe  that  could  have  been 
purfued,  to  prevent  the  complaints  of  that  government  and 
to  reconcile  it  to  our  treaty  with  England,  I  will  not  pretend 
to  fay.  The  courfe  which  I  purfued  was  a  plain  one  :  Ie 
was  to  prevent,  by  informal  explanations,  &c.  the  neceffity  of 
an  official  diicuffion  ;  a  practice  I  had  been  long  in  the  ha- 
bit of,  as  was  well  known  to  the  adminiltration.  As  foon 
however  as  the  French  government  took  up  the  fubject  of- 
ficially) I  was  likewife  prepared  in  that  line  to  oppofe,  and  did 
oppofe,  its  meafures  ;  nor  did  I  relax  in  my  efforts,  till  they 
were  evidently  fruitlefs. 

From  the  period  when  the  treaty  was  concluded  in  Nov. 
1794  till  February  1796,  when  the  French  government  firfl 
took  up  the  fubjecl:  as  above  ftated,  fourteen  months  had 
clapfed  ;  and  from  that  period  to  the  time  when  the  firft 
act  refpecting  the  commerce  of  the  neutral  powers  was  paf- 
fed,  near  feven  month?  more  had  clapfed  ;  forming  in  the 
whole  about  twenty  one  months,  before  any  ftep  was  taken  : 
Nor  did  it  take  a  fingle  ftep  until  after  the  treaty  was  ratifi- 
ed by  the  prefident  and  fenate,  and  the  houfe  of  reprefenta- 
taives  had  likewife  given  its  fanction,  by  the  pafiage  of  a  law 
to  carry  it  into  effect.  Yet  it  was  known  that  the  French 
government  was  jealous  of  the  object  of  the  million  which 
produced  that  treaty  from  the  period  of  its  nomination  ;  that 
it  fufpe£ted  the  treaty  was  founded  upon  principles  injurious 
to  France  before  its  contents  were  feen  ;  and  that  thofe  fuf- 
picions  were  confirmed  when  they  were  feen. 

Whether  I  contributed  in  any  degree  to  divert  the  French 
government  from  oppofing  the  ratification  of  that  treaty,  or 
taking  its  meafures  after  the  treaty  was  ratified,  I  will  not 
pretend  to  fay.  This  is  fubmitted  for  others  to  determine.  If 
I  did,  I  am  notboaftfui  of  it ;  fince  as  our  administration  did 
not  take  advantage  of  that  delay  to  heal  the  breach  in  time,  it 
was  of  no  real  fcrvice  to  my  country.  Well  however  do  I 
know,  after  the  French  government  had  rejected  my  ccunf  .1, 
and  taken  a  different  courfe,  that  I  was  viewed  by  that  govern- 
ment for  fometime  in  a  queftionabk  light :  Nor  were  the  mo- 
tives of  my  conduct  juiUy  appreciated  by  iu,  until  after  1  was 
eenfured  by  our  own. 


C    !x    3 

Such  -were  the  facts  and  documents  in  pofleffion  of  the  ac!-* 
miniiliMiion,  when  it  pronounced  a  cenfure  on  ray  conduct* 
Can  any  one  then  believe,  that  the  motive  ailigned  for  it  was 
the  true  one  ?  And  if  it  was  not,  what  was  the  true  one  ( 

To- determine  this  latter  point  fume  attention  is  due  to  the 
conduct  of  the  adminillraiion  through  every  ilage  of  this 
European  controverfy  ;  for  the  whole  of  its  conduct  forms  a 
fyftem,  which  ought  to  be  taken  together,  to  judge  correct- 
ly of  its  motives  in  any  particular  cafe.  To  do  jullice  to  the 
fubiccl,  in  this  view,  would  require  more  time  and  attention 
than  1  arn  now  able  to  bellow  on  it.  I  will  however  no- 
tice fome  facts  and  circumirances,  which  being  duly  appreci- 
ated, cannot  othsrwife  than  facilitate  the  labors  of  others,  in 
making  a  more  accurate  refearch. 

The  fir  ft  is,  the  appointment  of  a  perfon  as  minifter  ple- 
nipotentiary to  France,  in  the  commencement  of  the  French 
revolution,  who  was  known  to  be  an  enemy  to  that  revolution, 
and  a  partizan  of  royalty  ^  whereby  the  name  and  weight  of 
America  (no  inconiiderable  thing  at  that  time  in  that  re- 
fpedl)  was  thrown  into  the  fcaleof  kings,  againll  that  of  the 
people  and  of  liberty. 

Second,  the  continuance  of  that  perfon  in  office,  till  everjr 
misfortune  predicted  of  his  million,  by  thofe  who  oppofed  it 
in  the  fenate,  and  difapproved  it  throughout  the  community 
at  large  (which  latter  description  was  a  very  numerous  one) 
was  nearly  verified  •,  the  connection  between  the  two  countries 
having  gradually  diminifhed,  as  the  French  revolution  ad- 
vanced, till  at  the  time  of  his  recall  it  was  reduced  to  a  flight 
Bond  indeed  :  In  the  courfe  of  which  time  the  embargo  at 
Bordeaux  was  impofed,  and  continued,  till  removed  upon  the. 
application  of  Mr.  Fenwick,  conful  at  that  port;  for  our  minif- 
ter was  not  attended  to  :  Sundry  articles  of  our  treaty  of  com- 
merce were  like  wife  fet  a  fide  by  formal  decrees  and  many  fpo- 
liations  in  confcquence  made  upon  it. 

Third,  the  final  removal  of  that  perfon,  not  from  a  regard 
to  the  public  intereft  which  was  known  thus  to  fuffer,  but  be- 
caufe  it  was  demanded  by  the  French  government.  Upon 
which  occafion  it  was  intimated  to  him,  that  his  removal  was 
attributable  to  that  caufe  only  ;  which  intimation  became 
known  to  the  French  government. 

Fourth,  my  appointment  to  the  French  republic  with  the 
circumftances  attending  it  :  It  being  known  that,  with  other 
members  of  the  fenate,  I  had  oppofed  in  many  inftances  the 
meafurcs  of  the  adminiftration,  particularly  in  that  of  the  mif- 
fion.of  Mr.  Morris  to  France,  and  of  Mr.  Jay  to  London  ^ 


C    fei    3 

,tne  apprehenfion  thofe  millions  would  produce,  in  our 
eign  relations,  precifely  the  ill  effect  they  did  produce. 

Fifth,  the  instructions  that  were  given  me  to  explain  to 
the  French  government  the  motives  of  Mr.  Jay's  million  to 
London,  not  as  an  act  of  condefcenfion  on  our  part,  at  the 
demand  of  the  French  government,  but  of  policy,  t*  /-. 
tranquillity,  and  give fatisfaftbn,  whilrt  the  negotiation  \vas  de- 
pending ;  by  which  inftructions,  if  the  exigence  of  a  power 
to  form  a  commercial  treaty  was  not  pofitively  denied,  yet 
it  was  withheld,  and  the  contrary  evidently  implied.* 

Sixth,  the  ftrong  documents  that  wers  put  in  my  poffef- 
fion  at  that  period,  by  the  adminiflration,  of  its  attachment  to 
France  and  the  French  revolution  j  fo  different  from  any' 
thing  before  expreffed. 

Seventh,  the  refentment  (hewn  by  the  adminiftration  on 
account  of  the  publication  of  thofe  documents  ;  it  having  been 
intended  they  mould  produce  their  effect,  at  the  fame  time,  and 
yet  be  kept^r^f 

Eighth,  the  approbation  beftowed  on  me  by  the  adminif- 
trarion  when  I  made  vehement  preflures  on  the  French  go- 
vernment for  a  repeal  of  its  decrees,  under  which  our  com- 
merce was  harraffed,  exhibiting  a  picture  of  its  fpoliations, 
&c.  and  the  profound  filence  and  inattention  of  the  adrniniftra- 
tion  when  thofe  decrees  were  repealed,  and  a  difpofition 
(hewn  by  that  government  to  affift  us  in  other  cafes  J 

Ninth,  the  power  given  to  Mr.  Jay  to  form  a  commercial 
treaty  with  England,  in  the  rnidft.  of  a  war,  by  a  fpscial  inif- 
(ion,  at  a  time  when  no  fuch  advance  was  made  to  treat  on 
that  fubjecl:  with  France,  and  her  advances  at  belt  coolly  re- 
ceived. 

Tenth,  The  withholding  from  me  the  contents  of  that  trea- 
ty until  after  the  meeting  of  the  fenate  ;  notwithstanding  the 
embarraffment  to  which  I  was,  in  the  interim,  perfonally  ex- 
pofed,  in  confequence  of  the  explanations  I  had  before  giv- 
en to  the  French  government,  by  order  of  the  adminiftration, 
of  the  motives  of  the  miffion  which  produced  it  5  which  de- 
portment proves  clearly  that  the  adminiftration  did  not  deal 
fairly  with  me  from  the  commencement. 

Eleventh,  the  fubmiffion  of  the  treaty  to  Mr.  Adet  after 
the  advice  of  the  fenate,  before  the  ratification  of  the  prefi- 
dent  •,  at  a  time  when,  as  it  appears  by  fatisfactory  documents, 
it  was  refolved  to  ratify  it  jjj  which  fubmiffion  therefore  was 

*  Page  2  and  86.  f  115.  \  156.  |l  157.  Alfo  Mr  ..Randolph.* 
pampKlct. 


f  kli  J 

probably  riot  iv.ade  to  obtain  the  pad  of  Mr.  Adct's  counfe-i* 
in  v-'hLh  ii0'ht  it  would  have  been  improper,  efpeeially  as  it 
had  been  withheld  from  his  government  ;  but  to  repel  an 
objection  to  the  candor  of  the  adminiiiration,  in  its  conduct 
in  preceding  itnges.  , 

Twelfth,  the  character  of  the  treaty  itfe.lf,  by  which  (ac- 
cording to  the  adminiftration)  we  have  departed  from  the 
modern -rule  of  contraband,  with  refpect  to  many  articles 
made  free  by  modern  treaties  ;  have  alfo  made  an  arrange- 
ment, by  which,  whilfl  it  profefles  not  to  have  facrificed  the 
right,  has  actually  and  avowedly  fanctioned  the  doclrine  and 
prndlice  of  England,  in  feizing  provifions  at  pleafure,  as  con- 
tr.iband  of  war  j  and  have  likewise  yielded  the  principle,  fo 
important  to  America,  that  free  (hips  mall  make  free  goods. 
Thirteenth,  the  conduct  of  the  adminiftration  after  the  ra- 
tification of  the  treaty,  being  in  all  cafes  irritable  towards 
France  i  although  it  was  apprehended  the  ratification  would 
embroil  us  with  that  power  ;  and  although  at  a  moment,  when 
it  was  propofed  to  decline  the  ratification,  a  moit  foothing  and 
humiliating  apology  was  drawn,  to  be  prefented  to  the  Englifh 
government,  for  declining  fo  to  do.* 

Fourteenth,  I  mould  not  notice  my  recall,  being  in  itfelf  a 
circumftance  too  trivial  to  merit  attention,  if  it  were  not  for 
the  date  in  which  our  affairs  were  in  my  hands,  when  my  re- 
call was  decided  ;  being  at  a  period  when  it  appeared  I  had 
fucceeded  in  quieting  die  French  government  for  the  time, 
and  was  likely  to  do  it  efreclually.f  To  be  left  there  tQ 
that  precife  time,  and  then  withdrawn  and  cenfured,  feems 
to  authorife  a  prefumption,  that  I  was  left  there  in  the  firit 
jnftance  in  the  expectation  I  would  not  defend  that  treaty, 
and;in  confequence  whereof  a  rupture  would  enfue,  and  re- 
called afterwards,  when  it  was  known  I  had  done  my  duty, 
and  way  likely  to  prevent  a  rupture. 

Du-i  attention  to  the  above  facls  and  circumflances  in> 
connection  with  others  that  will  readily  occur,  will,  I  am  per-« 
fuaded,  contribute  cflentially  to  explain  the  views  and  policy 
of  the  adminiftration,  through  the  whole  of  this  European 
war ;  the  effecls  whereof  have  been  fo  injurious  to  our  na- 
tional character,  as  likewife  to  the  agricultural  and  commer* 
cia!  intereils  of  thefe  States. 

I  have  omitted  to  comprize  in  the  above  enumeration, 
the  nature  of  this  great  crifis  itfelf,  becaufe  that  being  a  ge- 
neral topic,  will  be  embraced  in  the  mind  of  every  one,  wht 

Sec  again  Mr,  Randolph's 


f     Ixffi     ] 

•warn'mes  with  eare  the  incidents  attending  it,  in  its  relation 
to  every  country.  It  is  known  to  have  been  produced  by 
a  war  undertaken  on  the  part  of  all  the  kings  of  Europe  u- 
gainit  France,  with  a  view  to  prevent  the  fuccefs  of  a  revo- 
lution in  that  country,  in  favor  of  liberty.  Whether  the 
nature  of  this  crifis  contributed  in  any  degree  to  influence 
our  meafures,  by  repelling  us  from  France  and  attracting  ui 
towards  England,  is  fubmitted  for  others  to  determine.  That 
it  ought  to  have  done  fo,  will  I  prefume  not  be  avowed  pub- 
licly by  any  one. 

Whether  the  motives  which  governed  the  adminiftration 
in  its  policy  through  this  crifis  are  juftifiable,  is  a  point 
upon  which  the  public  and  pofterity  will  decide.  I  am  hap- 
py however  to  obferve,  that  no  imputation  can  be  raifed  a- 
gainft  the  adminiftration,  againft  which  it  may  not  vindicate 
itfelf,  if  its  conduct  admits  of  vindication. 

Be  this  however  as  it  may,  it  is  neverthelefs  obvious,  that 
the  policy  itfelf,  was,  at  bcft,  fhortfighted  and  bad.  To  fhiul 
well  with  France  through  the  whole  of  this  European  war,  was 
the  true  intereft  of  America  ;  fince  great  advantage  was  to  be 
derived  from  it  in  many  views,  and  no  injury  in  any.  What 
would  have  been  the  condition  of  thefe  States  had  France 
been  conquered,  and  the  coalefced  powers  triumphed,  it  is 
eafy  to  perceive.  Had  the  duke  of  Brunfwick,  for  example, 
reached  Paris,  and  the  kings  of  Europe,  after  distributing  a^ 
mong  themfelves  fuch  portions  of  that  flouriihing  country  as 
Anted  each,  dictated  to  the  refrdue  fuch  form  of  government 
as  they  pleafed  (if  indeed  they  had  not  annihilated  the  mini* 
of  France  as  they  have  done  that  of  Poland)  was  it  to  be  prc- 
fumed  that  America,  who,  as  the  parent  of  liberty,  was  likc- 
'v/ife  the  parent  of  the  French  revolution,  would  have  efcapcd 
their  notice  ?  Or  was  it  likely,  that  by  a  variance  with  France^ 
preferring  as  we  do,  and  I  truft  always  {hall  preferve,  our 
free  elective  government,  that  we  mould  have  flood  well  with 
them,  hated  as  we  know  we  are  by  one  of  the  parties,  who 
cannot  view  us  in  any  other  light  than  that  of  rebels  ?  For*, 
tunately  the  fuccelTesof  France  permitted  us  to  have  only  a 
glirhpfe  of  the  danger  which  menaced  us.  But  the  exiftencc 
of  fuch  a  danger,  or  even  the  probability  that  it  exiited, 
was  a  fufncient  motive  why  we  mould  preferve  a  good  un- 
derftanding  with  the  power,  by  whofe  fuccerTes  it  was  fure 
to  be  averted. 

In  many  other  views  too,  it  was  of  importance  for  us  ta 
ftand  well  with  France.     We  had  claims  to  adjuft  with 
gowers,  the  favourable  adjuftment  whereof  depended 


<>n  ner  fuccefs :  For  if  me  \vas  conquered,  it  did  not  Icera 
likely  that  we  fhould  accomplim  any  of  our  objects  with  thofe 
powers  ;  nor  could  we  profit  of  her  fuccefs  otherwife  than 
by  preferving  a  good  underftanding  with  her. 

Befides  our  footing  with  France  was  in  itfelf  highly  advan- 
tageous to  us.  By  our  treaty  of  1778,  we  enjoyed  the  privi- 
lege of  the  modern  law  of  nations  in  our  intercourfe  with 
her  enemies.  By  it  our  fhips  gave  protection  to  the  goods  of 
her  enemies,  and  to  all  kind  of  merchandize  in  our  trade  with 
her  enemies,  ftrict  contraband  of  war  only  excepted.  The 
beneiidal  effects  too  cf  this  ftipulation,  which  was  refpecled 
by  France  at  the  time  that  treaty  pafled,  was  moft  fenfibly 
f  A:  upon  our  navigation  and  commerce  j  for  in  confequence  of 
it,  we  were  then  become  the  principal  carriers  of  the  enemies 
of  France.  It  was  therefore  of  importance  to  us  to  continue 
»this  ftipulation  m  force,  and  the  obligation  upon  the  adminif- 
tration, to  be  attentive  to  the  means  of  preferving  it,  was  the 
flrong'er  from  the  consideration,  that  by  the  mifconduft  of 
the  administration,  it  had  been  already  once  loft  in  the  courfe 
of  the  prefent  war  ;  as  from  the  further  one,  that  as  Britain 
oid  not  recognize  the  fame  principle,  the  obfervance  of  it  by 
France  could  not  otherwife  than  be  hurtful  to  her. 

And  in  contemplation  of  future  and  more  beneficial  com- 
mercial arrangements,  it  was  of  great  importance  for  us  to 
ftand  well  with  France.  The  fertility  and  extent  of  her  co- 
lonial pofleffions,  with  the  amount  and  value  of  their  produc- 
tions, furpafling  by  far  thcfe  of  any  other  European  power, 
(to  fay  nothing  of  the  importance  of  the  commerce  of  France 
herfelf)  are  facts  well  under  flood  by  our  commercial  people. 
It  was  highly  for  the  intereft  of  America  to  improve  our  foot- 
ing in  that  commerce,  and  eafy  w*s  it  to  have  done  fo,  had 
due  attention  been  paid  to  the  neceflary  means  of  improv- 
ing it. 

Thefe  were  considerations  which  ought  to  have  been  attend- 
ed to,  and  would  have  been  attended  to  by  the  adminiftration, 
if  fome  more  powerful  motive  had  not  interpofed  to  prevent 

1  Nor  was  it  difficult  to  ftand  well  with  France  through  the 
whole  of  this  crifis,  and  profit  of  her  fortunes,  without  the 
fmalleft  poflible  lofsor  even  hazard.  The  demonftration  of 
this  pofition  is  complete  j  for  we  know  that  although  our 
ground  was  once  loft  by  the  adminiftration,  in  the  courfe  of 
the  prefent  war,  it  was  neverthelefs  afterwards  recovered  "9 
although  it  is  much  eafier  to  preferve  a  friendfhip,  whilft  at 
.*  height,  than  to  recover  it'  after  it  is  gone.  And  how  was 


r     Ixv     ] 

it  recovered  ?  Not  by  any  addrefs  on  my  part,  for  I  pretend 
to  none  :  But  (imply  by  prcfenting  to  the  Frencli  govern- 
ment the  documents  that  were  committed  to  my  care  for  tJ 
puroofe  ;  illuftrative  of  the  good  wifhes  of  our  adminiflratioii 
for  the  French  nation,  and  its  revolution  ;  and  likeuifeby 
fupporting  thofe  documents  by  my  own  conducl.  ,  by  whicli 
however  I  was  known,  as  a  fpectator  only,  not  as  a  partizau 
in  their  affairs  ;  for  I  do  not  recollect  that  I  gave  an  opinion 
upon  a  fmgle  point,  with  which  I  had  no  concern,  \vhilft  I 
was  there  ;  nor  did  I  ever  aiTociare  with  their  parties,  cr  v. 
any  defcription  of  perfyns  as  a  party.  All  Frenchmen  were 
kindly  received  at  my  houfe  :  In  fhort  I  did  r>c:-hi:ig  but 
mind  my  own  bufinefs  in  a  plain  and  fimple  way  ;  which 
thoufands  of  my  countrymen  might  have  done  equally  \ve!!, 
perhaps  much  better.  And  of  her  difpofition  to  extend  to  us 
the  aid  of  her  fortunes,  in  every  line  where  they  could  aid  i;~,  t 
fufficient  proof  was  likewife  given. 

Nor  did  we  hazard  any  thing  in  any  view  by  {landing  veil 
with  France,  whiiil  much  was  to  be  gained.  The  admiihlira- 
tion  admits  me  did  not  wifh  us  to  embark  in  the  war.  Per- 
haps this  was  admitted  to  preclude  the  claim  of  merit  for  not 
wifhing  it.  But  the  fact  in  my  .opinion  was  fo.  I  fpeak  with 
confidence  of  the  views  of  the  French  government,  in  that  re  - 
fpetl,  after  I  got  there  ;  efpecially  whilik  our  footing  was  moil: 
cordial.  Of  the  motive  I  fay  nothing  j  but  I  think  it  not  only 
due  to  candor,  but  found  policy,  to  admit  in  all  cafes  th- 
rive to  be  good,  when  the  effect  was  falutary. 

Such  was  the  fituation  of  America  in  the  co:    !  .ncnt 

of  this  war  !  Such  our  (landing  with  the  French  nation,  il» 
advantageous  in  itfelf,  fo  eafy  to  preferve  !  And  ye-':  all  the'e 
advantages  have  been  thrown  away,  and  inftead  of  that Tecure 
and  tranquil  (late,  which  we  might  have  enjoyed  throughout, 
we  have  been  likewife  plunged,  fo  far  as  th_  iftratiou 

could  plunge  us,  into  a  war  with  our  ancient  ally,  and  on  the 
iide  of  the  kings  of  Europe  contending  again/ft  litr  for  the  fub- 
verfion  of  liberty  ! 

Had  France  been  conquered,  to  what  objects  that  admiaif- 
trafcion  would  have  afpired,  has  fortunately,  by  her  victories, 
been  left  a  fubjecl  for  conjecture  only.  Of  its  zeal  to  puih 
things  to  a  dangerous  extremity  we  have  many  proofs  :  Of 
its  moderation,  none. 

We  have  heard  much  of  intrigues,  between  the  people  of 
thefe  States  and  the  government  of  France.  But  free  peo- 
ple feldom  intrigue  together;  becaufe  there  is  no  motive  for  it. 
Between  the  leaders  hov/evcr  of  a  free  pecple;  azd-the  neigh- 


[  kvi  3 

monarchs,  fuch  intrigues  have  often  taken  placr* 
and  always  will  take  place,  whilft  liberty  is  odious  to  mon- 
archs,  and  men  can  be  found  bale  enough  to  betray  her.  If 
iveread  the  hiftory  of  the  ancient  Grecian  republics,  we  mall 
fee  many  examples  of  intrigues  between  the  kings  of  Perfia 
and  the  leaders  of  thofe  republics  ;  whilil  none  are  to  be  feen 
of  combinations  between  the  people  of  any  of  thofe  republics 
and  the  free  governments  of  another,  except  of  the  purpofe  of 
overthrowing  their  tyrants.  But  in  America  we  have  no  ty- 
rant except  that  of  prejudice,  which  time  and  information  a- 
lone  will  overthrow. 

The  contrail  between  the  fituation  we  might  have  held* 
through  the  whole  of  this  war,  and  that  which  we  have  held, 
is  a  linking  one.  We  might  have  flood  well  with  France* 
avoidii7g  ;i)l  the  lofTes  we  have  fuftained  from  her  •,  enjoying 
the  benefit  of  the  principles  of  free  trade,  and  even  appeared 
us  an  advocate  for  thofe  principles,  and  without  going  to  any 
extremity  :  We  might  have  preferved  our  ancient  renown  ; 
bought  at  a  great  expence  of  blood  and  treafure,  in  a  long 
war,  in  a  contell  for  liberty,  and  even  appeared  as  a  defender 
of  liberty,  and  without  fighting  for  her  :  We  might  too,  in 
my  opinion,  have  commanded  a  better  fortune  in  our  negocia- 
tion  with  Britain,  and  only  by  availing  ourfelves,  in  a  fuitabls? 
manner,  of  the  fortunes  of  France.  And  infleadof  a  fitu- 
ation  fo  advantageous,  fo  honorable,  fo  fatisfadlory  to  our 
country,  what  is  that  into  which  our  government  has  conduct- 
ed us  ?  Our  navigation  deftrcyed,  commerce  laid  wafte  and 
a  general  bankruptcy  threatening  thofe  engaged  in  it ;  the 
friendfhip  of  a  nation  loft,  the  molt  powerful  on  earth,  who 
htid  dcfcrved  better  things  from  us,  and  had  offered  to  place 
us,  our  vefiels,  and  commodities  on  the  footing  of  its  native 
citizens  in  ail  its  dominions  ;  war  hanging  over  us,  and  that 
not  on  the  fide  of  liberty  and  the  juft  afFecUons  of  our  peoples 
but  of  mortar  chy  and  our  late  nioit  deadly  fos;  and  we  arc  made, 
fail,  by  treaty  and  by  the  fpirit  of  thofe  at  the  helm,  to  a  na- 
tion bankrupt  in  its  refources,  and  rapidly  verging  either  to 
arferchy  or  defpotifm.  Nor  is  this  all.  Our  national  honor 
is  in  the  dud;  we  have  been  kicked,  cuffed,  and  plundered  all 
over  the  ocean  ;  our  reputation  for  faith  fcouted  j  our  govern- 
ment and  people  branded  as  cowards,  incapable  of  being  pro- 
voked to  refill,  and  ready  to  receive  again  thofe  chains  we  had 
taught  ethers  to  burfl.  Long  will  it  be  before  we  mail  be 
able  to  forget  what  we  are,  nor  will  centuries  fuffice  to  raifc 
B»  to  the  j-.igh  ground  frgm  which  we  have  fallen* 


INSTRUCTIONS 


A  ND 


CORRESPONDENCE,    &C. 


INSTRUCTIONS. 


June   lo/£,    1794, 


You  have  been  nominated  as  the  fucceiTor  of  Mr. 
Gouverneur  Morris,  in  the  office  of  Miniiler  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America  to  the  Republic  of  France, 
from  a  confidence,  that,  while  you  keep  fteadily  in  view  the 
necefiity  of  rendering  yourfelf  acceptable  to  that  government, 
you  Will  maintain  the  ielf-refpecl  due  to  our  own.  In  doing 
the  one  and  the  other  of  thefe  things,  your  own  prudence 
and  underftanding  mull  be  the  guides  ;  after  firfl  pofLiIing 
yourfelf  of  the  real  fentiments  of  the  Executive  relative  to 
the  French  nation. 

The  Prefident  has  been  .an  early  and  decided  friend  of 
the  French  Revolution ;  and  whatever  reafon  there  may  have 
been,  under  our  ignorance  of  fads  and  policy,  to  fufp^nd  an 
opinion  upon  ibme  of  its  important  transactions ;  yet  is  he 
immutable  in  his  wifhes  for  its  accomplifhment ;  incapable 
of  affentin-g  to  the  right  of  any  foreign  prince  to  meddle 
with  its  interior  arrangements ;  und  perfuc.aed  that  fuccefs 
will  attend  their  efforts  ;  and  particularly,  that  union  r.mong 
fhemfelves  is  an  impregnable  barrier  againft  external  afTauiis- 

B 


C     a-    ] 

How  the  French  government,  when  it  mall  be  no  longer 
attacked  by  foreign  arms,  will  ultimately  fettle,  ts  a  point, 
not  yet  reduced  to  any  abfolutely  certain  expectation.  The 
gradation  of  publick  opinion  from  the  beginning  of  the  new 
order  of  things  to  this  day  ;  and  the  fluctuation  and  mutual 
deftrucHon  of  parties,  forbid  a  minrfter  of  a  foreign  country 
to  attach  himfelf  to  any  as  fuch,  and  dictate  to  him  not  to 
incline  to  any  fet  of  men,  further  than  they  appear  to  go 
with  the  fenfe  of  the  nation. 

When  the  executive  provifory  council  recalled  Mr.  Genet, 
they  exprefled  a  determination  to  render  it  a  matter  of  eclat, 
as  you  have  feen  ;  and  at  the  fame  time  difavowed  all  his 
offeniive  acts.  Nothing  having  been  forwarded  to  us,  rela- 
tive to  Mr.  Morris,  which  requires  a  difavowal,  you  will, 
if  you  mould  be  interrogated  as  to  any  particular  feeling 
prevailing  with  the  Prefident  upon  the  occafion,  refer  to  the 
letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  Fauchet,  as  expla- 
natory of  the  Prefident's  promptnefs  to  comply  with  their  de- 
mand. 

.From  Mr.  Genet  and  Fauchet  we  have  uniformly  learned, 
that  France  did  not  defire  us  to  depart  from  neutrality  ;  and 
it  would  have  been  un-wife  to  have  afked  us  to  do  otherwife  : 
For  our  ports  are  open  to  her  prizes,  while  they  are  ihut 
to  thofe  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  fupplies  of  grain  could  not  be 
forwarded  to  France  with  fo  much  certainty,  were  we  at  war, 
as  they  can  even  now,  notwithftanding  the  Britifh  inftruc- 
ions ;  and  as  they  may  be,  if  the  demands  to  be  made  upon 
Great  Britain  mould  fucceed.  We  have,  therefore,  pur- 
fued  neutrality  with  faithfulnefs  •,  we  have  paid  more  of  our 
debt  to  France  than  was  abfolutely  due ;  as  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treafury  aflerts  ;  and  we  mould  have  paid  more,  if 
the  ftate  of  our  affairs  did  not  require  us  to  be  prepared 
with  funds  for  the  poflible  event  of  war.  We  mean  to 
continue  the  fame  line  of  conduct  in  future  j  and  to  remove 
^all  jealoufy  with  refpect  to  Mr.  Jay's  million  to  London,  you 
may  fay,  that  he  is  pofitively  forbidden  to  weaken  the  engage- 
ments between  this  country  and  France.  //  is  not  improbable,, 
that  \oif  •will  be  obliged  to  encounter^  on  this  heady  fufpicions  of 
various  kinds.  But  you  may  declare  the  motives  of  that  mi/Jion  t9 
be,  to  obtain  immediate  compenfation  for  our  plundered  property^ 
and  reftituiion  of  the  pofls.  You  may  intimate  by  way  of 
argument,  but  without  afcribing  it  to  the  government,  that9 
if  war  Jhould  be  neceffary>  the  affe&ions  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  towards  ity  'would  be  better  fecured  by  a  mani^ejlation^  that 
every Jtep  bad  been  taken  to  avoid  it ;  and  that  the  Britijh  nation 


[      3      ] 

would  be  divided,  when  they  found  that  lue  had  been  forced  nit 9 
it.  This  may  be  briefly  touched  upon  as  the  path  of  pru- 
dence with  refpecVto  ourfelves ;  and  alib  with  refpeet  to 
France,  fince  we  are  unable  to  give  her  aids  of  men  or  money. 
To  this  matter  you  cannot  be  too  attentive,  and  you  will  be 
amply  juftified  in  repelling  with  firmnefs  any  imputation 
of  the  moft  diftant  intention  to  facrince  our  connection  with. 
France  to  any  connection  with  England.  You  may  back 
your  afiertions  by  a  late  determination  of  the  Prefident  to  have 
it  fignified  abroad  that  he  is  avevfe  to  admit  into  his  public 
room,  which  is  free  to  all  the  world  befides,  any  Frcnch- 
*men,  who  are  obnoxious  to  the  French  Republic  ;  although, 
perhaps,  it  may  again  happen  fometimes,  as  many  go  thither, 
whofe  names  and  characters  are  utterly  unknown. 

It  is  very  probable  that  our  country  will  become  the  afylum 
for  moil  of  the  French  who  expatriate  themfelves  from 
native  land.  Our  laws  have  never  yet  made  a  diitinction  of 
perlbns,  nor  is  fuch  a  diftinclion  very  esfy.  Hence  fome  of 
thofe  who  are  perhaps  attainted  in  France,  have  thrown 
themfelves  upon  the  protection  of  the  United  States.  This 
will  not,  as  it  furely  ought  not  to  be  mifinterpreted  into  any 
eftrangement  from  the  French  caufe.  You  will  explain  thuy 
•whenfoever  it  fiall  be  necejjary. 

If  we  may  judge  from  what  has  been  at  different  times 
uttered  by  Mr.  Fauchet,  he  will  reprefent  the  exiftence  of 
two  parties  here  irreconcileabie  to  each  other.  One  republi- 
can, and  friendly  to  the  French  revolution ;  the  other 
monarchical,  arirtocratic,  Britannic,  and  anti-Gallican  j 
that  a  majority  of  the  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives,  the  people, 
and  the  Prefident,  are  in  the  firft  clafs ;  and  a  majority  of 
the  Senate  in  the  fecond.  If  this  intelligence  mould  be  ufed, 
in  order  to  infpire  a  diftvuft  of  our  good  will  to  France,  you 
will  induftriouily  obviate  fuch  an  effect : — and  if  a  fair 
occafion  ihould  prefent  itfelf,  you  may  hint,  that  the  moft 
effectual  means  of  obtaining  from  the  United  States,  what 
is  defired  by  France,  will  be  by  a  plain  and  candid  application 
to  the  government,  and  not  by  thofe  infidious  operations  on 
the  people,  which  Genet  endeavoured  to  carry  on. 

The  information,  which  we  pofleis  of  France,  before  and  in 
the  early  itages  of  the  revolution,  muft  be  confiderably  changed 
at  this  day.  You  will,  therefore,  rranfmit  to  us,  as  foon  as  poi- 
fible,  an  account  of  the  navy,  the  agriculture,  and  the  commerce 
of  France.  It  is  defirable  too  to  know,  upon  what  footing  reli- 
gion really  ftands.  Thefe,  however,  are  genera)  objects.  But 
we  are  particularly  concerned  to  underitand  the  true  ftate  of 


[      4       ] 

the  different  feels  of  politics.  Are  there  any  of  the  old  friends 
to  the  ancient  regime  remaining  ?  Are  any  ne\v  friends  created 
by  the  courfe  of  things  ?  Are  the  BriiTotines  extinguished  ? 
Are  the  Dantonilts  overwhelmed  ?  Is  Robefpierre's  party 
firmly  fixed  ?  Is  he  capable  from  talents  and  pcrfonal  fortitude 
to  direct  the  florin  ?  Is  his  character  free  from  imputation,  as 
to  money  ?  Is  he  friendly  to  the  United  States  ?  How  is  the 
executive  power  adminiflered  now  ?  What  new  acceffion  of 
authority  may  have  lately  accrued  to  the  committee  of  public 
fafety  ?  What  relation  do  the  twelve  commiflions  of  admini- 
ftration,  which  have  been  lately  eflablifhed,  bear  to  that 
committee  ?  What  is  the  true  caufe  of  the  various  changes, 
which  have  lately  taken  place,  by  one  party  rifing  upon  the 
ruins  of  another  ?  What  affurance  can  be  had,  that  any  party 
can  fo  long  maintain  itfelf,  as  to  promife  {lability  to  the  go- 
vernment ?  Are  the  people  fincerely  affectionate  to  their 
prefent  government;  or  are  they  reftrained  by  the  terror 
of  the  revolutionary  tribunal,  or  by  the  danger  of  having- 
their  country  difmembercd  by  the  coalefced  princes  ?  What 
fpecies  of  executive  will  probably  be  at  laft  adopted  ?  What 
characters  bid  fair  to  take  the  helm  of  affairs,  after  the  great 
destruction  and  banimment  of  able  men  ?  Thefe  and  many 
other  queflions  of  the  fame  nature  ought  to  be  fclved,  to 
enable  us  to  fee  things  in  a  true  light.  For  without  doubting 
the  folidity  of  the  French  caufe,  we  ought  not  to  be  unpre- 
pared for  any  event.  If,  therefore,  any  very  momentous 
turn  mould  arife  in  French  affairs,  upon  which  the  conduct  of 
our  government  may  depend,  you  need  not  hefitate  at  the 
cxpence'of  an  advice  boat,  if  no  other  fatisfa&ory  opportu- 
nity mould  occur.  But  it  is  the  wifh  of  the  Prefident,  that 
at  the  end  of  every  week,  you  commit  to  a  letter  the  tranf- 
aclions  of  it,  and  embrace  every  proper  conveyance,  by 
duplicates,  and,  in  great  cafes,  even  by  triplicates. 

Should  you  be  interrogated  about  the  treaty  of  commerce, 
you  may  reply  that  it  has  never  been  propoled  to  us  by  Mr. 
Fauchet.  As  to  any  thing  elfc  concerning  it,  you  will  exprefs 
yourfelf  not  to  be  inilru£led  -,  it  being  a  fubje&  to  be  ricgoci- 
ated  with  the  government  here. 

In  like  manner,  if  a  treaty  of  alliance,  or  if  the  execution 
of  the  guarantee  of  the  French  iflands,  by  force  of  arms, 
{hould  be  propounded,  you  will  refer  the  Republic  of  France 
to  this  fide  of  the  water.  In  fhort,  it  is  expe&ed,  with  a  fure 
reliance  on  your  difcretion,  that  you  will  not  commit  the 
United  States,  by  any  fpcdlic  'declarations,  except  where 


C      5      ] 

you  are  particularly  inftru&ed,    and  except  too  in   giving 
teflimony  of  our  attachment  to  their  caufe. 

There  is  reafon  to  believe,  that  the  embargo,  when  it  was 
firft  laid,  excited  fome  uneafy  fenfations  in  the  breaft  of  the 
French  minifter.  For  it  fo  happened,  that  at  the  moment 
before  its  operation,  pretty  confulerable  fliipments  of  flour 
were  made  to  the  Britim  Weft-Indies,  and  a  fnow,  called 
La  Camille,  laden  with  flour,  for  France,  was  arrefted  near 
New-Gallic,  on  the  Delaware,  after  fhe  had  quitted  the  port 
of  Philadelphia.  But  you  knew  enough  of  the  hiftory  of 
this  bufinefs,  to  declare,  that  the  embargo  was  levelled  againft 
Great  Britain,  and  was  made  general,  merely  becaufe,  if  it 
had  been  partial  againft  her,  it  would  have  amounted  to  a 
caufe  of  war  ;  and  alfo,  that  it  was  not  continued,  merely 
becaufe  it  was  reputed  to  be  injurious  to  France.  My  letters 
to  Mr.  Fauchet  will  explain  the  cafe  of  La  Camillej  and  all 
his  complaints  about  the  embargo. 

Should  our  embargo  be  brought  up,  the  way  will  be  eafy 
for  our  complaint  againfl  the  embargo  of  Bourdeaux.  At  any 
rate,  you  will  rarionftrate  againlt  it,  and  urge  fatisfacliou^ 
for  the  fufferers.  Ycu  will  receive  all  the  papers,  which  have 
come  into  the  department  of  f:ate,  relative  to  thofe  matters ; 
and  you  will  befides  open  a  correfpondence  with  the  captains 
and  perfons  interefled  at  Bourde^ux,  in  order  to  obtain  more 
accurate  information. 

But  you  will  go  farther   and  infill  upon  compenfatkm  for   ' 
the  captures  and  fpoliations  of  our  property,    and   injuries 
to   the  perfons   of    our   citizens,    by  French  cruifers.     Mr. 
Fuuchet  has  been  applied  to ;  and  prcrnifes  to  co-operate  for 
the  obtaining  of  fatisfacUon. 

The  dilator inefs  with  which  bufmefs  is  transacted  in 
France  will,  if  not  curtailed  in  the  adjuftment  of  thefe  cafes, 
produce  infinite  mifchief  to  our  merchants.  This  mud:  be 
firmly  reprefented  to  the  French  Republic  ;  and  you  may  find 
a  feafon  for  intimating,  how  unfortunate  it  would  be,  if  fo 
refpedlable  a  body,  as  that  of  our  merchants  (hould  relax  in 
their  zeal  for  the  French  caufe,  from  irritation  at  their  lolTes. 
The  papers  on  this  head  are  a  ftatement  of  French  cafes,  Mr. 
Fauchet's  letters  to  me,  and  the  documents  thcmfelves. 

You  know  the  extreme  diftrefs  in  which  the  inhabitants 
of  St.  Domingo  came  hither  after  the  difafters  of  trie  Caps. 
Private  charity,    and  efpecially  at   Baltimore,   m 
contributed  to  their  fupport.     The  Cong  re  ft  at  length  ad- 
vanced  15,000  dollars  with  a  view  of  reiniLurfeir^at  from 


C      <5      ] 

France.  This  fubjcct  has  been  broken  to  Mr.  Fauchet  here, 
and  he  appears  to  have  been  roufed  at  the  idea  of  fupporting 
by  French  money  French  ariftocrats  and  democrats  indifcri- 
minately.  Both  he  and  his  nation  ought  to  be  fatisfied,  that 
in  the  caufe  of  humanity,  opprefled  by  poverty,  political 
opinions  have  nothing  to  do.  Add  to  this,  that  none  but  the 
really  indigent  receive  a  farthing.  It  was  the  duty  of  the 
French  Republic  to  relieve  their  colonifts  labouring  under  a 
penury  fo  produced  •,  and  as  it  would  have  been  too  late  to 
wait  for  their  approbation  before  the  payments  were  decreed, 
it  will  not  be  deemed  an  offenfive  difpofal  of  French  money, 
that  we  now  make  a  claim  for  repayment.  If  Mr.  Fauchet 
has  power  upon  the  fubject,  an  attempt  will  be  made  for  a 
fettlement  with  him  here  ;  but  that  being  very  doubtful,  it 
will  forward  the  retribution  by  difcuffing  it  in  Europe. 

You  will  be  alfo  charged  with  the  demands  of  feveral 
American  citizens  for  bills  of  exchange  drawn  in  the  French 
Weft-Indies  on  France.  The  report  of  a  committee  of  them, 
Mr.  Fauchet's  letter,  and  the  vouchers,  which  you  will  carry, 
leave  no  doubt  of  your  fuccefs.  But  if  there  ihould  be  any 
difficulty,  do  not  fail  to  communicate  it  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  inftantaneoufly.  The  fooner,  therefore,  the  affair  is 
entered  upon  the  better. 

It  is  important,  that  no  public  character  of  the  United 
States  mould  be  in  France,  which  is  not  acceptable.  You 
will  inquire  into  the  confuls  ;  and  inform,  how  they  are 
approved,  and  whether  they  be  deferving.  Although  the 
Prefident  'will  avoid,  as  much  as  pojfflblc,  to  appoint  any  obnoxious 
per/on  Confuly  it  may  happen  otherivife^  and  muft  be  confidered  as 
accidental.  Mr.  Alexander  Duvernat  goes  for  Paris  in  the 
quality  of  Vice-Conful,  and  Mr.  Fauchet  faid  that  he  had 
nothing  to  object  to  him. 

Consulates  are  eftablimed  in  every  port  of  France,  where 
they  are  conceived  ufeful.  But  perhaps  you  may  find  it  ad- 
vifeable  to  mark  out  fome  other  places  for  fuch  offices. 

It  is  recommended,  that  no  bufinefs  of  confequence,  be 
carried  on  verbally  or  in  writing,  but  in  your-own  language. 

The  miniiter  of  each  nation  has  a  right  to  ufe  his  national 
tongue,  and  few  men  can  confide  in  their  exactnefs  when 
they  do  bufinefs  in  a  foreign  one.  But  great  care  is  necefiary 
tn  the  choice  of  interpreters,  when  they  are  to  be  reforted  to. 

It  is  a  practice  of  great  utility  to  note  down  every  con- 
verfation  of  ccnfequencie,  which  you  hold,  immediately 
aftc'r  retirement ;  and  the  Executive  will  expect  to  receive 
copies  of  what  fhall  be  thus  written. 


C     7     ] 

A  communication  with  our  other  minifters  in  Europe,  under 
proper  caution,  may  be  advantageous. 

Let   nothing   depend  upon  verbal  communication   which 
can  be  carried  on  in  writing. 

To  conclude. — You  go,  Sir,  to  France,  to  ftrengthen  our 
friendmip  with  that  country  •,  and  you  are  well  acquainted 
with  the  line  of  freedom  and  eafe,  to  which  you  may  advance, 
without  betraying  the  dignity  of  the  United  States.  You 
will  mew  our  confidence  in  the  French  Republic,  without 
betraying  the  moft  remote  mark  of  undue  complaifance. 
TCou  'will  let  it  be  feeti)  that  in  cafe  of  war,  'with  any  nation  o?i 
earthy  ive  (hall  conftder  France  as  our  firp  and  natural  a/Iy. 
You  may  Qwell  upon  thefenfe  'which  we  entertain  of paft  fervices, 
and  for  the  more  recent  interpolation  in  our  behalf  with  the 
Dey  of  Algiers.  Among  the  great  events  with  which  the 
world  is  now  teeming,  there  may  be  an  opening  for  France  to 
become  injlrumental  in  fecuring  to  us  ths  free  navigation  of  the 
Miffifippi.  Spain  may,  perhaps,  negociate  a  peace,  feparate 
from  Great  Britain ,  'with  France.  If  ihe  does,  the  Mifffppi 
may  be  acquired  through  this  channel^  efpecially  if  you  contrive 
to  have  our  mediation  in  any  manner  iblicited. 

With  every  wifh  for  your  welfare  and  aji  honourable  ifluc 
to  your  miniftry, 

I  am,  Sir,  &c. 

Signed,  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 
FROM  Mr.  MONROE  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE, 

PHILADELPHIA. 


Paris,  Augujl  io/£,   1794, 
Six, 

ON  the  3  i  ft  ultimo  I  arrived  at  Havre,  and  on  the 
fecond  in  ft  ant  at  this  place.  Mr.  Morris  was,  upon  my 
arrival,  from  town,  but  he  came  in  as  foon  as  advifed  of  it. 
By  him  I  was  prefented  to  the  commifFary  of  foreign  affairs, 
who  a  mured  me  that  as  foon  as  the  form  of  my  reception 
mould  be  fettled,  he  would  apprize  me  of  it,  but  that  this 
would  unavoidably  create  a  delay  of  fome  days,  as  well  from 
the  prefent  derangement  -  of  their  affairs  on  account  of  the 


late  commotion  of  Robefpierre,  as  from  the  neceffity  of  ma- 
king fome  general  regulation  in  that  r^fpect,  it  being  the  firft 
inftvmce  in  wMeh  a  miniflerhad  been  addreflea  to  the  Repub- 
lic. I  allured  ir>.i  I  fliould  wait  with  pleafure  the  convenience 
of  thcfe  w  io:n  it  concerned,  and  nnce  which  I  have  not 
-feen  him,  but  he  ir  L-I  u  the  fubject  is  under  confideration  of 
the  committee  of  public  far  sty,  and  will  probably  be  conclu- 
ded in  a  day  or  two. 

I  heard  at  Havre  of  the  crimes  and  execution  of  Robefpierre, 
St.  Juft,  Couthon  and  others  of  that  party,  and  fhould  have 
written  you  on  the  fubjecl  from  that  port,  but  that  I  knew  I 
could  give  only  the  current  report,  varying,  perhaps,  in  every 
fea-port  town,  and  which  might  reach  you  before  my  letter. 
I  hailened,  therefore,  to  i/aris,  in  the  hope  of  acquiring 
there  immediately  more  correct  information  of  facts,  as  well 
as  of  the  caufes  which  gave  birth  to  them  ;  but  even  yet,  I 
fufpect,  I  am  on  the  furface  only,  for  it  will  take  fome  time 
to  become  well  acquainted  with  the  true  liate  of  things  on  a. 
theatre  fo  extenfive  and  important. 

That  Robefpierre  and  his  aflbciates  merited  their  fate,  is  a 
pofition  to  which  every  one  ailents.  It  was  proclaimed  by 
the  countenances  and  voices  of  all  whom  I  met  and  converted 
with  from  Ha\!e  to  Paris.  In  the  latter  place,  where  the 
oppreffion  was  heavieft,  the  people  feem  to  be  relieved  from 
a  burden  which  had  become  infupportable.  It  is  generally 
agreed  that,  from  the  period  of  Danton's  fall,  Robefpierre 
had  amaffed  in  his  own  hands  all  the  powers  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  controuled  every  department  in  all  its  operations. 
It  was  his  fpirit  which  ruled  the  committee  of  public  fafety, 
the  Convention,  and  the  revolutionary  tribunal.  The  Con- 
vention was  loon  found,  after  the  abrogation  of  the  conftitu- 
tion  to  be  too  unwieldy,  and  How  in  its  deliberations,  to  di- 
rect the  great  and  complicated  mafs  of  executive  bufinefs  -, 
this  had  given  birth  to  two  committees,  the  one  of  faint 
public,  the  other  of  furefe  generate,  into  whofe  hands  the 
whole  was  depofited.  To  the  former  was  afligned  the 
management  of  foreign  affairs,  the  direction  of  the  armies^ 
£c.  to  the  latter,  the  interior  adminiftration,  and  they  were 
rcfpectively  enjoined  to  render  an  account  monthly  of  their 
tranfadtions  to  the  Convention.  It  was  intended  that  thefe 
committees  {houlci  be  independent  of  each  other,  and  both 
under  the  immediate  controul  of  the  Convention  ;  but  by  the 
diftribution  of  their  powers,  this  defign  was  defeated,  for  fuch 
sin  afcendancy  was  thereby  given  to  the  committee  of  public 
fafety,  that  the  other  became  its  inltrument,  acting  only 


C     9     ] 

under  its  authority.  The  principal  members  of  the  Convention 
were  placed  in  thefe  committees,  and  Robefpierre,  who  was 
by  far  the  moft  influential  one,  was  aiHgned  to  the  committee 
of  public  fafety.     It  foon  happened  in  the  courfe  of  the  ad- 
min iitration,  from  the  very  extenfive  patronage,  comparative 
weight  of  character,  and  immenfe  power,  that  this  committee 
gained  likewife  an  entire  afcendancy  in  the  Convention,   and 
controuled  all  its  meafures.    Nor  was  the  organization  of  the 
revolutionary  tribunal  more   favourable   to  the  independence 
of  that  branch,  and  of  courfe  to  public  and  perfonal  liberty. 
It  was  equally  dependent  on,   and  the  creature  of,  this  com-* 
mittee.  Robefpierre  therefore  had  become  omnipotent.  It  was 
his  fpirit  which  dictated  every   movement,  and  particularly 
the  unceafing  operation  of  the  guillotine.     Nor  did  a  more 
bloody   and  mercilefs  tyrant  ever  wield  the   rod  of  power. 
His  acts   of  cruelty  and  cppreflion  are  perhaps  without  pa- 
rallel in  the  annals  of  hiilcry.     It  is  generally  conceded,  that 
for  fome  months  before  his  fall  the  lift  of  prifoners  was  fliewn 
him  every  evening,    by   the  Prefident  of  the  revolutionary 
tribunal,  and  that  he  marked  thofe  who  were  to  be  the  vic- 
tims of  the  fucceeding  day,  and  which  was  invariably  executed. 
Many  whole  families,  thofe  under  the  age  of  fixteen  excepted, 
were  cut   off  upon  the  imputation  of  confpiracies,   &c.   but 
for  the   fole    reafon    that  fome    members   had  been    more 
friendly  to  Brifibt,    Danton,  &c.  or  had  exprefTed  a  jealoufy 
of  his  power.     His   oppreiTion  had,  in  fact,  gained  to  fuch 
an  height,  that  a  convullion  became  unavoidable.      The  cir- 
cumftances  which  immediately  preceded  and  brought  on  the 
crifis  are  differently  recounted.      Some  make  him  the  active 
party  and  believe  that  he  had  arranged  with   the  commune 
and  the  guards  of  the  city,  the  plan  of  a  general  mafTacre  of 
his  enemies  in  the  Convention.     But  I  am  of  opinion,  that 
thefe  projects,  for  they  were  certainly   contemplated,  pro- 
ceeded from  defpair,  and  were  adopted  at  the  moment  only, 
as  the  means  of  defence.     The  time  and  manner  of  the  ex- 
plofion  which  was  in  the  Convention  fupport  this  idea.      It 
had  been  intimated  fome  days  before  by  him  or  SL  Juft,  that 
other  confpiracies  threatened  the  fafety  of  the  Republic  and 
which   ought  to  be  laid  open.       The   communication   was 
given  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to  fatisfy  the   audience,    that   he 
meant  Tallien  and  fome  other  members  of  the  houfe.     And, 
in  the  moment  of  the  explofion,  St.  Juft  had  commenced  a 
developernent   of '  this   pretended   confpiracy,    leading   tp  a 
denunciation  of  thefe  .members.    If  the  power  of  Robeipierre 
remained,  it  was  well  knowr    that  death  and  denunciation 

C 


went  hand  in  hand.  To  repel  it  by  a  counter  one  was  the 
only  remaining  hope.  It  could,  in  no  event,  produce  a  worie 
eifecl.  Tallinn  therefore  rofe  and  interrupted  St.  Juft,  de- 
manding :  "  How  long  lhall  we  be  abufed  with  denunciations 
of  precended  confpiracies  ?  'Tis  time  to  draw  the  veil  from 
perfidy  fo  flagrant."  St.  Juft  was  filenced  and  driven  from 
the  tribune.  Robefpierre  afcended  and  made  many  efforts 
to  fpeak  in  vain.  The  whole  Convention  rofe  and  cried  out 
with  one  voice,  "  down  with  the  tyrant."  He  flood  like  one 
amazed  and  ftupified,  (taring  at  the  Convention  with  a  coun- 
tenance equally  befpeaking  indignation  and  terror ;  deprived 
of  the  power  of  utterance,  but  yet  afraid  to  defcend.  A* 
foon  as  the  convention  faw  its  ftrength,  he  was  arreiled  and 
fent  a  prifoner  to  the  committee  of  public  fafety  ;  but  by  this 
time,  his  immediate  coadjutors  had  taken  the  alarm,  and 
were  endeavouring  to  excite  commotions  in  the  city  in  his 
behalf.  Ilenriot,  the  commander  of  the  guard,  with  a  few 
followers,  purfued  and  refcued  him  from  the  committee.  He 
then  took  his  ftation  with  the  commune,  heretofore  the 
theatre  of  his  power,  and  began  to  harangue  the  people,  and 
with  fome  efFecl ;  whilft  Ilenriot,  in  the  character  of  general, 
was  buried  in  alTembling  the  guards  in  the  place  before  the 
Hall  of  the  Convention,  with  intention  to  fire  on  it.  There 
was  at  this  moment  an  awful  paufe  in  the  affairs  of  the  Re- 
public. Every  thing  was  fufpended,  and  the  public  mind 
greatly  alarmed  and  agitated.  The  fituation  of  the  Convention 
was  truly  interefung.  They  knew  that  all  the  appointments 
were  conferred  by  Robefpierre,  that  he  had  been  )ong  deemed 
a  patriot,  and  ftiil  poffeffed,  by  means  of  affection  or  terror, 
a  wonderful  influence  over  the  citizens  at  large  ;  and  more 
immediately  in  their  prefence,  they  faw  Henriot  at  the  head 
of  a  refpectable  force  menacing  an  attack.  But  that  body 
was  not  unmindful  of  its  dignity  or  its  duty  upon  that  great 
occafion  :  On  the  contrary,  it  difplayed  a  degree  of  fortitude 
and  magnanimity,  worthy  of  thofe  who  afpire  to  the'exalted 
character  of  defenders  of  their  country.  It  calmly  entered 
upon  the  fubject  of  defence ;  declared  Rcbefpierre,  St.  Juft, 
Couthon,  Henriot,  and  the  commune  without  the  protection 
of  the  law  •,  appointed  a  commandant  of  the  guard,  and  fent 
deputies  to  the  fections  to  admonim  them  of  their  danger, 
and  warn  them  to  ftand  at  their  pofts  in  defence  of  their 
country.  A  moment's  reflection  fettled  the  public  mind. 
The  people  beheld  on  the  one  fide,  the  Convention  labouring 
to  fave  the  Republic,  and  on  the  other,  Robefpierre  and  his 
*uwv,i«tes  in  c-pc;i  rebellion.  Hefitaticn  was  *t  un  end.  The 


II 


citizens  rallied  immediately  to  the  ftandard  of  their  fecHons, 
and  Robefpierre  and  his  aflpciates  were  taken  at  the  fame 
time  to  prifon,  and  on  the  next  day  to  execution,  amidft  the 
rejoicing  and  acclamations  of  the  people. 

Many  believe  that  Robefpierre  aimed  at  defpotic  power, 
and  fought  to  efhblifh  himfelf  upon  the  throne  of  the  Capets, 
in  the  character  of  protector,  or  fome  fuch  character  j  and, 
in  purfuit  of  this  idea,  fay,  that  he  counted  upon  the  iupport 
of  the  armies,  and  particularly  the  army  of  the  North,  and 
had  othenvife  arranged  things  in  fuch  order  as  to  favour  the 
project.  What  his  views  of  ambition  and  carnage  were,  I 
know  not :  That  they  had  been  great  was  certain  ;  but  that  he 
had  concerted  any  plan  of  permanent  eftablifhment  for  him- 
felf, or  been  promifed  fuch  fuppcrt,  even  where  his  influence 
was  greateft,  cannot  be  true,  nor  is  it  warranted  by  circum- 
ftances.  If  he  was  not  promifed  the  fuppcrt,  it  is  net  pro- 
bable he  had  fuch  a  fcheme ;  and  that  it  was  not  promifed, 
muft  be  obvious  to  thofe  who  take  into  view  all  the  circum- 
ftances  which  merit  confideration.  It  will  be  ebferved,  by 
thofe  who  wifh  to  form  a  juft  eftimate  of  the  future  courfe 
and  fortune  of  this  revolution,  that  frorr?  its  commencement 
to  the  prefent  time,  no  perfon  ever  raifed  himfelf  to  power 
but  by  the  proof  he  had  furnimed  cf  his  attachment  to  the 
caufe,  by  his  efforts  to  promote  it ;  and  that  from  the  moment 
doubts  were  entertained  of  the  folidity  and  purity  of  his 
principles,  did  his  influence  begin  to  decline  in  equal  degree. 
This  was  feen  in  the  initances  of  La  Fayette,  Dumourier, 
Briflbt,  Canton,  and  finally,  Robefpierre  himfelf;  two  cf 
whom,  though  popular  generals,  were  abandoned  by  the  armies 
they  commanded  ;  the  former  compelled  to  feek  retuge  in  a  fo- 
reign country,  and  the  latter  in  the  camp  of  the  enemy  ;  and 
the  others,  tho'  eminent  in  the  civil  department,  were,  upon 
like  charges,  condemned  by  the  public  voice  to  the  fame  fate. 
In  fact,  the  current  of  fentiment  and  principle  has  been  fuch, 
that  no  character  or  circumftance  has  been  able  to  obftruft  its 
courfe  :  on  the  contrary,  it  has  fwept  every  thing  before  it. 
Can  it  be  prefumccl  then,  and  efpecially  at  this  mcmerit, 
v/hen  the  ardour  of  the  nation,  inflamed  by  conqueil,  is  at 
thff  height,  that  any  refpe&able  number  of  citizens,  of  anv 
defcription,  would  turn  afide  from  the  great  object  of  the 
revolution,  to  countenance,  in  r.ny  individual,  fchemes  of 
ufurpation  and  tyranny  ?  Did  not  the  late  event,  even  in 
Paris,  difprove  it,  where  Robefpierre  had  mod  influence  ? 
There  was  no  oppofing  force  but  what  depended  on  public 
opinion,  and  every  thing  tended  to  favour  his  views. 


[       12      -] 

From  due  confideration  of  all  circumftafices,  I  am  led  td 
afcribe  the  fanguinary  courfe  of  Robefpierre's  proceedings  to 
a-  different  caufe.  I  confider  the  coiiteft  between  him  and 
Danton,  as  a  coiiteft  for  power  between  rivals,  having  the 
fame  political  objects  in  view.  The  former  was  jealous  of 
the  latter,  and  having  gained  the  afcendancy,  and  the  defec- 
tive organization  of  the  government  permitting  it,  by  means 
of  his  influence  in  the  judiciary,  he  cut  him  off.  But  the 
arreilaticn  and  condemnation  were  regular,  according  to  the 
forms  prefer ibed  by  law,  and  were  on  that  account  fubmitted 
to.  The  public,  however,  faw  into  the  oppreflion,  and 
difapproved  of  it ;  for  at  the  moment  when  Danton  was  led 
to  execution,  there  was  a  general  gloom  upon  the  counte- 
nances of  the  citizens.  They  all  attended  at  the  place  in 
hope  of  hearing  the  explanation  :  They  heard  none  and  retired 
diflatisfied.  Robefpierre  faw  this,  and  in  it  the  foreboding 
of  his  own  ruin.  "  From  that  moment  he  faw  nothing  but 
confpiracies,  afiafiimitions,  and  the  like.  He  was  furrounded 
by  informers,  and  had  fpies  and  emiflaries  in  every  quarter. 
By  means  of  fsverity  he  fought  his  fafety,  and  therefore 
ilruck  at  all  his  enemies  in  the  hope  of  extirpating  them. 
But  it  happened  in  this  as  it  always  happens  in  like  cafes, 
every  new  execution  encreafed  them  tenfold.  It  progrefled 
thus  till  it  couid  be  no  longer  borne,  and  terminated  as  I 
have  already  Itated. 

It  may  be  afked :  Is  there  any  reafon  to  hope  that  the  vici- 
ous operation  of  the  guillotine  will  be  hereafter  fufpended  ? 
JVlay  not  factions  rife  again,  contend  with  and  deftroy  each 
other  as  heretofore  ?  To  this  I  can  only  anfwer,  that  the  like 
is  not  apprehended  here,  at  leaft  to  the  fame  extent ;  that 
the  country  from  Havre  to  Paris,  and  Paris  itfelf,  .appears  to 
enjoy  perfect  tranquility  ;  that  die  fame  order  is  faid  to  pre- 
vail in  the  armies,  who  have  addrefTed  the  Convention, 
applauding  its  conduct,  and  rejoicing  at  the  downfal  of  the 
laie  conipirators.  Some  circumitances,  it  is  true,  have  been 
fcen  indicating  a  fufpicion,  that  all  Robefpierre's  afibciates 
had  not  fu  fit-red  the  fate  they  merited,  and  ought  not  to 
cfcape;  but  latterly  this  has  abated,  though  it  is  poffible  it 
may  revive  again.  In  general  it  may  be  remarked  that,  until 
peace  and  a  well  organized  government  (hall  be  eftabliflied, 
no  Hire  calculation  can  be  formed  of  what  may  happen  in 
this  rt;fpec~t.  I  am  happy,  however,  to  obferve,  that  the 
fubjecl  of  reform  in  the  committees  and  revolutionary  tribu- 
nals (and  which  was  taken  up  immediately  after  the  late 
commotion  fubfidcd)  is  now  under  difcuflion,  and  that  the 


"«4  \ 

c ';' ]         %^ral 

propofitions  which  are  depending,  are  calculated  to  prefervc, 
as  far  as  poffible,  the  controul  of  the  Convention  over  the 
former,  and  promote  the  independence,  and  otherwife  improve 
the  organization,  of  the  latter. 

But  are  not  the  people  opprefled  with  taxes,  worn  out  by 
continual  drafts  to  reinforce  the  armies ;  do  they  difcover  no 
fymptoms  of  incr^afing  difcontent  with  the  reigning  govern- 
ment, and  of  a  defive  to  relapfe  again  under  their  former 
tyranny  ?  What  will  become  of  the  army  at  the  end  of  the 
war  ?  Will  it  retire  in  peace,  and  enjoy,  in  tranquiiity,  that 
liberty  it  has  fo  nobly  contended  for;  or  will  it  not  rather 
turn  its  victorious  arms  againft  the  bofom  of  its  country  ? 
Thefe  are  great  and  important  queftions,  and  to  which  my 
fhort  refidence  here  will  not  permit  me  to  give  fatisfactory 
anfwers.  Hereafter  I  (hall  be  able  to  give  you  better  informa- 
tion in  thefe  refpe&s.  At  prefent  I  can  only  obferve,  that  I 
have  neither  feen  nor  heard  of  any  fymptom  of  difcontent 
fhewing  itfelf  among  the  people  at  large.  The  oppreflion  of 
Robefpierre  had  indeed  created  an  uneafinefs,  but  which  dif- 
appeared  with  the  caufe.  I  never  faw  in  the  countenances 
of  men  more  apparent  content  with  the  lot  they  enjoy,  than 
has  been  (hewn  every  where  fince  my  arrival.  In  the  courfe 
of  the  laft  year  the  Convention  recommended  it  to  the  people, 
as  the  fureft  means  of  fupport  for  their  armies,  to  increafe 
the  fphere  of  cultivation,  and  from  what  I  can  learn,  there 
never  was  more  land  under  cultivation,  nor  was  the  country 
ever  blefled  with  a  more  productive  harveft.  Many  fathers  of 
families,  and  a  great  proportion  of  the  young  men,  are  fent 
to  the  frontiers,  and  it  v/as  feared  it  would  be  difficult  to  reap 
and  fecure  it ;  but  the  women,  the  boys  and  the  girls,  even  to 
tender  age,  have  fupplied  their  places.  I  favr  this  with  amaze- 
ment upon  my  route  from  Havre  to  this  place,  and  am  told 
'tis  generally  the  cafe.  The  victories  of  their  armies  are  ce- 
lebrated with  joy  and  feftivity  in  every  quarter,  and  fcarce  a 
day  has  latterly  parTed  without  witneffing  a  deputation  to  the 
convention,  and  often  from  the  pooreft  citizens,  to  throw  in- 
to its  coffers  fome  voluntary  contribution  for  the  fupport  of  the 
war.  Thefe  are  not  fymptoms  of  difguft  with  the  reigning 
government,  and  of  a  defire  to  change  it  ! 

With  refpecl:  to  the  prefent  difpofition  of  the  army,  or 
what  it  may  be  at  the  end  of  the  .war,  I  can  fay  lefs  as  I  have 
not  feen  it.  At  prefent  the  beft  underftanding  fubfifls  be- 
tween it  and  the  Convention.  It  is  poilible  that  in  the  courfe 
of  fervice,  if  the  war  mould  laft  long,  many  of  its  members 
may  acquire  habits  unfriendly  to  retirement ,  but  in  an  army 


C     '4     I 

compofcd  of  the  yeomanry  of  the  country,  as  this  is,  that. 
fentiment  will  be  lefs  apt  to  gain  ground  than,  in  any  other. 
Befides,  is  it  not  prefumable,  that  the  fpirit  which  has 
raifed  and  influenced  this,  will  continue  to  produce  fome 
effect,  even  in  its  final  difpofition.  If,  however,  there  fliould 
(till  remain  a  confiderable  force  on  foot,  which  could  not  be 
prevailed  on  to  retire ;  fond  of  conqueft,  of  rapine,  and  of 
plunder,  can  it  be  fuppofed  that  its  parent  country  will  fur- 
niih  the  only  and  moll  grateful  theatre  to  aft  on  ?  Will  no 
other  portion  of  Europe  prefent  before  it  a  more  productive 
field,  whereon  to  gratify  ambition,  avarice,  or  revenge  ? 
There  mud  always  remain  in  the  breads  of  the  foldiers 
fome  fentiment  in  favour  of  their  relatives  ;  and  the  fortunes 
of  the  wealthy  will  be  pretty  well  broken  and  diffipated  here 
by  the  courfe  of  the  revolution.  The  example  of  the  Ro- 
man Empire  is  always  before  thofe,  whofe  apprehenfions  are 
greatefl  upon  this  head  :  They  fee  there  nothing  but  kindred 
armies  fighting  agr.inft  each  other,  and  tearing  the  common- 
wealth in  pieces  :  But  they  make  no  allowance  for  the  great 
difference  in  the  ftate  of  things.  The  armies  of  the  Empire 
were  raifed  in  the  conquered  provinces,  and  compofed  of 
foreigners  :  They,  therefore,  had  no  attachment  to  Rome. 
The  State  of  the  country,  and  the  fpirit  of  the  age,  are 
likewife  different.  The  diffentions  of  Rome  were  the  con- 
vulfions  of  a  corrupt  and  worn  out  monarchy,  verging  rapid- 
ly to  a  decline.  But  here  the  cafe  is  different ;  the  armies 
are  otherwife  compofed,  and  the  fpirit  of  the  age,  that  of  a. 
rational  and  philofophical  reform,  feeking  to  eftablifh  the 
public  liberty,  and  fweeping  before  it  old  and  corrupt  infti- 
tutions  which  were  no  longer  tolerable. 

I  have  thus  gone  into  this  interefting  fubjeft  from  a  defire 
to  give  the  beft  view  in  my  power  of  the  late  commotions, 
and  prefent  ftate  of  the  internal  affairs  of  this  country, 
becaufe  I  well  know  its  importance  to  my  own.  It  will  be 
my  object  to  improve  my  knowledge  of  it,  and  keep  you  cor- 
rectly informed  in  every  particular,  and  as  regularly  as  oppor- 
tunities offer. 

With  refpeft  to  the  (late  of  the  war,  I  can  only  fay,  in 
general,  that  the  armies  of  France  have  prevailed  over  the 
combined  forces  every  where.  The  commencement  of  the 
campaign  was  .favourable  to  them  ;  but  the  action  which 
took  place  in  July,  near  Charleroy,  on  the  plains  of  Fleurus, 
between  Cobourg,  at  the  head  cf  about  100,000  men,  and 
Jourdan,  with  an  inferior  force  ;  and  which  terminated,  after 
the  fevsrcft  conflict  and  great  flaughter  on  both  fides,  in  favour 


C    -J    3 

of  the  French  arms,  has  evidently  given  them  the  fuperiority 
ever  fince.  This  was  certainly  one  of  the  moil  important 
and  bloody  actions  which  has  been  fought  in  the  courfe  of 
the  prefect  war.  Cobourg,  unwilling  to  retire  before  the 
republican  troops,  had  gathered  together  all  his  forces,  with 
defign  to  hazard  a  general  a£lion,  and  in  the  hope  of  regain- 
ing Charleroy.  He  attacked  them  at  every  point,  about  five 
in  the  morning,  formed  in  the  field  and  ready  to  receive 
him.  Three  times  he  drove  them  back  within  their  entrench- 
ments, reluctant  to  yield  the  day  :  But  they  faliied  out  a, 
fourth  time,  with  {till  greater  impetuofity,  mouting  through 
all  their  ranks,  "  vue  will  retreat  r.o  more/'  and,  fingin 
Marfeillefe  Hymn,  and  other  patriotic  fongs,  advanced 
an  ardour  which  was  irrefiftible.  The  attack  fucceed.  Co- 
bourg, with  his  routed  army,  fled  before  them,  leaving  0:1 
the  field,  according  to  the  French  accounts,  about  13,000 
{Lin.  The  French,  it  is  fuppofed,  loft  about  15,230  men. 
They  have  taken  in  the  courfe  of  the  preterit  campaign, 
Oitend,  Mons,  Tournay,  Narnur,  Tirlemont,  Landrccy, 
Anvers,  Ghent,  Charleroy,  BruiTells,  Quefnoy,  Louvain, 
Liege,  Nieuport,  Cadfandt  (at  the  moutE'  of  the  Scheldt) 
with  fome  other  places  lying  in  that  quarter.  Cobourg  at 
prefent  occupies  the  ground  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Maeft- 
richt,  and  endeavours  to  cover  the  frontier  of  Holland.  It 
is,  however,  daily  expected  another  action  will  take  place, 
which  may  fettle  the  fate  of  the  low  countries.  Conde  and 
Valenciennes,  you  obferve,  are  left  in  the  rear ;  they  are  yet 
p-ofTefled  by  the  combined  forces,  but  are  inverted,  and  'tis 
thought  will  foon  fall. 

Their  fucccfs  in  Spain  has  likewife  been  great.  They  are  in 
poflemon,  at  prefent,  of  the  whole  of  the  province  of  Guypuf- 
coa,  Bilbca  excepted.  Many  prifoners  and  immenle  parks  of 
artillery  have  been  taken  from  the  Spaniards.  The  detail  I 
cannot  give  you  with  any  kind  of  accuracy,  but  will  endea- 
Tour  to  comprife  it  in  my  next. 

There  has  been  but  one  tea  action,  and  whtch  was  between 
the  French  and  Englifh  fleets,  in  the  courfe  of  the  prefent 
fummer.  The  French  had  16  fhips,  and  the  Englifh  2%. 
The  Englim,  having  the  wind,  bore  down  on  the  French, 
and  feparated  7  mips  from  their  main  force.  Of  thefe 
they  took  6  and  funk  the  other.  It  is  faid  there  never  was 
a  more  bloody,  or  better  fought  action  on  both  fides.  It 
lafted  three  days.  On  the  fourth,  the  Britifh  filed  off  with 
the  (hips  they  had  taken,  and  failed  into  port.  The  French, 
having  cffcrcd  12  renew  the  combat,  likewife  retired  after- 


C     16     ] 

wards  to  Breit,  whither  they  conduced  the  merchantmen 
convoyed  from  America,  and  which  was  the  object  of  the 
^conteft,  fafe. 

I  ih  ill  write  you  again  in  a  few  days,  and  I  hope  to  inform 
you  of  my  reception.  For  the  prefent,  therefore,  I  (hall 
conclude,  with  aflurances  of  the  great  refpect  and  efteem 
with  which  I  am,  £5*c. 


FROM  Mr.  MONROE  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE, 

PHILADELPHIA. 

Paris,  Augujl  25,    1794. 

Szx, 

IN  my  lad  of  the  nth  inflant,  I  mentioned  to  you 
that  I  had  been  prefented  to  the  commiiTary  of  foreign  affairs, 
for  reception,  «nd  was  allured  he  would  lay  the  copy  of 
my  credentials,  which  I  left  with  him,  before  the  committee 
of  public  fafety,  under  whom  he  a£ted,  and  to  whom  it 
more  particularly  belonged  to  appoint  the  time  and  regulate 
the  mode.  After  this,  I  waited  ei-^ht  or  ten  days  without 
progreiling  an  iota  ;  and  as  I  heard  that  a  minifter  from 
Geneva  had  been  here  about  fix  weeks  before  me,  and  had 
not  yet  been  received,  I  was  fearful  I  might  remain  as  long, 
and  perhaps  much  longer,  in  the  fame  fituation.  It  was 
obvious  that  the  public  boards  had  b^enfo  much  mocked  by 
the  late  difailer,  that  from  a  variety  of  confiderations,  fome 
public  and  others  private,  they  could  fcarcely  move  forward 
upon  any  fubje6t.  At  the  fame  time,  I  had  reafon  to  believe 
it  was  the  general  defire  that  I  (liquid  be  received  as  foon 
as  pofiible,  and  with  every  demonftration  of  refpect  for  the 
country  I  reprefjnt.d.  Upon  the  moft  mature  confideration, 
therefore,  I  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to  make  an  effort  to 
break  through  thefe  difficulties,  and  expedite  my  reception. 
The  Convention,  I  knew,  pofleflcd  the  ibvereign  authority  of 
the  nation  ;  and  I  prefumed,  that  by  addrefling  myfelf  to  that 
body,  and  efpecially  in  the  prefent  ftate  of  things,  I  mould 
not  only  avoid  the  cenfure  of  any  fubordinate  department, 
but  perhaps  relieve  it  from  an  unpleafant  dilemma,  and  at 
the  fame  time,  make  an  experiment  of  the  real  difpofition  of 
country  towards  my  own.  The  latter  confideration  I 


C     A7    ] 

fact  win; 
occafions.       I 

the   Convention,    ;  .  >fed   No.    i    is   a 

and  was  happy  to  an  J  i: 

ciiately  taken,  by  a  memb:r  preient,  to  the  comrrnitee  of 
public  fafety,  by  whom  a  report  was  made  in  two  hours 
afterwards  to  the  Convention,  and  a  decree  adopted  by  the 
latter  body,  of  which  No.  2  is  a  copy,  for  my  reception  by 
the  Co:ivei-uio-  >  the  foil-  .  I  deemed  it 

my  duty  to  avail  rnyfeif  of  this  opportunity  to  di.iir-  t ;,  if 
pofhble,  by  the  documents  in  my 
which  had  been  made  md  were  itiil  m.iiang,  of  the 
ly  difpjfitic'i  of  the  American  government  towards  the  li- 
berty and  happinefs  of  the  French  nation.  At  the 
time,  therefore,  that  I  preiented  my  credentials,  I  kid  b 
the  Convention  the  declarations  of  the  Senate  and  Houie  of 
Reprefentatives,  as  conveyed  by  the  Prefident  through  the 
Secretary  of  State,  with  an  aflurance  that  I  was  authorifed 
to  declare,  that  the  Prelident  was  actuated  by  llmilar  lent'- 
ments.  The  communication  was  received  in  a  manner  very 
interefting,  and  waich  furniihed,  at  the  fame  time,  the  ftrong- 
eft  proof  of  the  affection  entertained  by  the  French  nation 
for  the  United  States  of  America.  The  inclofed  No.  3  is 
a  copy  of  my  addrefs  to  the  Convention  and  of  the  Prefident's 
aniwer.  Every  department  has  fince  fhcwn  the  ftrongeffc 
difpofition  to  prove  its  attachment  to  their  ally,  by  embracing 
every  opportunity  which  the  flighted  incident  has  offered. 
A  few  (lores  brought  for  the  accommodation  of  my  family, 
in  the  ihip  in  which  I  failed,  were  arrefted  in  Havre,  bee  v.re 
no  declaration  was  rendered  of  them  by  the  captain.  This 
was  cafually  heard  by  the  committee  of  public  iafety,  and, 
without  any  intimation  from  me,  by  their  order,  restored. 
But  being  dciirous  more  formally  to  teitify  their  regard, 
the  commhTary  of  foreign  affairs  announced  to  me  yellerday, 
that  he  was  inftru&edj  in  the  name  of  the  Republic,  to 
appropriate  a  houfe  for  my  ufe,  as  minifter  of  the  United 
States,  of  fuch  accommodations  and  in  fuch  part  of  the  city  as 
I  would  defignate.  The  inclofed  No.  4  is  a  copy  of  his 
letter  and  of  my  reply.  Thefe  latter  acls,  it  is  true,  may  be 
deemed  in  fome  meafure  a&s  of  ceremony.  So  far,  however, 
as  they  furnifh  any  indication  of  the  difpofition  of  this  country 
towards  our  own,  it  is  a  favourable  one. 

I  found  here  many  of  my  countrymen,  captains  of  vefTels, 
who  were  taken  at  lea  and  brought  in,  in  derogation  of  the 


I     '8     ] 

Treaty  of  Amity  and  Commerce.  I  intend  immediately  to1 
make  an  effort  to  have  that  order  refunded,  and  compenfa- 
tion  r  for  the  injury  fuftained.  I  have  written  to  Mr. 

who  is  bed  acquainted  with  the  affair  of  the  Bour- 
deri.ix  embargo,  to  requeft  his  attendance  hers,  or  to  forward 
fuch  documents  as  will  enable  me  to  purfue,  with  fuitable  in- 
formation, the  interefl  of  thofe  who  were  affected  by  it. 
And  I  ihall  likewife  bring  forward,  at  the  fame  time,  the 
claims  of  others  of  our  citizens  for  fupplies  rendered  to  the 
government  of  St.  Domingo. 

The  poiition  of  the  armies  is  nearly  the  fame  as  when  I 
wrote  you  laft.  No  action  has  been  fought,  nor  any  other 
material  change  taken  place  fmce. 

A  perfect  tranquility  too  continues  to  reign  throughout  thc- 
Republic.  The  execution  of  Robefpierre  and  his  aflbciates, 
has  produced  the  fame  effect  every  where.  Every  perfort 
feems  to  be  freed  from  an  oppreffion  which  was  really  terri- 
ble, and  the  more  fo,  becaufe  it  was  fandtified  by  the  autho- 
rity of  the  people,  and  covered  with  the-mafk  of  patriotifm. 
It  is,  however,  laid,  that  others  who  have  been  equally  guilty 
(for  Robefpierre,  who  was  a  timid  man,  could  not  have 
made  the  majority  of  the  committee  vote  againft  their  own 
opinion)  will  probably  yet  be  brought  to  juftice.  Of  this  I 
fliall  be  able  to  give  you  better  information  in  my  next. 

The  reform,  which  I  fuggefted  in  my  laft,  contemplated  in 
the  organization  of  the  committees  and  revolutionary  tribu- 
nal, is  now  completed  or  nearly  fo.  I  will  enclofe  you  copies 
of  the  decrees  in  my  next.  A  great  number  of  prifoners- 
have  been  discharged,  who  were  confined  here  ana  in  other 
parts  of  the  Republic,  in  confequence  of  a  decree,  that  thofe 
ihould  be  liberated  who  were  committed  upon  fufpicion  only. 
It  was,  however,  greatly  unfortunate,  that  Robefpierre  was 
not  cut  off  fooner  ;  for  it  is  mod  certain,  that  his  lafl  days 
were  itained  with  fome  of  the  moil  innocent  blood  of  the 
Republic. 

The  v'ice-conful  has  not  yet  arrived,  and,  to  be  candid,  I 
doubt,  when  he  does,  whether  he  will  be  received  or  not.  A 
native  of  this  country  is,  at  the  prefent  moment,  unable  to 
render  any  ferviceto  our  own,  although  he  may  have  always 
redded  litre,  and  his  political  principles  been  unqueftionable. 
But  one  who  has  been  abfent,  is  confidered,  if  not  an  emi- 
grant, at  bell  indifferent,  and  perhaps  unfriendly,  to  the  revo- 
lution, and  therefore  cdious.  If  this  gentleman  has  arrived* 


[    IP    3 

I  think  it  probable  he  is  confined  at  the  port  where  lie  landed. 
I  deem  this  unfortunate,  for  there  is  much  bufmefs  which 
properly  belongs  to  the  confular  department  here;  as  all  the 
commercial  affairs  of  the  Republic  are  tranfadied  here. 

No.  L 

To  the  Prefident  and  Reprefentatives  of  the  French  People 
in  Convention  aflembled. 


Paris 9  Auguft  13^,    1794- 

CITIZEN  PRESIDENT^ 

HAVING  lately  arrived  here  with  authority  from  ths 
Prefident  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  reprcircat 
thofe  States,  in  quality  of  Miniiler  Plenipotentiary  with  the 
French  Republic,  and  not  knowing  the  competent  department, 
nor  the  forms  tftablimed  by  law,  for  my  reception,  I  have 
thought  it  my  duty  to  make  known  my  million  immediately 
to  the  reprefentatives  of  the  nation.  To  them  it  belongs  to 
fix  the  day,  and  prefcribe  the  mode,  by  which  I  fhali  be 
acknowledged  as  the  reprefentative  of  their  ally  and  lifter 
Republic.  They  will,  therefore,  have  the  goodnefs  to  de- 
fignate  to  me  the  department  to  which  I  mail  prefent  myfeif, 
to  be  recognized  in  the  character  I  bear. 

I  make  to  you  this  communication  with  the  greater  pleafure, 
becaufe  it  gives  me  an  opportunity,  not  only  to  teitify  to  the 
reprefentatives  of  the  free  citizens  of  France,  my  own  devo- 
tion to  the  caufe  of  liberty,  but  of  affuring  them,  at  the  fame 
time,  and  in  the  molt  folemn  manner,  of  the  profound  in- 
tereft,  which  the  government  and  people  of  America  take, 
in  the  liberty,  the  fuccefs  and  profperity  of  the  French 
Republic, 

No.  II. 

As  foon  as  this  letter  was  read  hi  the  National  Convention, 
it  was  decreed  that  it  mould  be  inferted  in  its  procefs  verbal, 
and  in  the  bulletin  of  correfpondence,  and  that  a  copy  of  it, 
with  one  of  the  letter  of  credence  which  accompanied  it, 
ihould  be  fent  to  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  with  in- 
ftructions  to  report  thereon  during  the  prefent  fitting  ;  and 


afterwards,  upon  the  report  of  the  committee,  the  Convention 

decreed  as  follows  : 

ART.  I.  The  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States 
lhrJ.1  be  introduced  into  the  bofom  of  the  Convention,  to- 
morrov/  ac  two  o'clock  P.  M.  he  mall  then  explain  the 
obi  ret  of  his  million ;  and  after  which  die  Prefident  fhall 
faiute  him  fraternally,  in  teftimcny  of  the  friendfhip 
which  unites  the  American  and  French  people. 

ART.  II.  The  Prefident  of  the  Convention  fliall  write  a  letter 
to  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States^  and  tranfmit  to  him 
the  prccefs  verbal  of  this  fitting.- 

AT  two  the  next  day,  Mr.  Monroe  was  accordingly  in- 
tro.luced  into  the  Convention,  by  the  minifter  of  foreign 

i,  accompanied  by  feveral  of  the  members  of  the  com- 
mittee of  public  fafcty,  and  upon  which  occafion  he  preferred 
the  following  addrcfs  in  Engliih,  with  a  trari^atiorl  of  it  into 
French,  and  which  latter  was  read  by  a  i^crc'cary. 

No.  III. 

Citizens  Prefident  and  Representatives   of  the  French  People* 

MY  ndmifiion  into  this  affembly,  in  .prefence  of  the 
French  nation  (for  all  the  citizens  of  France  are  reprefented 
here)  to  be  recognized  as  the  reprefentative  of  the  American 
Republic,  irnprcfiec  me  with  a  degree  of  fenfibility  which  I 
cannot  expreis.  I  confider  it  a  new  proof  of  that  friendfhip 
and  regard  which  the  French  nation  has  always  fhewn  to 
their  ally,  the  United  States  of  America. 

Republics  ihould  approach  near  to  each  other.  In  many 
refpeAs  they  have  ail  the  fame  intereft ;  but  this  is  more 
especially  the  cafe  with  the  American  and  French  Republics. 
Their  governments  are  fimilar  ;  they  both  cherifh  the  fame 
principles,  and  reft  on  the  fame  bafis,  the  equal  and  unaiiena- 
ble  rights  of  man.  The  recollection  too  of  common  dangers 
and  difficulties  will  increafe  their  harmony  and  cement' their 
union.  America  had  her  day  of  oppreilion,  difficulty,  and 
war;  but  her  fons  were  virtuous  and  brave,  and  the'ftorm 
':  long  clouded  he  political  horizon,  has  patted,  and  left 
them  in  the  enjoyment  of  peace,  liberty,  and  independence. 
Franc  ...id  our  friend,  and  who  aided  in  the  conteft, 

has  now  embarked  in  the  fame  noble  career  ;  and  I  am  happy 
to  add,  that  whilft  the  fortitude,    magnanimity,    and  heroic 


[       21       ] 

ralou*  of  her  troops  command  the  admiration  and  applaufc 
of  the  aftonifhed  world,  the  wifdom  and  firmnefs  of  her 
councils  unite  equally  in  fecuring  the  happieft  reiult. 

America  is  not  an  unfeeling  fpectator  of  your  affairs  at  the 
prefent  crifis.  I  lay  before  you,  in  the  declarations  of  tvery 
department  of  our  government,  declarations  which  are  found- 
ed in  the  affections  of  the  citizens  at  large,  the  moft  decided 
proof  of  her  fincere  attachment  to  the  liberty,  profperity, 
and  happinefs  of  the  French  Republic.  Each  branch'of  the 
Congrefs,  according  to  the  courfe  of  proceeding  there,  has 
requeued  the  Prefident  to  make  this  known  to  you  in  its  behalf; 
and  in  fulfilling  the  defires  of  thofe  branches,  I  am  inflrucl- 
ed  to  declare  to  you,  that  he  has  exprefled  his  own. 

In  difcharging  the  duties  of  the  office  which  I  am  now 
called  to  execute,  I  pro  mile  myfelf  the  higheft  futisfadtion  ; 
becaufe  I  well  know,  that  whilft  I  purfue  the  dictates  of  my 
own  heart,  in  wifhing  the  liberty  and  happinefs  of  the  French 
nr.rion,  and  which  I  mo  ft  fmcerely  do,  I  fpeak  the  fentiments 
of  my  own  country  ;  and  that,  by  doing  every  tiling  in  my 
power  to  preferve  and  perpetuate  the  harmony  fo  happily 
fubiifting  between  the  two  Republics,  I  mall  promote  the 
interell  of  both.  To  this  great  object,  therefore,  all  my 
efforts  will  be  directed.  If  I  can  be  fo  fortunate  as  to  fuc- 
ceed  in  fuch  manner  as  to  merit  the  approbation  of  both 
Republics,  I  mall  deem  it  the  happieft  event  of  my  life,  and 
retire  hereafter  with  a  confolation  which  thole  who  mean 
well  and  have  ferved  the  caufe  of  liberty,  alone  can  feel. 

Mr.  Monroe  delivered,  at  the  fame  time,  the  following 
communications  from  the  department  of  ftate,  with  iimilar 
tranilations,  and  which  were  read  in  like  manner. 

Tc  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  of  the  French  Republic. 
Philadelphia,  June   IQ//J,    1794. 

THE  underfigned  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States  of  America  has  the  honour  of  communicating  to  the 
committee  of  public  fafety  for  the  French  Republic,  that  on 
the  24th  day  of  April,  1 794,  it  was  ordered  by  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  that  the  letter  of  that  committee, 
addrefled  to  Congrefs,  be  transmitted  to  the  Prefident,  and 
that  he  be  requefted  to  caufe  the  fame  to  be  anfwered  on 
behalf  of  the  Senate,  in  fuch  manner  as  fhall  manifeft  their 
fincere  friendship  and  good  will  for  the  French  Republic. 


[      22      ] 

In  executing  this  duty,  which  has  been  allotted  by  the 
Prefident  to  the  department  of  State,  the  liberal  fuccours 
which  the  United  States  received  from  the  French  nation, 
in  their  ftruggle  for  independence,  prefent  themfelves  warm 
to  the  recollection.  On  this  baiis  was  the  friendship  between 
the  two  nations  founded  ;  on  this  bafis,  and  the  continued 
interchanges  of  regard  fmce,  has  it  grown  ;  and,  iupported 
by  thele  motives,  it  will  remain  firm  and  conftant. 

The  Senate,  therefore,  tender  to  the  committee  of  public 
fafety,  their  zealous  wifhes  for  the  French  Republic ;  they 
learn  with  fenfibility  every  fuccefs  which  promotes  the  hap- 
pinefs  of  the  French  nation ;  and  the  full  eflablimment  of 
their  peace  and  liberty  will  be  ever  efteemed  by  the  Senate 
as  a  happinefs  to  the  United  States  and  to  humanity. 

(Signed) 

EDM.    RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State. 

To  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  of  the  French  Republic. 
Philadelphia,  June  loth,   1794. 

THE  underfigned  Secretary  of  State  for  the  United 
States  of  America,  has  the  honour  of  reprefenting  to  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  for  the  French  Republic,  that, 
on  the  25th  of  April,  in  the  prefent  year,  it  was  unanimoufly 
refoived,  by  the  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives,  as  follows : 

"  That  the  letter  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  of  the 
"  French  Republic,  addrefled  to  Congrefs,  be  tranfmitted  to 
"  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  be  requeft- 
"  ed  to  caufe  the  fame  to  be  anfwered  on  behalf  of  this 
"  Houfe,  in  terms  expreffive  of  their  fenfibility  for  the  friend- 
"  ly  and  affectionate  manner,  in  which  they  have  addrefled 
«  the  Congrefs  of  the  United  States  ;  with  an  unequivocal 
"  aflurance,  that  the  Reprefentatives  of  the  people  of  the 
"  United  States,  have  much  intereft  in  the  happinefs  and 
c;  profperity  of  the  French  Republic." 

The  Prefident  of  the  United  States  has  configned  this 
honourable  and  grateful  function  to  the  department  of  ftate. 
In  no  manner  can  it  be  more  properly  difcharged,  than  by 
icizing  the  occafion  of  declaring  to  the  ally  of  the  United 
States,  that  the  caufe  of  liberty,  in  the  defence  of  which 
fo  much  American  blood  and  treafures  have  been  lavifhed,. 


is  cherifhed  by  our  Republic  with  incrcafmg  enthufiafm  : 
That  under  the  ftandard  of  liberty,  wherefoever  it  fhall  be 
difplayed,  the  affedtion  of  the  United  States  will  always 
rally  :  And  that  the  fucceffes  of  thofe  who  (land  forth  as  her 
avengers  will  be  gloried  in  by  the  United  States,  and  will 
be  felt  as  the  fucceffes  of  themfelves  and  the  other  friends  of 
humanity. 

Yes,  Reprefentatives  of  our  ally,  your  communication 
has  been  addreffed  to  thofe  who  mare  in  your  fortunes,  and 
who  take  a  deep  intereft  in  the  happinefs  and  profperity  of  the 
French  Republic. 

(Signed) 

EDM.   RANDOLPH. 

Secretary  of  State. 

Anfwer  of  Merlin  de  Dcuait  Prejident  cf  the  Convention^  t& 
Mr.  Monroe. 

THE  French  people  have  not  forgotten  that  it  is  to  the 
American  people  they  owe  their  initiation  into  the  caufe 
of  liberty.  It  was  in  admiring  the  fublime  infurrection  of  the 
American  people  againft  Britain,  once  fo  haughty,  but  now 
fo  humbled  ;  it  was  in  taking  themfelves  arms  to  fecond  your 
courageous  efforts,  and  in  cementing  your  independence  by 
the  blood  of  our  brave  warriors,  that  the  French  people 
learned  in  their  turn  to  break  the  fceptre  of  tyranny,  and  to 
elevate  the  ftatue  of  liberty  on  the  wreck  of  a  throne,  fup- 
ported,  during  fourteen  centuries,  only  by  crimes  and  by  cor- 
ruption. 

How  then  mould  it  happen  that  we  mould  not  be  friends  * 
Why  mould  we  not  affociate  the  mutual  means  of  profperity 
that  our  commerce  and  navigation  offer  to  two  people  freed 
by  each  other  ?  But  it  is  not  merely  a  diplomatic  alliance  :  It 
is  the  fweeteft  fraternity,  and  the  meil  frank  at  the  fame 
time,  that  muft  unite  us  ;  this  it  is  that  indeed  unites  us  ;  and 
this  union  fhall  be  forever  indiffoluble,  as  it  will  be  forever 
the  dread  of  tyrants,  the  fafeguard  of  the  liberty  of  the  world, 
and  the  preferver  of  all  the  focial  and  philanthropic  virtues. 

In  bringing  to  us,  citizen,  the  pledge  of  this  union  fo 
dear  to  us,  it  could  not  fail  to  be  received  with  the  liveiieft 
emotions.  It  is  now  five  years  fmce  an  ufurper  of  the  fove- 
reignty  of  the  people,  would  have  received  you  with  the 
pride  which  belongs  alone  to  vice ;  and  he  would  have  thought 
it  much  to  have  given  to  the  minifter  of  a  free  people,  fome 


[       24       3 

tokens  of  an  infclent  protection,  But  to-day  the  fovereiga 
people  themfelves,  by  the  '.rgan  of  their  faithful  reprefenta- 
tives,  receive  you  ;  and  you  fee  the  tendernefs,  the  effufion  of 
foul,  that  accompanies  this  fimple  and  touching  ceremony.  I 
am  impatient  to  give  you  the  fraternal  embrace,  which  I  am. 
ordered  to  give  in  the  name  of  the  French  people.  Come 
and  receive  it  in  the  name  of  the  American  people,  and  iec 
this  fpecfcacie  complete  the  annihilation  of  an  impious  coali- 
tion of  tyrants. 

No.  IV. 

The  Commiffary  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris ,  Afth  Fruaidor,   2d  Tear  of  the  Republic* 

ClTlZEX, 

AFTER  having  received  the  Representatives  of  our 
ally,  with  the  mod  diftinguifhed  marks  of  affection,  the 
government  of  the  Republic  defires  to  do  every  thing  which 
depends  on  it  to  make  his  refidence  in  France  agreeable  to 
him.  With  this  view  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety 
authorifes  me  to  offer  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Republic,  a 
national  houfe  for  your  accommodation.  I  pray  you,  therefore, 
to  make  known  to  me  your  intentions  in  this  refpecl:  *,  as 
likewife  to  defignate  the  quarter  which  will  be  moft  agreeable 
to  you. 

The  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America 
To  the  Commiffary  cf  Foreign  Relations  for  the  French 
Republic. 

Paris  y  Augvjl  22,    1794 

CITIZEN, 

I  WAS  favoured  yefterday  with  yours  of  that  date, 
informing  me,  that  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  had 
authorifed  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Republic,  to  appropriate 
a  houfe  for  my  ufe,  as  minifter  of  their  ally,  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  in  fuch  part  of  the  city,  as  I  mould 
defignate.  I  have  received  this  communication  with  pe- 
culiar fatisfa£tion,  becaufe.  I  confider  it  as  a  proof  of 


the  fincere  regard  which  the  committee  entertain  for  their 
ally,  whofe  fervant  I  am.  But,  upon  this  occafion,  I  am 
not  permitted  to  indulge,  in  any  refpect,  my  own  opinion  or 
feelings.  The  Conftitution  of  my  country,  an  extract  from 
which  is  hereunto  annexed,  has  prescribed  a  line  of  conduct 
to  me,  and  which  it  is  my  duty  to  follow.  The  Committee 
of  Public  Safety,  and  you,  Citizen,  refpecl:  too  highly  the 
fundamental  laws  of  your  own  country,  not  to  approve  my 
reafon  for  declining  the  kind  offer  you  have  made  me.  I 
fhall,  howeverj  immediately  communicate  it  to  our  govern- 
ment, and  doubt  not  it  will  produce  there  the  good  effect  it 
merits. 

Extract  from  the  Conftitution  of  the  United  States. 

«'  No  title  of  nobility  fhall  be  granted  by  the  United 
"  States,  and  no  perfon  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  truft 
•*  under  them,  fhall,  without  the  confent  of  Congrefs,  accept 
*«  of  any  prefent,  emolument,  office,  or  title  of  any  kind 
"  whatfoever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  ftate." 


[  No.  III.  ] 
FROM  Mr.  MONROE  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE, 

PHILADELPHIA. 

Paris,    i$th  September,   1794. 

SIR, 

As  foon  as  I  could  command  a  moment's  leifure,  I  ap- 
plied myfelf  to  the  immediate  duties  of  my  ftation.  I  found 
many  of  my  countrymen  here,  labouring  under  embarrafl- 
ments  of  a  ferious  kind,  growing  out  of  the  war,  and  was 
foon  furniihed  with  like  complaints  from  others  in  feveral  of 
the  feaports.  Correct  information  upon  every  point  was  my 
firft  object ;  for  unlefs  I  knew  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
evil  I  could  not  feek  a  remedy.  I  encouraged,  therefore,  by 
my  letters,  thefe  reprefentations,  as  the  only  means  by  which 
I  could  acquire  it.  Nor  was  it  difficult  to  be  obtained  ;  for 
the  parties  interefred  had  been  too  deeply  affected,  and  long 
delayed,  to  be  remifs  upon  the  prefent  occafion.  In  the 
courle  of  a  few  weeks,  I  believe  moft  of  the  complaints 
which  had  been  occafioned  by  the  war,  and  efpecially  where 
the  parties  were  prefent,  either  in  perfon  or  by  attorney, 


[       26      ] 

were  laid  before  me.    By  analyzing  them  I  found  they  might 
he  cl ailed  under  the  following  heads. 

1.  Thofe  who  were  injured  by  the  embargo  at  Bourdeaux. 

2.  Thole   who  had  claims   upon  the   Republic  for  fupplies 
rendered  to  the  government  of  St.  Domingo. 

3.  Thoie  who  had  brought  cargoes  in  for   fale   and  wers 
ck Mined  by  delay  of  payment,  or  fome  other  caufe. 

4.  Thcfc  who  had  been  brought  in  by  the  fhips  of  the  Re- 
public,  in  derogation   of  the   treaty  of  amity    and  com- 
merce, and  were  fubjecled  to  like  detention  and  delay. 

5.  Thoie  who  had  been  taken  at  fea,  or  elfewhere,  and  were 
confined,  in  derogation  of  the   treaty  of  amity   and   com- 
merce, or  rights  of  citizenfhip  in  the  United  States. 

Upon  the  two  firfc  heads,  and  indeed  upon  the  two  next 
following,  fo  far  as  compcnfation  to  the  injured  parties  was  in 
queition,  I  had  no  difficulty  how  to  ac\:  Your  inftruclions 
had  fully  marked  the  courfe  to  be  taken.  I  therefore  required 
that  compenfation  be  made  as  foon  as  poffible,.  and  upon 
in  (I  principles,  according  to  the  contract,  where  fuch  was  the 
cafe,  and  the  fair  eftimated  value,  where  it  was  not.  But  the 
two  latter  *  involved  in  them  fomething  more  than  the  mere 
adjuftment  of  cxifting  claims,  and  which  clofed  the  fcene 
v/licn  that  was  made.  They  grew  out  of  meafures,  which, 
if  furr!'red  to  <rontinue,  might  create  like  injuries  every  week, 
and  which  would  require  a  like  interpofition  on  my  part.  I 
therefore  confidcred  it  my  duly,  not  only  to  require  a  full  in- 
demnity to  the  claimants,  as  in  the  other  inftances,  but  to 
mount  to  the  fource  of  the  evil  and  feek  a  remedy  commenfu- 
rate  therewith. 

T  found  that  the  delays-  above  fpoken  of  did  not  proceed 
from  interefi:  or  defign  on  their  part :  From  intereft  they 
could  not  •,  for  they  not  only  difgufted  and  often  injured  the 
claimants,  but  like\vife  expofed  the  government  to  confidera- 
ble  lofs,  upon  account  of  demurrage.  And  if  there  was  no 
motive- of  intereft,  there  could  be  none  for  defign.  They 
proceeded,  in  fact,  from  the  fyftem  of  trade  adopted 
here,  by  which  the  whole  commerce  of  the  country  was  ta- 
ken into  the  hands  of  the  Republic  itfelf.  The  regulation 
was  fuch  that  none  but  the  officers  of  government  could  pur- 
chafe,  nor  could  any  contract  be  concluded  and  executed  in 
any  of  the  fea-ports,  or  elfewhere,  than  in  Paris.  This 
threw  every  cafe  into  the  hands  of  a  board  of  commiflaries 
city,  who  were  otherwife  borne  down  with  an  im- 

*  TJu  third  and  f».i:th  -ire  recant, 


E     27     ] 

menfe  weight  of  the  moft  extenfive  and  complicated  duties. 
The  defect  in  our  own  arrangements  too  here,  increafed  the 
embarraiTinent ;  for,  as  we  had  no  conful  here,  every  captain 
or  fupercargo  became  his  own  negociator,  and  as  they  \veiv 
generally  ignorant  of  the  city,  the  language  and  of  the  prices 
iaft  given,  they  were  badly  calculated  for  the  purpofe.  Every 
new  cargo  formed^  di{tin£t  negociation,  and  as  there  was  no 
fyftem  on  the  part  of  the  venders,  who  \viihed,  as  was  na- 
tural, to  make  the  moft   of  their  voyage,  they  ufually  aikcci 
an  extravagant  price  for  their  merchandize  in  the  firit  ini : 
This  occafioned  a  kind   ef  trafic  between  the    parties,  anu 
which   frequently   terminated   in   the  difguft   of  both,    and 
particularly  of  the   venders,    who,  after  they  were  wearlc-.I 
out  with  the  clerks  in  the  department,  and  whofe  duty  it  wa$ 
to  receive  them,  generally  afligned  the  bufmefs  over  to  ionic 
agent,  and  who,  as  he  was  not  clothed  with  any  public  cha- 
racter,   could   neither   be  much    rcfpecled    by    the   Frendi 
government,  nor  pcffelTed  in   any  high  degree  of  the  confi- 
dence of  his  employers.*     Such  was  the  ilate  of  our  trade  in 
this  Republic,  and  fuch  the  caufe  of  the  delay.     As  foon, 
therefore,   as  I 'became  fufficiently   well  acquainted  with  the 
fubjedl,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  bring  it  before  the  govern- 
ment, and  defire  on  its   part  a  fuitable  remedy ;    and  if  the 
perfon  lately  appointed  does  not  foon  arrive,  I  fhall  deem  it 
equally  necefTary  tornominate  feme  one  as  conful  provisionally, 
to    take  charge  of  the  bufinefs  on   ours  ;     and    if  he   does 
arrive,  I  am  by  no  means  certain  it  will  remedy  the  diiffciui.y, 
for  reafons  I  fhall  hereafter  explain. 

I  had  more  difficulty  in  determining  how  to  r.£l  en  the 
fourth  point*.  I  was  not  inftruclcd  to  delire  a  repeal  of  the' 
decree,  and  did  not  know  but  that  it  had  been  tolerated  from 
the  foundert  motives  of  political  expedience.  This  Republic 
had  declined  calling  on  us  to  execute  the  guarantee,  from  a 
fpirit  of  magnanimity  and  a  (Irong  attachment  to  cur  welfare-. 
This  confederation  intitledit  to  fome  attention  in  return.  An 
attempt  to  prefs  it  within  the  pale  of.  the  itipulation  contain- 
ed in  the  23d  and  24th  articles  of  the  treaty  'of  arnLy  snd 
commerce,  might  give  birth  to  fentimcnts  of  a  different  kind, 
and  create  a  difpofition  to  call  on  us  to  execute  thai  of  die 
treaty  of  alliance.  The  fubjecl  was  therefore  of  the  utmoft 
delicacy,  and  I  faw  that  I  could  not  enter  on  it  without  the 
greateft  care.  But  yet  I  was  perfuaded  that  France  gained 
nothing  by  the  departure,  and  had  reafon  to  believe  if  it  were 

*  Other  wife  than  as  related  to  compenfAtic^  to  incJ 


[     a8     ] 

otherxvife,  that  (he  would  at  the  prefent  time,  concede  it  for 
our  accommodation ;  and  I  knew  its  importance  to  our  com- 
merce, and  efpecklly  as  it  would  deprive  the  cabinet  of  St. 
James  of  the  fmalleft  pretext  for  continuing  the  violation  on 
its  part.  Upon  full  confideration  of  all  thefe  circumftances 
the  paper  prefentod,  was  drawn,  and  I  truft,  whatever  may 
be  its  etrect,  it  will  have  the  approbation  of  the  Preiident, 
fince  it  may  produce  a  beneficial  one,  and  has  in  no  refpeft 
compromitted  him.  My  note  was  prefented  a  few  days  fince, 
and  I  expect  an  anfwer  as  ibon  as  circumftances  will  permit, 
paying  due  regard  to  the  immenfe  weight  of  bufmefs  before 
that  department. 

Upon  the  article  refpetting  citizenfhip,  I  have  as  yet  faid 
nothing.  I  did  not  wifh  to  complicate  the  fubjec~ts  which  I 
prefented  before  them  too  much  at  any  one  time.  It  is,  how- 
ever, an  important  one,  and  (hall  be  foon  attended  to,  asfhall 
likewife  the  claim  for  reimburfement  of  50,000  dollars  *  ad- 
vanced to  the  French  emigrants  from  St  Domingo. 

Nothing  of  great  importance  has  lately  taken  place  in  the 
public  councils.  The  remaining  fpirit  of  ancient  party  has,  it  is 
true,  occafionally  fhewn  itfelf,  but  not  with  its  former  vigour  ; 
for  it  feems  in  a  great  meafure  to  have  withdrawn,  and  to 
lurk  in  the  bofoms  of  the  more  inveterate  only.  Happily  a 
different  fpirit  more  congenial  with  the  temper  of  the  nation, 
and  which  inclines  to  humanity,  to  peace  and  concord,  feems 
to  pervade  the  great  mafs  of  the  Convention.  I  think  this 
latter  will  loon  prevail  fo  as  not  only  to  prevent,  at  leaft  for 
the  prefent,  further  enormities,  but  to  heal,  in  fome  degree, 
the  wounds  which  have  already  been  inflicted.  Some  latter 
circumilances  authcnfc  this  expectation.  Barrere,  Collot 
d'Herbois  and  Billaud  de  Varennes,  of  the  committee  of 
public  fafety,  and  feveral  of  the  committee  of  furete  gcnerale, 
were  fufpedied  by  many  of  having  countenanced  and  fup^ort- 
ed  the  meafures  of  Robefpieire  ;  and  it  was  apprehended, 
that  after  tiie  perfect  and  preternatural  calm,  which  enfued  his 
execution,  fliould  fubfide,  fome  difcuffion  on  that  fubject 
would  enfue.  Accordingly  they  were  laHy  denounced  by 
Lccointre  de  YerOilles,  who  brought  forward  a  long  lift  of 
charges  agaii;ft  them.  But  it  was  immediately  feen,  that 
the  party  in  favour  of  the  denunciation,  though  violent,  was 
weak.  Th  Lr  mention  heard  the  accufation  with  patience, 
and  rejccK-d  it  with  difd:.m.  and  Lecointre  himfelf  was 
eventually  ccniured,  as  a  diiturber  of  the  public  repofe, 

*  The  amount  was  15,900  only. 


[     29     1 

Many  of  this  party  were  now  in  their  titrn  alike  ?.git?ted 
and  alarmed,  becaufe  they  thought  they  fiw  in  the  rejection 
of  the  motion  the  invincible  ft  .ngth  of  the  other  pjtfty,  and 
the  certainty  of  their  own  fat.:.  But  they  were  fuperficial 
obfervers  of  the  courfe  of  the  revolution,  and  of  the  theatre 
on  which  they  acted.  They  did  not  perceive,  that  there  wa* 
a  force  in  the  Convention  actuated  by  more  humane  and  dig- 
nified principles  ;  able  to  controul  both,  and  render  their 
extravagant  and  pernicious  efforts  abortive  and  harmlefs.  This 
latter  fact  was  further  demonftrated  by  an  event  \vhich  fol- 
lowed immediately  after.  Under  the  organization  of  the 
committee  of  public  fafety,  it  became  necefTary  to  re- 
elect  its  members  ;  and,  if  the  influence  of  thofe  lately 
denounced  had  preponderated,  they  would  of  courfe  have 
been  re-chofen.  But  the  contrary  wns  the  cafe,  for  they 
were  every  one  rejected,  and  others  preferred  in  their  (lead. 
I  have  mentioned  this  incident,  becaufe  I  deem  it  an  impor- 
tant one,  in  the  character  of  the  prefent  moment ;  tending 
to  prove  the  certainty  with  which  the  revolution  progreiTes 
towards  a  happy  ciofe ;  fmce  the  preponderance  of  thofe 
councils  which  are  equally  diftinguifhed  for  their  wifdom, 
temperance  and  humanity  continues  to  ir.creafe*. 

Nor  is  fortune  lefs  propitious  to  the  affairs  of  this  Republic 
in  the  field,  than  in  the  cabinet.  Within  a  few  days  paR, 
Conde  and  Valenciennes  have  furrendered  to  its  victorious 
arms.  About  6000  troops  were  taken  in  thefe  garrifons, 
with  1 1  oo  emigrants,  and  which  latter  were  immediately 
put  to  the  fword.  The  rigour  with  which  the  emigrants  have 
been  purfued  continues  nearly  the  fame,  and  feenis  Hill  to 
be  dictated  equally  by  the  fentiment  of  the  public  councils 
and  the  people  at  large  :  It  will  not,  therefore,  be  eafily  or 
foon  removed. 

.  The  furrender  of  thefe  garrifons  has  relieved  from  a  (late 
of  inactivity  about  50,000  men,  who  were  immediately 
added  to  the  armies  upon  the  Meufe  and  on  the  frontier  of 
Holland.  Thefe  armies  are  at  prefent  of  great  ftrength,  and 
certainly,  upon  the  ordinary  rules  of  calculation,  not  to  be 
refilled  by  the  force  now  embodied  againfl  them.  In  point 
of  numbers  they  are  by  far  fuperior,  and  they  poflefs  the 
means  by  which  this  fuperiority  mav  be  increafeci  at  pleafure, 
and  to  any  amount.  Their  ciifcipiine  too  is  exact,  their 
fpirits  high,  and  enterprife  aitonimingly  great.  Wliilit  on  the 

*  This  is  to  beconfidered  as  comparing  the  p^efent  Rate  of  things,  with 
<hat  \Vfeich  exiftcit  beiare  the  tall  ot  Robefpierre. 


[     3°     ] 

ether'  fide,  every  thing  wears  a  more  gloomy  afpe£h  Their 
troops  are  difpirited,  and  daily  wafting  away  by  the  events  of 
war,  and  reinforcements  have  been  for  a  long  time  paft,  with 
difficulty  obtained,  and  feem  now  to  be  exhaufted,  or  at  lead 
at  a  fraud.  And  to  encreafe  the  embarrafTment  on  their  part, 
'tis  laid  a  difpute  has  taken  place  between  Cobourg  and 
York  for  the  command,  in  cafe  they  mould  unite  their  for- 
ces :  The  latter  having  fet  up  a  claim  in  confequence  of  the 
great  force  of  Prufiians,  &c.  in  Britifh  pay. 

Cobuurg  occupies  at  prefent  a  pofition  near  Maeftricht, 
and  York  one  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bergen-op-zoom.  It 
is  thought  the  French  will  dire£t  their  principal  force  towards 
thole  polls,  fince  their  conqueft  will  not  only  lay  open  the 
whole  country  to  the  Rhine,  but  likewife  deprive  Holland  of 
its  chief  barrier.  They  are  ftrong  and  well  provided,  but 
deemed  by  no  means  impregnable  to  the  ardor  and  enterprife 
of  the  French  troops.  It  is  therefore  probable  fome  fevere 
rencounters  may  foon  take  place  in  each  quarter  ;  for  furely 
nothing  but  abfolute  defpair  will  induce  the  combined  powers 
to  abandon  them,  and  which  they  muft  otherwife  do,  in  cafe 
the  French-- continue  to  exert  themfelves  with  their  ufual 


To  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety. 

Paris,   September  3,    1794. 

THERE  are  fome  fubjecls  to  which  I  wifh  to  call  your 
attention  and  which  I  deem  of  equal  importance  to  both 
Republics.  They  have  grown  out  of  the  occurrences  of  the 
prefent  war,  have  prefled  particularly  hard  upon  the  United 
States,  and  will,  I  doubt  not,  be  immediately  rectified,  in  a 
manner  becoming  the  character  of  the  French  nation,  and  of 
rourfe  fatisfaclonly  to  us. 

The  fir  11  refpe&s  the  departure,  on  the  part  of  France,  from 
the  23d  and  24th  articles  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  fub- 
fifting  between  the  two  Republics. 

The  fecond,  the  embargo  of  our  veflels  at  Bourdeaux,  and 
the  injuries  arifmg  from  it  to  thofe  whom  it  concerns. 

The  third  refpects  the  claims  of  fome  of  our  citizens  for 
fupplies  furnifncd  to  the  government  of  St  Domingo, 
authenticated  by  bills  upon  the  Minifter  of  the  Republic 
in  Philadelphia ;  by  bills  upon  France,  and  by  mandates 
and  other  inflrurnents  ufual  in  fuch  cafes. 


C    31    ] 

By  the  23d  article  of  the  treat/  of  amity  and^comn; 
it  is  ftipulated,  that  free  fhips  fhall  make  free  goods,  and  that 
all  goods  fhall  be  free  except  thofe  which  are  termed  contra- 
band ;  and  that  no  difputc  might  arife  as  to  contraband,  all 
trrofe  which  mould  be  deemed  fitch,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
which  mould  be  deemed  free  on  the  other,  are  particularly 
fpecified  in  the  24th. 

It  is  neceiTary  for  me,  in  bringing  this  fubjeCb  to  your  view, 
briefly  to  obferve,  that  thefe  articles  have  been  difpenfcd 
with  on  your  part :  That  our  veflels  laden  with  merchandize, 
not  only  the  property  of  your  enemies,  made  free  by  theie 
articles,  but  likewife  of  our  own  citizens,  the  latter  of  which 
was  always  free,  have  been  brought  into  your  ports,  detained 
for  a  great  length  of  time,  their  cargoes  taken,  and  the 
captains  and  proprietors  otherwife  fubjecled  to  great  embar- 
raffments,  lofTes  and  injuries.  But  1  will  not  dwell  upon  this 
fubjecl:  in  this  view  ;  becaufe,  I  frankly  own  to  you,  it  is  pain- 
ful for  me  thus  to  contemplate  it.  I  wifh  to  referve  my  free 
comments  for  the  other  fide  of  the  picture,  when  I  fhall 
favourably  explain  the  motives  of  the  aft,  in  communicating 
to  my  country,  what  I  hope  you  will  enable  me  to  communi- 
cate, and  upon  this  friendly  intimation  only,  the  ready 
acquiefcence  with  which  the  decree  was  refcinded. 

It  may  be  faid,  that  Great  Britain  has  rendered  us  the 
fame  injury,  and  that  when  me  mall  change  her  condu£fc  in 
that  refpeci,  France  will  likewife  follow  her  example.  But 
the  cafe  is  widely  different.  Britain  may  difpute  the  law  of 
nations,  however  clear  its  doctrine  even  with  refpect  to  con- 
traband ;  but  with  France  it  is  in  both  refpects  regulated  by 
treaty.  Befides  we  are  the  allies,  and  what  is  more  intereft- 
ing,  the  friends  of  France.  Thefe  confiderations  naturally 
infpire  in  the  councils  of  the  two  countries,  different  ienti- 
ments  in  regard  to  us  ;  and  if  Britain  proves  true  to  thofe 
which  belong  to  her  fituation,  (hall  we,  on  the  other  hand, 
find  France  reluctant  to  cherifh  fuch  as  are  friendly  to  us, 
and  correfpondent  with  hers  ?  Will  me  fay,  that  the  injuries  of 
Britain  furnifh  a  juftificatory  example  for  her  to  render  us  like 
injuries  ?  Will  our  ally  contend  with  tjiat  nation  in  rivalihip, 
which  fhall  harrafs  our  commerce  molt,  and  do  us  the  great- 
eft  detriment  ?  This  is  furely  rTot  a  relation  for  the  two 
Republics  to  bear  towards  each  other.  Other  fentimcnts 
will,  I  hope,  infpire  their  common  councils  ;  fentiments  more 
congenial  with  their  mutual  interefts  and  conformant  to  the 
difpofitions  of  the  citizens  of  both  countries. 


If  the  French  Republic  gained  the  fmalleft  benefit  from 
the  regulation,  there  might  be  fome  motive  for  adhering  to  it. 
But  this  cannot,  it  is  prefumed,  be  the  cafe.  The  moft  to 
be  derived  from  it,  is  the  cccaiional  feizure  of  a  ftraggling 
veflel  deftined  for  the  ports  of  Spain  and  Portugal ;  for  they 
are  excluded  from  the  ports  of  England,  except  under  par- 
ticular circumftances  and  which  rarely  happen.  It  muft  be 
obvious,  if  the  price  was  higher  here,  this  would  be  their 
tlellination  •,  add  to  which  the  charges  attending  the  feizurc 
and  conducting  of  veflels  from  their  courfe,  muft  be  great, 
and  make  it  not  only  an  uncertain  but  unprofitable  mode  of 
fupply. 

It  may  be  apprehended,  that  if  this  decree  mould  be  re- 
fcinded,  it  will  open  a  door,  through  which,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  our  flag,  the  commerce  of  Britain  may  be  carried 
on  with  advantage  to  her,  and  detriment  to  France.  But  a 
moment's  reflection  will  demonftrate,  that  this  apprehenfion 
cannot,  in  any.  degree,  be  well  founded  ;  for  the  navigation 
act  of  England,  whofe  great  principles  have  been  wifely 
adopted  here,  forbids  almoft  altogether  any  fuch  commerce. 
By  this  act  the  manufactures  of  the  metropolis  cannot  be 
carried  to  the  colonies,  nor  can  the  productions  of  the  colo- 
nies, nor  the  productions  or  manufactures  of  any  other 
country,  be  carried  in  our  bottoms  to  Great  Britain.  This 
reftriction  mud  in  a  great  degree  inhibit  the  ufe  of  our  veflels 
in  any  but  the  direct  trade  betwee/i  the  two  nations  ;  for  it  is 
not  probable  that  Great  Britain  will  ufe  the  American  veflel* 
to  export  her  cargoes  to  other  countries,  to  any  amount  if  at 
all;  iince,  not  being  able  to  return,  they  would  generally  be  left 
there  empty  and  idle.  On  the  contrary,  we  know  that  her 
practice,  in  fuch  cafes,  has  been,  not  to  countenance  the  navi- 
gation of  any  other  country  at  the  expence  of  her  own ;  but 
to  protect  the  latter  by  convoys.  But  if  this  were  otherwife,  it 
is  to  be  prefumed  that  the  fortune  of  the  prefent  war,  in  the 
triumphant  fuccefs  of  the  French  arms,  will  have  decifively  fet- 
tled itfelf,  before  that  could  have  produced  any  material  effect. 

It  muft  be  obvious  that  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  and 
efpecially  in  regard  to  the  articles  of  contraband,  muft  de- 
pend in  a  great  meafure  upon  that  of  France  in  this  particular. 
For  if  France  declines  to  refcind  this  decree,  Great  Britain 
moft  probably  will,  unlefs  indeed  me  mould  make  a  merit  of 
receding  at  the  expence  of  France  ;  but  if  France  mould, 
comply  in  the  firft  inftance,  me  will  put  Great  Britain  in  an, 
ernbarrafling  dilemma  ;  for,  if  me  refutes  afterwards,  it  will 
not  only  tend  to  cement  our  union  with  France,  but  combine 


E  33  : 

.ca  iii  the  (  -i3  of  Britain  : 

And  if  they  mould  then  comply,  to  Francs  will  the  credit  be 
given,  of  having  forced  her  into  it. 

At  _  time  I  exprefs  to  you  a  dcfire  that  this  decree 

be  refcinJed,  ana  the  parties  heretofore  atf^cled  by  it-coinpen- 
fated  for  the  injuries  they  have  received,  I  coniider  it  like- 
w  ife  my  duty  to  add  feme  obiervations  upon  the  it  ate  of  our 
trade  in  general  in  the  Republic.  When  an  American  veilel 
arrives  in  any  port  of  France,  it  is  immediately  in  the  hands 
of  the  government.  The  captain  or  fupercarq;o  cannot  fell 
the  cargo  to  any  other  perfon,  nor  can  he  get  more  tor  it  than 
the  public  agents  will  give,  nor  fail  elfewriere  without  pcrrnil- 
fion.  Oftentimes  it  happens,  that  great  delays  take  place, 
from  the  neceffity  c  i-iicating  from  the  fea  ports  with 

the  metropolis,  and  other  inconvemencies  detrimental  to  the 
parties.  A  regulation  of  this  kind  in  its  fulled  extent,  muft 
prove  very  injurious  to  both  countries,  and  efpecully  to  i/i 
Trade  cannot  exiil  under  it.  It  will  foon  happen  that  not  a 
iingle  adventurer  will  feek  the  French  port? :  No  mer 
will  enter  them  but  by  conftraint.  The  corifequeiice  mud 
bs,  that  the  commerce  of  America  fo  extensive  and  produc- 
tive, and  efpecialiy  in  thofe  articles  in  greateit  demand  here, 
will  be  either  exterminated,  thrown  into  other  channels,  or 
forced  here  by  public  funds,  and  under  the  direction  of  pub- 
lic agents :  a  refource  which,  however  productive,  ihould 
not  be  the  fole  one,  for  many  reafons  ;  bat  more  efpecialiy 
fascaufs  the  produce  of  our  country,  having  thus  become  the 
property  cf  France,  will  be  liable,  by  the  law  of  natio  is, 
equally  in  yours  and  in  our  vsiTcis,  to  f  ;izure  and  condemna- 
tion by  your  enemies  ;  and,  becaufe  if  we  fucceed  in  iccur- 
ing  the  refpect  which  is  due  to  our  flag  by  other  nations,  and 
which  would  enable  our  citizens  in  their  own  bottoms  to  fup- 
piy  in  abundance  your  markets  (and  in  which  I  truit  we  ihail 
fucceed)  it  would  be  of  no  ufe  to  you  ;  and  laitiy,  becaufe 
the  competition  of  private  adventurers  would  thus  be  deitvoy- 
ed,  a  competition  which,  with  fuitabie  encouragement, 
would  not  only  fupply  the  defe£t  of  thefe  agents  and  fatisfy 
the  demand  of  the  market  5  but,  by  making  known  constantly 
^nd  regularly  the  prices  in  America,  form  a  check  on  their 
conducl:  and  furniih  the  beft  teft  of  their  innegrity. 

You  will  cbferve  I  do  not  complain  that  the  public  are  the 
fole  purchafers  and  regulate  at  pieafure  what  (hall  be  export- 
ed, provided  the  venders  are  paid  for  their  cargoes  in  fome 
commodity  or  fpeeie,  at  their  option  *,  or  that  agents  of  the 
public- are  appointed  in  the  United  Stages,  and  as  many  as 

F 


C    34    3 

/flay  be  thought  neceflary,  to  purchafe  our  productions  on 
public  account  and  fend  them  here.  Thefe  are  fubje£U- 
which  the  legiflatorj  of  the  Republic,  will  regulate,  accord* 
ing  as  public  exigencies  may  in  their  judgment  require.  What 
I  wifn  is,  that  the  ports  of  France  may  be  opened  freely  to 
the  enterprizes  of  my  countrymen,  and  which  will  be  the 
cafe,  provided  they  be  permitted  to  leave  them  immediately, 
if  they  do  not  like  the  market,  and  difpatched  without  delay 
in  cafe  they  do.  To  accomplim  the  firft  point  a  general  order 
only  will  be  requifite,  to  the  officers  of  the  cuftoms  or  other 
perfons  in  authority  in  the  feveral  poits  ;  and  the  latter,  a  re- 
gulation of  the  prices  to  be  immediately  given  by  thefe 
officers  upon  all  occafions,  when  a  veflel  ftiould  arrive,  and 
which  might  be  furnifhed  as  often  as  any  change  fhould  be 
deemed  neceflary.  This  would,  I  am  fatisfied,  banifh  every 
caufe  of  complaint,  greatly  increafe  the  competition,  and  of 
courfe  the  fupply  of  the  marke-:,  and  at  a  much  lefs  expence. 

Upon  the  fecond  fubjecl;,  the  Bourdeaux  embargo*  I  find 
the  committee  has  already  pafled  an  arret,  which  fecures  tt> 
the  perfons  interefted  an  indemnity  for  the  delay  and  other  in- 
juries fuftajned  ;  it  only  remains,  therefore,  to  adjuft  the 
amount  of  the  claims  and  pay  the  parties  entitled  to  it. 

The  third  which  refpe&s  the  claims  for  fupplies  rendered 
by  our  citizens  to  the  government  of  St.  Domingo,  is  like- 
wife  a  matter  of  account,  and  which  it  is  earneitly  hoped 
will  be  immediately  adjufted  and  paid.  A  perfon  authorifed 
will  appear  in  fupport  of  the  claims,  with  the  evidence,  be- 
fore any  board  or  tribunal  which  {hall  b$  appointed  for  that 
purpofe. 

I  have  to  obferve,  that  I  (hall  be  happy  to  give  every  aid. 
in  my  power  to  facilitate  the  adjuftment  and  fubfequent 
payment  of  thefe  feveral  clafles  of  claims.  So  far  as  they 
are  well  founded  I  doubt  not  they  will  be  allowed  by  the 
French  Republic,  and  where  this  is  not  the  cafe,  they  will 
not  be  fupported  by  me.  In  an  aggregate  view  they  refpe£t 
the  great  mafs  of  American  merchants.  If  is  of  importance 
for  France  to  cultivate  that  intereft,  and  the  prefent  is,  for 
many  reafons,  a  critical  moment  to  make  an  impreffion  on  it. 
I  hope,  therefore,  it  will  not  be  negle&ed. 

It  is  my  duty  to  obferve  to  you,,  that  I  am  under  no  in- 
ftniction  to  complain  of,  or  requeft  the  repeal  of,  the  decree 
author ifing  a  departure  from  the  23d  and  24th  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  ;  on  the  contrary  I  well  know 
that  if,  upon  confideration,  after  the  experiment  made,  you 
ftould  be  of  opinion  that  it  produces  any  folid  benefit  to  the 


[    35    ] 

Republic,  the  American  government  and  my  countrymen  in    | 
general  will  not  only  bear  the  departure  with  patience,  but 
with  pleafure.     It  is  from  the  confidence  alone  which  I  en- 
tertain, that  this  departure  cannot  be  materially  beneficial  to 
you,  and  that  the  repeal  would  produce  the  happieft  effect, 
in  removing  every  poilible  caufe   of  uneafinefs,  and  concili- 
ating ftill  more  and  more  towards  each  other,  the  affections 
of  the  citizens  of  both  Republics,  and  thereby  cementing 
more  clofely   their  union,  that  I  have  taken  the  liberty,    as 
connected  with  the  other  concerns,  to  bring  the  fubjecl:  before 
you.     To  cement  that  union,  in   other  fituations,  has  long 
been  the  object  of  my  efforts  :  for  I  have  been  well  fatis- 
fied,  that  the  clofer  and  more  intimate  it  was,  the  happier 
it  would  be  for  both  countries.       America   and  France  thus 
united,  the  one  the  greateft  power  in  the  European   world, 
and    the    other  rapidly    repairing    the   waftes    of   war    and 
rifing  to  the  firft  rank  in  the  fcale  of  nations  ;  both  bound- 
ed  by,    and   meafuring  an  immenfe  fpace    along,    the   At- 
lantic ;    abundant   in    pfodu&ions    fu-ning   the    demand    of 
each  other ;    and,  above  all,  both  Republics,  have  nothing  to 
fear  from  foreign  danger,    and  every  thing  to  hope  from  the 
happieft  and   moft  beneficial  domeftic   intercouvfe.      By    u 
generous  and  liberal  policy,    France  has   it  at  the  prelent 
moment  much  in  her  power,  to  promote  this  more  intimate 
union,  and  in  the  hope  fhe  will  avail  herfelf  of  it,  I  have 
thought  proper  thus  to  develop  the   fubje&s   which  I 
Submitted  to  your  confideration» 


[  No.  IV.  ] 
FROM  Mr.  MONROE  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE 

-Paris,  October  16,    1794. 
S/J?, 

I  GAVE  you  in  my  laft  a  fketch  of  the  embarraffments 
under  which  our  commerce  laboured  in  the  ports  of  the  Re- 
public, and  of  my  efforts  to  emancipate  it,  as  fhewn  by  my 
letter  to  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  a  copy  of  which 
was  like  wife  forwarded.  To  this  I  have  as  yet  received  no 
anfwer,  although  I  have  requefted  it  more  than  once.  To 
ir-y  applications,  hov/evcr,  which  were  informal  I  was 


C    3<5    ] 

informally  anfvvered,  that  the  fubject  was  under 
and  wcuiJ  be  decided  on  as  foon  as  pcifible. 

i>ui  .  s  thefe  propcfitions  were  of  extenfive  import,  and 
connected  with  the  iyftem  of  commerce  and  fupply,  which 
had  been  adopted  here,  'tia  probable  1  {hall  not  be  favoured 
with  an  anfwcT  until  the  fubject  is  generally  reviewed.  Nor 
lhall  t.  be  furprifed  to  find  extraordinary  efforts  to  protract  a 
decision,  and  even  defeat  the  objeit  in  view.  But  as  the 
oppoiiticn  will  not  be  warranted  by  the  intereft,  fo  I  am  well 
fitisfted  it  wiii  n  t  be  fupported  by  the  fenfe  of  the  French 
nation,  when  the  fubjecl:  is  well  understood.  To  make  it  fo, 
will  be  the  object  of  my  future,  and  I  trull  not  ineffectual, 
endeavours. 

You  were,  I  doubt  not,  furprifed  to  hear,  that  the  whole 
com  :;j-ce  of  France,  to  the  abfolute  exciufion  of  individuals,. 
v/,*s  carried  en  by  the  government  itfeif.       An  inilitution  of 
this  kind   would  be  deemed  extraordinary,  even  in  a  fmajl. 
ftate -,  but  when  applied  to  the  French  Republic  it  muft  ap- 
pear infinitely  more  fo.     Nor  were  the  cireumfhmces  which 
gave  bi  Li  to  it,  more  a  proof  of  the  calamities,  with  which 
the   fociety  was  inwardly  convulfed,  than  of  the  zeal  and 
energy  with  which  it  purfued  its  object.  Through  the  channel 
of  trade   it   was  found,  or  fufpecled,  that  the  principles   of 
the  revolution  were   chiefly  impaired  ;    that  through  it,  not. 
only  the   property  of  the  emigrants  and  the  wealth  of  the 
country  were  exported,  but  that  foreign  money  was  likewife; 
thrown  in,  whereby  the  internal  diffentions  were  fomented,, 
and    in  other  refpects  the  intrigues  of  the  coalefced  power* 
promoted.  For  a  confiderable  time  it  was  believed.,  that  moft 
of  the  evils  to  which  France  was   a   prey,    proceeded  from 
this  fource.     Many  remedies  were  in   confequence  applied, 
but  itill  the  difeafe  continued.     Finally  an  effort  was  made  to 
eradicate  the  caufe,  by  exterminating  private  trade  altogether, 
and  taking  the  whole  commerce  of  the  country  into  the  hands 
of  the   government.       A   decree  to   this  effect   accordingly 
paffed  on  the  —  day  of  October  1793,  and  which  has  fmce 
continued  in  force. 

But  now  many  circumftances  incline  to  a  change  of  this 
fyftem.  The  act  itfeif  was  confidered  as  a  confummation 
of  thofe  meafures  which  completed  the  ruin  of  the  Girondist 
party,  whofe  principal  leaders  had  already  fallen  under  the 
guillotine.  By  it,  the  commercial  intereft,  as  difiinct  from 
the  landed,  and  dividing  in  certain  refpects,  with  oppofite 
views,  the  councils  of  the  country,  was  totally  deftroycd.. 
All  private  mercantile  interccurfc  with,  foreign  nations  was 


E     37     ] 

cut  off,  and  fo  fevere  were  the  meafures,  and  great  the 
odium  on  the  mercantile  character,  that  none  were  pleafed 
to  have  it  attached  to  them.  But  when  the  apprehcniion  of 
danger  from  that  fource  was  done  away,  the  motive  for  the 
a&  itfelf  was  greatly  diminished.  Accordingly  the  public 
mind  was  foon  feen  vibrating  back  to  its  former  itntion  j  and 
in  which  it  was  greatly  aided  by  the  fortune  of  the  late  domi- 
nant party,  whole  principal  leaders  had  now,  likewife  in 
their  turn,  fettled  their  account  "with  the  Republic,  at  the 
receipt  of  the  guillotine.  Thus  we  find,  and  tfp~cully  in 
great  commotions,  that  extraordinary  meafures  not  only  bear 
in  general  the  ft rong  character  of  their  author,  but  frequent- 
ly fhare  his  fate.  The  fall  of  the  BriiTotine  party  extirpated 
private  trade  ;  the  fall  of  R.obefpierre's  may  probably  foon 
reftore  it. 

At  prefent  many  fymptoms  indicate  that  a  change  is  not 
diftant,  though  none  ieern  willing,  fo  prominently  to 
take  the  lead,  as  to  make  th*:mielves  refponilble  for  the 
quences.  The  only  active  intereit  that  I  can  perceive 
againit  it,  confifts  of  thofe  who  have  managed  the  public 
trade  and  been  intruded  with  the  public  monies  for  that  pur- 
pofe.  They  readily  fore  fee  that  a  change  will  not  only  take 
from  them  the  public  cafli,  but  likewife  lead  to  an  adjuti 
of  their  accounts  for  paft  tranfattions.  'Tis  however  generally 
the  fortune  of  an  oppofition  of  this  kind,  to  precipitate  the 
adoption  of  the  meaiure  it  wifiies  to  avert ;  for  as  every  one 
fufpeds  that  its  motive  is  not  found,  and  which  is  propor- 
tionally increafed  by  the  degree  of  zeal  fhev/n,  fo  every  one 
feels  an  Intersil  in  defeating  it. 

I  have  endeavoured  in  my  proportions  to  coniirie  th?m  en- 
tirely to  external  objects,  by  fuggeiting  fuch  remedies  as  might 
be  adopted  without  any  interference  with  the  interior  general 
fyltem  of  France.  By  fo  doing  I  hoped,  that  the  injuries  of 
which  we  complain  might  be  iooner  redreifed  and  not 
dependant  on  the  great  events  which  happen  here. 

I  foon  found,  that  the  extraordinary  expedient  to  which 
this  Republic  had  had  recourfe,  of  excluding  individuals  from 
trade  and  conducting  it  thernfelvcs,  would  require,  in  a  .^reat 
meafure,  a  correfpondent  regulation  on  our  part :  For  if  the 
oonduct  of  the  public  fervants,  on  the  on-  fide,  \vas  not  in 
ibme  meafure  fupervifed,  and  which  it  could,  net  be,  bat  by 
public  agents  on  die  other,  the  impoutions  which  might  be 
pra£tifed  on  our  improvident  countrymen  would  be  endlefs. 
in  every  contcft  between  a  public  officer  here,  raid  the  citi- 
?f  another  country  irr  the  purchafe  of  iupplics  for  the 


L    38    ] 

Republic,  or  execution  of  a  contract,  the  bias  of  the  go- 
vernment and  of  the  people  would  be  in  favour  of  the  for- 
mer. The  cenfulate,  under  the  fuperintendance  of  the  mi- 
nifter,  forms  their  natural  bulwark,  in  the  commercial  line 
ygainft  impofitions  of  every  kind.  Indeed  it  is  the  only  one 
which  can  be  provided  for  them.  But  to  guard  them  againfl 
thofe  proceeding  from  the  fource  above  defcribed,  it  mould 
be  organized  with  peculiar  care.  I  was  forry,  therefore, 
upon  infpecting  into  our  eftablifoment,  to  find,  that  whatever 
might  be  its  merits  in  other  fituations,  it  was  by  no  means 
in  general  endowed  with  fufficient  ftrength  or  vigour  for  the 
prcfcnt  crifis.  American  citizens  alone  can  furnifh  an  ade- 
quate protection  to  their  countrymen.  In  the  hands  of  a 
Frenchman,  or  other  foreigner,  the  confular  functions  lie 
dormant.  In  every  litigated  cafe  the  former  {brinks  into  the 
citizen  and  trembles  before  the  authority  of  his  country  ;  and 
the  latter,  especially  if  the  fubject  of  one  of  the  coalefced 
powers,  finds  our  commiflion  only  of  fufficient  force  to 
exempt  him  from  the  decree  which  would  otherwife  doom 
him  to  a  prifon.  I  annex,  at  the  foet  of  this,  a  lift  of  our 
confuls  and  confular  agents,  with  a  note  of  thofe  who  have 
been  actually  under  arreftation  and  confincm-ent,  and  by 
which  you  will  be  better  enabled  to  comprehend  the  juftice  o£ 
thefe  remarks. 

My  fituation  was,  therefore,  in  every  view,  beyond  meafure 
nn  erabarrafling  one.  But  as  there  was  no  conful  or  agent  of  any 
kind  or  country  here,  where  the  whole  bufinefs  was  con- 
centred, and  every  tranfaction  clofed,  it  became  on  that 
account  infinitely  more  fo  ;  for  I  was  in  confequence  not  only 
daily  furrounded  by  many  of  my  countrymen,  complaining 
of  delays  and  injuries,  and  intreating  my  interceffion  for 
redrefs,  but  applied  to  by  them  from  every  quarter  and  upon 
every  difficulty.  I  could  not  fettle  their  accounts  with  the 
departments,  nor  could  I  interfere  in  any  other  refpect  hi 
particular  cafes,  where  there  were  more  of  the  feme  defcrip- 
tion.  I  could  not  even  go  through  the  forms  in  the  offices 
which  were  neceflary  to  verify  facts,  and  which,  if  true, 
iurnifhed  ground  for  complaint  j  nor  could  I  demand  redrefs 
of  the  government  upon  any  fuppofititious  cafe,  and  which 
every  one  muft  be  until  verified.  I  remained  thus  for  fomc 
time  in  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Duvernat ;  although 
I  was  apprehenfive  fuch  an  event,  in  confequence  of  the 
general  objection  above  dated,  and  the  decree  which  applied 
particularly  to  his  cafe,  inftead  of  affording  relief,  would 
plunge  me  into  a  new  embarralmicnt.  But  finding  that  he 


E     39     1 

not  arrived,  and  that  I  could  make  no  progrefs  In  the 
public  bufmefs  here,  without  the  aid  of  a  conful,  I  finally 
nominated  my  fecretary,  Mr.  Skipwith,  provifionally  conful 

for  this  cky,  on  the  —  day  of ,  and  notified  it  to  this 

government,  a  copy  of  which  and  of  the  anfwer  of  the 
commifTary  of  foreign  affairs  I  herewith  inclofe  you.  To  him 
I  have  fince  affigned  the  interefting  duty  of  developing  and 
demonftrating  the  caufe  of  thefe  difficulties,  by  an  appeal  to 
authentic  fa£ts  ;  and  the  better  to  enable  him  to  perform 
this  fervice,  I  have  inftrufted  our  confuls  and  agents  ir?. 
the  feveral  ports,  to  render  him  a  ftatement  of  thofe  within 
their  particular  jurifdi&ions.  Thus  enlightened,  he  will 
make  a  report  upon  the  whole  fubjecl:  to  me,  and  which  I  will 
immediately  lay  before  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  in 
illuftration  of  my  former  comments,  and  with  fuch  others  as 
may  be  found  necefiary. 

At  prefent  I  can  fay  nothing  decisively  upon  the  fubjecl 
of  a  general  arrangement  of  the  confulate.  What  I  have  faid 
may  furnifh  fome  hints  that  may  be  ufeful.  But  I  wifh  be- 
fore any  thing  is  definitively  done  in  that  refpecl:,  to  give  you 
the  refult  of  my  further  remarks  on  it.  Mr.  Fenwick  will  be 
here  in  a  few  days,  and  from  whom  I  doubt  not  I  mail  derive 
much  ufeful  information.  In  the  interim  Mr.  Skipwith  will 
perform  the  duties  of  the  office  in  which  I  have  placed  him, 
But  as  he  undertook  it  without  the  profpecl:  of  emolument  in 
the  official  line  (for  in  truth  the  duties  required  of  him  are 
not  ftriclly  confular,  but  novel  and  growing  out  of  the  emer- 
gence of  the  time)  and  more  from  a  regard  for  the  public  inte- 
reft,  and  to  accommodate  me,  than  himfelf,  although  I  was 
thereby  deprived  of  his  fervices  in  the  immediate  ftation  in 
which  he  had  accompanied  me,  yet  I  could  net  bereave  him 
of  the  appointment  I  had  perfonally  conferred,  nor  divert  from 
him  the  falary  belonging  to  it.  By  permitting  things  to 
ftand  where  they  are  for  a  few  weeks  longer,  the  public  will 
derive  no  detriment,  and  I  {hall  be  able  to  acquire,  and  give, 
fiich  information  as  will  enable  you.  to  proceed  with  more  pro- 
priety afterwards  -,  a  confideration  which  will  induce  me  to 
bear  the  inconvenience  to  which  I  (hall  be  perfonally  fubjecl:- 
ed,  with  pleafurc. 

I  found,  upon  my  firft  arrival,  that  I  mould  have  much  dif- 
ficulty upon  the  fubjecl:  of  paflports.  The  jealoufy  of  this 
government  was  immediately  difcovered,  withrefpecl  to  thofe 
who,  being  fubjects  of  England,  or  any  other  of  the  coalefced 
powers,  had  patted  over  to  America  fince  our  revolution,  be- 
come citizens  of  feme  one  of  the  ftates,  and  returned  to  their 


t    43    3 

proper  country,  where  they  now  refided.  Tt  was  fuggefled 
to  me,  by  the  commifTary  of  foreign  affairs,  that  if  theie  peo- 
ple were  covered  by  my  paflports,  I  ihould  immediately 
fpreacl  through  France,  in  the  armies,  and  in  prefence  of  the 
public  councils,  a  holt  of  fpies,  who  would  report  the  cir- 
cum  fiances  of  tha  country  to  their  enemies.  It  was  iikewife 
urged,  that  I  had  no  right  to  do  it;  for  although  this  defcrip- 
tioii  of  perfons  had  acquired,  for  the  time,  the  right  of  citizen- 
iliip  with  us,  yet  they  were  more  attached  to  other  countries, 
iiatc  they  refided,  and  had  their  property,  there.  I  was  Iike- 
wife told  of  inftances  wherein  this  privilege  had  been  abufeel 
by  fuch  perfons,  two  of  whom  were  faid  to  be  then  confined 
at  Dunkirk,  as  fpies.  The  fubjecr,  was,  in  point  of  principle, 
cilHcult,  and  I  was  really  embarrafTed  how  to  .a£t  in  it,  fo  as 
to  fatisfy  this  government,  and  dojuftics  to  the  parties  con- 
cerned •,  for,  if  citizens  of  America,  it  feemed  difficult  to  dif- 
tinguifh  between  fuch  and  any  other  citizens.  And  yet  the 
argument  was  equally  ftrong  on  the  other  fide  ;  for,  if  the  fub- 
jecl:  of  another  power,  it  was  equally  difficult  to  diflinguifh 
between  fuch  and  any  other  fubjecl;  of  the  fame  power,  efpeci- 
ally  in  this  region,  where  the  right  of  expatriation  is  gene- 
rally denied.  But  in  point  of  expedience,  there  was  lefe 
difficulty  in  the  cafe.  Citizenfhip  is,  in  its  nature,  a  local  pri- 
vilege. It  implies  a  right  within  the  government  conferring 
it.  And  if  confiderations  of  this  kind  are  to  be  regarded,  I 
can  fee  no  reafon  why  it  fhould  not,  in  the  prefcnt  inflahee, 
be  conftrued  flrictly :  For,  if  a  temporary  emigrant,  after  avail- 
ing himfelf  of  this  benefit  for  a  few  years,  and  for  the  purpofes 
of  trade,  in  our  indulgent  country,  chufes  to  abandon  us,  and 
return  from  whence  he  came,  why  fhould  we  follow  him  on 
this  fide  the  Atlantic,  to  fuppbrt  in  his  behalf  a  privilege 
which  can  now  only  be  claimed,  at  beft,  for  private,  and  per- 
haps difhonourable  purpofes  ?  Can  any  motive  be  urged  of 
fuffic'ient  force  to  induce  us  to  embark  here  in  this  kind  of 
controvery,  at  the  hazard  of  our  national  character,  and  the 
good  will  of  the  nation,  believing  itfelf  injured  by  it  ?  Will 
the  refufal  to  grant  paflports  to  fuch  perfons  check  emigration 
to  our  country?  I  am  fatisfied  it  will  not,  of  the  kind  that 
merits  encouragement ;  for  it  will  rarely  happen  that  a  fingle 
member  of  that  refpe&able  lift  of  philofophers,  artifts  and 
yeomen,  who  feek  an  afylum  with  us,  from  the  troubled  go- 
vernments on  this  fide  the  Atlantic,  will  ever  re-crofs  it. 
Thefe  obfervations  apply  only  to  thofe  who  fettled  with,  and 
abandoned,  us  fince  the  peace;  for  I  confider  thofe,  be  they  of 
oimtry  they  may,  and  «fpeeially  if  of  the  Eritifh 


[    4'    3 

(who  were,  of  courfc,  in  the  common  character  of 
Bridfh  fubjec~b,  equally  members  of  our  revolution)  who 
threw  their  fortunes  into  our  fcale,  as  being  as  much  Ame- 
ricans as  if  they  were  born  with  us.  After  fome  difcumou 
with  the  commhTary  on  th€  fubjeft,  it  terminated  by  an  ailur- 
ance  ®n  my  part,  that  I  fhould  be  particularly  cautius  as  to 
fuch  characters,  and  refufe  my  paffports  to  all  of  that  defcrip- 
tion  (except  in  particular  cafes  of  hardmip,  and  upon  which 
he  mould  be  previoufly  confulted)  who  were  not  actually 
refident  within  the  United  States.  This  arrangement  was 
fatisfa&ory  to  the  government,  as  you  will  perceive  by  the 
commifTary's  letters  to  me,  copies  of  which  are  herewith 
tranfmitted.  I  (hall,  however,  be  happy  to  be  infiructed  by 
you  on  that  head. 

The  councils  of  this  Republic  ft  ill  continue  to  prefent  to 
view  an  interefting,  but  by  no  means  an  alarming,  fpedlacle. 
Inftances  of  animated  debate,  fevere  crimination,  and  even  of 
vehement  denunciation,  fometimes  take  place  ;  but  they  have 
hitherto  evaporated  without  producing  any  ferious  effecl.  It 
is  obvious,  that  what  is  called  the  mountain  party  is  rapidly 
on  the  decline,  and,  equally  fo,  that  if  the  oppoiite  one  acts 
with  wifdom  and  moderation,  at  the  prefent  crifis,  it  will  not 
only  complete  its  overthrow,  but  deftroy  the  evidence  (if  pof- 
fible  in  fociety)  of  all  party  whatever.  The  agitation  which 
now  occafionally  mews  itfelf,  proceeds  from  the  prerTure  of 
this  latter  party  on  the  mountaineers,  and  who  in  their  de- 
fence, fometiines  make  a  kind  of  incurfive  or  offenfive  warfare 
upon  their  enemy;  for  having  fince  the  fall  of  the  Brifibtines, 
wielded  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and  been  accuitomed  to 
a  pretty  liberal  ufe  of  their  authority  over  the  remaining 
members  of  that  party,  they  bear,  with  pain,  and  not  with- 
out apprehenfion  of  danger,  their  prefent  decline.  The  tone 
of  the  difcuffion,  therefore,  frequently  exhibits  to  view  the 
external  of  a  violent  controverfy  between  two  rival  parties, 
nearly  equally  balanced,  and  which  muft  terminate,  under 
the  preponderance  of  either,  in  the  extirpation  of  the  other. 
$ut  this  I  deem  only  the  external  afpe£r.,  and  upon  confider- 
ations,  in  my  judgment  the  moil  folid,  I  have  obferved  ge- 
nerally, that  the  firft  indications  of  warmth  have  proceeded 
from  the  weaker  party^  and  from  its  lefs  important  members, 
who  occafionally  break  through  the  reftraint  impofed  on 
them  by  their  leaders;  (if,  when  a  force  is  broken  and  routed, 
there  can  be  any  leader)  and  fally  forth  into  extravagancies, 
which  provoke  refentment,  where  they  mould  only  endea- 
-our  to  excite  pity  ;  and  whilft  a  different  conduct  is  obferv- 

G 


C    42    ]' 

ed  by  the  leaders  themfelves:  For  neither  Barrere,  Billaue£ 
c!e  Varennes,  nor  Collet  d'Hcrbois,  ever  take  part  in  thefe 
difcuflions,  otherwife  than  to  explain  forne  fevere  perfonal 
attack,  and  to  which  they  confine  their  comments  ftri&ly, 
and  with  all  iuitable  refpecl:  for  their  opponents.  I  obferve 
it  rarely  happens,  that  any  very  diftinguifhed  member  in  the 
preponderating  party  takes  fhare  in  thefe  difcuflions  •,  though 
the  field  invites,  and  much  might  be  faid  with  truth,  and  of 
courfe  with  effect  From  thefe  confederations  I  infer,  not 
only  that  the  party  of  the  plain  has  already  acquired  the 
complete  preponderancy;  but.alfo,  that  its  motive  is  rather 
to  fave  the  Republic,  than  to  perfecute  its  enemies.  There  is, 
likewife,  fomething  in  the  origin  and  fpirit  of  thefe  debates, 
\vliich  authorizes  a  belief  they  portend  nothing  alarming;  for 
they  generally  proceed  from  a  review  of  paft  enormities, 
which  moil  deny,  and  few  jullify.  But  the  fcene  through 
which  they  have  paft,  cannot  always  be  covered  with  a  veil; 
on  the  contrary,  it  frequently  breaks  in  upon  their  difcuflions, 
and  always  excites,  like  the  Ghoft  of  Hamlet,  whenever  it 
appears,  the  horror  of  the  innocent,  and  the  terror  of  the 
guilty,  fp ecliators.  The  debates,  therefore,  which  enfue, 
though  violent,  are  more  of  the  exculpatory,  than  of  the  aflail- 
ing  and  fanguinary,  kind.  Each  party  endeavours  to  vindi- 
cate itlelf  from  the  charges  alledged  againft  it ;  fometimes 
by  absolute  denial,  and  at  others,  by  a  counter  crimination  of 
its  adverfary.  Hitherto,  the  bufmefs  has  ended  by  a  general 
Reference  of  the  depending  motions  to  the  committee  of  pub- 
lic iafety,  folely  ;  or  to  it,  afibciated  with  the  two  other  com- 
mittees of  general  furety  and  legislation,  and  who  have  had 
fufficient  wifdom,  either  to  keep  up  the  fubjecl:  'till  it-was  for- 
gotten, or  to  report  fuch  a  general  eifay  upon  the  flate  of 
.  the  views  of  the  coalefced  powers,  trade,  finance  and 
the  file,  as  always  to  obfcure,  and  fometimes  to  throw  it  en- 
tirely out  of  view. 

By  this,  however,  I  do  not  wifh  to  be  underftood  as  inti- 
mating, that  in  my  opinion  none  of  the  members  of  the 
Qonvention  will  in  future  be  cut  off.  On  the  contrary  I  think 
otherwife ;  for  it  cannot  be  poflible  that  fome  of  thofe  who 
have  perpetrated  fuch  enormities  in  their  miflions  in  the  fe- 
'veral  parts  of  the  Republic,  and  particularly  at  Nantes,  mould 
efcape  the  juft-ice  of  their  country. 

In  the  movements  of  the  prefent  day,  the  Jacobin  fociety 
has,  as  heretofore,  borne  its  part.  The  hiftory  of  this  fo- 
ciety, from  its  origin  to  the  prefent  time,  is  of  importance  to 
mankind,  and  efpecially  that  portion  upon  which  providence 


-C     43     3 

.feas  beftowed  the  blefnng  of  free  government.  It  furniihes  a 
'leflbn  equally  inftructive  to  public  functionaries  and  to  private 
citizens.  I  am  not  yet  fully  porTeflcd  of  the  details,  although 
1  have  endeavoured  to  acquire  themj  but  the  outline  I  think 
I  now  underftand.  In  its  hiftory,  as  in  that  of  the  revolu- 
tion itfelf,  there  are  obvioufiy  two  great  eras^  The  firft 
commenced  with  the  revolution  and  ended  with  the  de- 
pofition  of  the  king.  The  fecond  fills  the  fpace  between  that 
event  and  the  prefent  day.  The  former- of  thefe  is  flill  fur- 
.ther  divifible  into  two  parts,  upon  each  of  which  diftmct 
charafters  are  marked.  The  firft  commenced  with  the  revo- 
lution and  ended  with  the  conftituent  afiembly,  or  adoption 
.of  the  conftitution.  The  fecond  comprifes  the  adminiftra- 
tion  under  the  conftitution.  During  the  firft  cf  thefe,  the 
Jacobin  fociety  was  ccmpofed  of  almoft  all  the  enemies  to  the 
ancient  defpotifm  •,  for  in  general  thofe  who  were  friends  or 
the  public  liberty,  and  wifhed  its  eftabliihment  under  any 
poilible  modification,  became  at  this  tune  members,  and 
attended  the  debates,  of  this  fociety.  But  with  the  adoption 
of  the  conftitution,  many  were  fatisfied  and  left  it.  Alter 
this,  and  during  the  fecond  part  of  this  era,  it  was  compoiecl 
only  of  the  enemies  to  hereditary  monarchy,  comprifing  the 
members  of  the  three  fucce:  ding  parties,  of  Briilct,  Danton 
and  Robefpierre.  During  the  whole  of  the  firit  era,  there- 
fore, or  until  the  depofition  of  the  king,  this  fociety  may  be 
considered  as  the  cradle  of  the  revolution,  for  moft  certainly 
the  Republic  would  not  have  been  eftablifhed  without  it.  It 
was  the  organ  of  the  public  fentiment  and,  by  means  of  dii*- 
cuffion  and  free  criticifrn  upon  men  and  meafures,  contributed 
greatly  to  forward  that  important  event. 

But  from  that  period  and  through  the  whole  of  the  fecond 
era,  this  fociety  has  a£ted  a  different  part  anJ  merited  a  dif- 
ferent character.  The  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  royalty- 
were  gone  ;  the  whole  government  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
people,  and  its  whole  force  exerted  againft  the  enemy.  There 
was,  in  fhort,  nothing  exifting  in  that  hue  which  merit t d 
reprehenfion,  or  with  which  the  popular  fentiment,  virtuouily 
inclined,  could  take  offence.  But  it  had  already  gained  a  weight 
in  the  government,  and  which  it  had  now  neither  fuificient 
virtue  nor  inclination  to  abandon.  From  this  period,  therefore, 
its  movements  were  counter-revolutionary,  and  we  behok) 
the  fame  fociety,  which  was  heretofore  ib  formidable  to  the 
defpotifm,  now  brandiihing  the  fame  weapon  againft  the  le- 
gitimate reprefentation  of  the  people. 


C    44    3 

Its  fubfequertt  ftaiy  is  neither  complicated  ncVr  rariouis.  As 
the  revolution  was  complete,  fo  far  as  depended  on  the  interior 
order  of  things,  it  had  no  fervice  of  that  kind  to  render,  nor 
pretext  to  colour  its  movements.  It  was  reduced  to  the 
alternative  of  either  withdrawing  from  the  ftage,  or  taking 
part  in  the  ordinary  internal  adminiftraticn,  and  which  it 
could  not  do  otherwife  than  by  becoming  an  inftrurnent  in 
the  hands  of  fome  one  of  the  parties  again  il  the  other.  This 
itation,  therefore,  it  immediately  occupied  and  has  fmce  field 
it  to  the  prefent  time.  It  became  the  creature  of  Robefpierre 
and  under  his  direction  the  principal  agent  in  all  thofe  atro- 
cities which  have  ftained  this  ftage  of  the  revolution.  It  was 
by  means  of  this  fociety  that  he  fucceeded  in  cutting  off  the 
members  of  the  two  fucceeding  parties  of  Brifibt  and  Dan- 
ton,  and  had  finally  well  nigh  ruined  the  Republic  itfelf. 

It  is  an  interefting  fact,  and  very  deferving  of  attention, 
that  in  the  more  early  and  latter  ftages  of  this  fociety,  the 
beft  men  of  France  were  feeking  an  admittance  into  it,  but 
from  very  different  motives.  In  the  commencement  and  un- 
til the  eftablifhment  of  the  Republic,  it  was  reforted  to  by 
them  for  the  purpofe  of  promoting  that  great  event.  But  in 
the  latter  ftage  and  until  the  fall  of  Robefpierre,  it  was 
rdcrted  to  by  them  merely  as  a  (belter  from  danger.  Vir- 
tue and  talents,  with  every  other  great  and  noble  endowment, 
were  odious  in  the  fight  of  that  monfter,  and  were  of  courfe 
the  object  of  his  perfecution.  Nor  was  any  man  of  indepen- 
dent ipirit,  polTelfmg  them,  fecure  from  his  wrath.  The 
Jacobin  fociety  could  alone  furnim  any  kind  of  protection, 
and  to  this  circumftance  it  was  owing,  that  many  deferving 
characters  were  feen  there,  apparently  countenancing  mea- 
fures  which  in  their  fouls  they  abhorred.  It  is  therefore  only 
juflice,  that  the  prefent  preponderating  party  in  France,  and 
the  world  at  large,  fhculd  now  look  with  indulgence,  srrd  rrt- 
decd  with  forgivenefs,  upon  the  conduct  of  many  of  thofe 
•who  feemed  at  the  time  to  abet  his  enormities.  Unfortunate- 
ly for  them  and  for  their  country,  their  prefence  fecured  only 
a  perfonal  exemption  from  danger :  The  preponderating  in- 
fluence had  long  been  in  the  hands  of  thofe  of  a  different 
description. 

In  he  kft  fcene  which  was  acted  by  Robefpierre,  arid  in 
which  he  placed  himfelf  at  the  ccmmune  in  open  rebellion 
againft  th-  Convention,  'tis  faid  that  this  fociety  arranged 
itfelf  under  his  banner  againft  that  aflembly.  But  after  his 
fall,  and  which  was  inftantaneous,  it  immediately  endeavour*, 
ed  to  repair  die  error  of  this  flep,  by  charging  it  upon  fomc, 


2JI7BR 


I    45     ] 

were  admitted  to  be  bad  members,  and  others  who  were 
faid  to  have  forced  themfelves,  at  that  tumultuous  moment, 
tinlicenfed  into  the  fociety,  and  who  were  not  members  at  all, 
It  even  went  into  high  crimination  of  Robefpierre  himfelf. 
But  the  principles  of  the  controverfy  were  too  deeply  rooted 
in  the  minds  of  all  to  be  fofuddenly  eradicated.  It  was  obvious 
that  a  crifis  had  arrived  which  mult  eventually  fettle  the  point, 
whether  the  Convention  or  this  fociety  fhould  govern  France, 
and  equally  fo,  that  the  public  mind  was,  and  perhaps  long 
had  been,  decifively  fettled  in  favor  of  the  former.  As  the 
cataftrophe  was  approaching,  this  fociety,  as  heretofore,  ufeJ, 
fit  one  time,  an  elevated  or  commanding  tone,  and  at  others, 
an  humilating  one.  But  the  convention  acted  with  equal 
dignity  throughout.  Whether  it  contemplated  to  ftrike  at 
its  exiftence,  by  an  overt  act,  or  to  feek  its  overthrow  by 
contrafting  the  wifdom,  the  juftice  and  magnanimity  of  its 
own  preferrt  conduct,  with  the  paft  and  recent  enormities  of 
this  fcciety,  is  uncertain.  The  leading  members  of  the  pre- 
ponderating party  feemed  doubtful  upon  this  point.  But, 
finally,  the  rafh  and  outrageous  extremities  of  the  fociety, 
which  was  fecretly  exciting  commotions  through  the  country, 
forced  the  convention  into  more  deciiive  meafures.  By  its 
order,  the  fecretary  of  the  fociety  at  Paris  was  arrefled,  and 
all  the  deputies  from  thofe  aflbciated  v/ith  it  through  France, 
and  who  had  arrived  to  deliberate  upon  the  ftate  of  their 
affairs,  were  driven  from  the  city,  under  a  decree  which  ex- 
empted none,  not  inhabitants  of  Paris,  except  our  country- 
men. Of  all  France,  Marfeilles  was  the  only  diftrict,  m 
which  its  efforts  produced  any  effect.  A  fmall  commotion, 
excited  there,  was  immediately  quelled  by  the  ordinary  police, 
and  who,  after  making  an  example  of  the  leaders,  reported 
it  to  the  convention. 

What  further  meafures  may  be  adopted  by  the  convention, 
in  regard  to  this  fociety,  is  uncertain  :  The  fubject  is  now  un- 
der difcuffion,  and  I  mall,  I  prefume,  be  able  in  my  next,  to 
give  you  the  refult. 

The  fame  fuccefs  continues  to  attend  the  arms  of  the  Re- 
public, and  in  every  quarter.  They  have  taken,  fmce  my 
laft,  m  the  north,  Julieis,  Aix-la-chapelle,  Cologne  and 
Bois-le-duc-,  and  in  the  fo'uth,  Bellegarde,  with  immenfe  ft  ores 
of  cannon,  provifion,  &c.  in  each,  and  particularly  in  Julierr, 
and  Bois-le-duc ;  at  both  of  which  latter  places,  a  general 
action  was  hazarded  by  the  oppofite  generals,  and  in  which 
they  were  routed  with  great  lofs.  It  is  faid,  indeed,  that 
the  action  which  atchieved  Juliers,  was  among  the  moft  im- 


,$crtant  of  the  prefent  campaign,  fince  they  confider  it  as  de- 
ciding, eventually,  the  fate  of  Maeftricht,  Bergen-op-zoom, 
and  of  Holland  itfelf.  Maeftricht  is  now  clofely  inverted,  and 
muft  fall  in  the  courfe  of  a  few  weeks,  fmce  the  Auftrian 
general  has  obvioufly  abandoned  it  to  its  fate.  Holland  muft 
fall  immediately  afterwards  ;  for  there  is,  in  truth,  nothing  to 
prevent  it.  Indeed  I  think  it  probable,  they  will,  previ- 
oully,  detach  twenty  or  thirty  thoufand  men,  to  take  poflet- 
fion  of  it  ;  for  it.  is  generally  believed,  it  may  be  eafily  accom- 
.plifhed. 

What  effect  thefe  events  may  produce  in  England,  k  is 
difficult  for  me  to  fay.  That  AuRria,  Pruffia  and  Spain  have 
been  for  feme  time  paft  wearied  with  the  war,  and  have 
wifhed  to  withdraw  from  it,  is  certain.  That  they  will  with- 
draw from  it  foon.,  is  more  than  probable,  and  upon  the 
beft  terms  they  can  get.  England,  therefore,  will  have  tp 
maintain  the  conteft  alone;  for  Holland  will  be  conquered  and 
fubjecl:  to  the  will  of  the  conquer  ors.  This,  however,  is  not 
the  only  danger  which  impends  ever  her.  Denmark  and 
Sweden,*  offended  at  the  unlawful  restraint  impofed  by  her 
on  their  trade,  in  the  arbitrary  rule  of  contraband,  have,  for 
near  three  months  paft,  united  their  fleet,  to  the  amount  of 
about  thirty  fail,  for  the  purpofe  of  vindicating  their  rights,: 
and  Spain,  equally  unfriendly,  and  irritated  with  that  power, 
has,  I  have  reafon  to  believe,  ferious  thoughts,  not  only  of 
abandoning  the  war,  but  of  acceding  to  this  combination. 
The  lapfe  of  a'  few  weeks,  however,  will,  no  doubt,  unfol^ 
thefe  fubjecls  more  fully  to  view. 

Parif,  2oth  Fruftidir,   2d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(September  6th>   1794.^ 

^The  ComimJJary  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America. 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 


I  HAVE  received  the  letter  which  you  a 
-me,  concerning  the  demand  which  has  been  made  to  you  by 
rthe  family  of  Bingham,  to  obtain  paflports,  in  quality  ol* 
-American  citizens. 

*  It  is  a  fad),  tint  thsfs  potvers  cor.fi.iere'.l  themfclves  is   forfaken  bf 
America. 


C    47     J 

I  applaud  the  more  the  cireumfpeclion  which  you- think  it 
your  duty  to  obferve,  in  regard  to  thole  travellers,  \vho  have 
the' twofold  character  of  American  citizens  and  Englifh  fub- 
j£cts;  becaufe  I  recollect,  that  feveral  of  them  have  abufec?: 
the  regard  which  the  republic  has  for  its  allies,  and  have  en- 
tertained, with  the  Englifh  government,  connections  the  molt 
reprehenfible.  Convinced  that  the  United  States  are  far 
from  wifhing  to  protect  fuch  citizens,  I  think  they  will  equally, 
approve,  with  ourfelves,  the  repugnance  which  you  mew  to 
grant  them  pafTports. 

'  As  for  the  relt,  the  laws  of  your  country,  have,  without 
doubt,  determined  this  queftion,  fo  important  in  the  actual 
ftate  of  affairs.  To  confider  it  on.ly  under  the  general  rela- 
tion of  the  rights  of  nations,  it  appears,  that,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  merchants,  and  political  and  commercial  agents,  the 
'dbmicil  and  not  the  property  of  feme  land,  ought  to  decide  the 
quality  of  an  American  citizen.  It  is  known,  that  a  great 
number  of  Englifh,  Dutch  and  French  people  have  purchafed 
lands  in  America,  without  redding  there,  and  it  would  pro- 
duce a  great  inconvenience,  if,  on  that  account  alone,  they 
were  confidered  as  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

The  family  of  Bingham,  having  refided  five  years  in 
France,  it  ought  to  be  fufficiently  known,  in  its  municipality, 
to  obtain  paflports  in  the  ordinary  way.  The  law  does  not 
permit  me  to  grant  them  to  any  but  the  exterior  agents  of 
the  Republic,  and  to  the  envoys  of  foreign  powers.* 

(Signed) 

BUCHOt. 


*  Mr.  Bir.gham  had  been  an  officer  in  lord  Rawdcn's  corps,  in  the  courfe 
ftf  our  war,  b:;t  had,  after  its  dole,  as  appeared  by  the  declaration  of  an 
American,  refi  led  forfbme  fhort  time  in  Jerfey,  of  which  ft  »te  this  Ame- 
rjc.<n  thought  him  a  citizen.  For  the  five  laft  years  paft,  he  had  -d welt  ia 
Frj'.i-ce  lender  thefe  circumflances,  and  efpec'ally  as  the  prcot  of  hip 
being  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  was  not  ptfitive,  th'oueli  ftror,«ly  pre- 
lumptive,  Mr.  Monroe  wilhed  Mr  Ringham  to  obtain  a  pjfTport  from  tlie 
French  gcvcrrnric:::,  and  not  from  himfelf,  and  lor  liiat  PL:  ^ofe  add  reflect 
the  miniftcr  a  fliort  note  oil  the  fubject,  to  which  this,  ana  ihc -  tbllowing, 
*etter  wereanfwers. 


E    4*    3 

Paris  *  28/7;  Fruftidor,  ind  Tear  of  the  Repx\jfcc9 

(September  iqth,   1794.^ 

The  Commiffary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America. 

THOUGH  the  teftimony  of  friendmip  and  attachment  whjcjjt, 
the  government  and  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  con- 
ftantly  given  to  the  French  Republic  will  not  permit  us 
to  doubt  of  their  difpofition  towards  us,  yet  there  is  reafon  to 
fear,  that  fome  individuals  have  abufed  the  confidence  whicfr 
fp  happily  fubfifts  between  the  two  nations,  by  entertaining^ 
with  our  moil  inveterate  enemies,  connections  very  injurious 
to  the  fuccefs  of  the  Republic.  The  twofold  character  of 
American  citizen  and  Englifh  fubje£t,  with  which  many  tra- 
vellers are  clothed,  will  be,  above  all,  and  probably  has  been, 
very  favourable  to  the  treafons  which  the  minifter  of  Great 
Britain  endeavours  to  multiply  in  France.  I  have  caufe  to 
believe,  after  this,  that  you  will  obferve,  with  the  utmoft 
ftri&nefs,  not  to  grant  paflports  or  certificates  of  American: 
citizenfhjp,  but  to  thofe  who  have  their  domicil  in  America, 
and  who,  by  their  civifm,  appear  to  you  worthy  of  belonging 
to  the  United  States.  You  will,  doubtlefs,  concur  with  us 
in  opinion,  that  an  American  cannot  confpire  againft  liberty, 
without  confpiring  againft  his  own  country,  which  was  its 
cradle. 

The  referve,  with  which  American  paflports  are  expedited, 
will  become  a  new  motive  for  granting  to  thofe  who  fhall  ob- 
tain them,  the  high  degree  of  protection  which  is  their  due* 

I  take  this  occafion  to  inform  you,  that  by  an  arrete  of  the 
committee  of  public  fafety,  all  paflports  for  foreign  countries 
muft  be  prefented  to  that  committee,  before  they  can  be  legal- 
ized by  the  commiflion  of  foreign  affairs.  I  pray  you,  there- 
fore, to  addrefs  to  that  committee  the  bearer  of  fuch  paflportSj 
in  all  cafes,  before  application  is  made  for  this  legalization  to 
my  department. 

(Signed) 

BUCHOT. 


£     4£     } 

Mmijter  Plenipotentiary  of  tfo  United  St'atss  c 
to  the  fymrmfary  ?f  F^ign  -Relations. 

ify   September  22W,  1794. 


I  HAVE  this  moment  received  the  inclofed  memorial  from, 
die  mafters  of  two  American  venels  ;  the  Mary,  commanded 
by  Henry  Preble,  and  the  Severn,  by  Jared  Goodrich,  who 
tfere  boarded  at  fea  by  the  Proferpine,  frigate  of  the  Repub- 
lic-, and  all  the  parfengers  taken  from  the  one  veiTel,  and  the 
other,  with  her  cargo  and  pafTengers,  brought  into  Breft, 
wftere  they  are  how  detained.  As  theie  cafes  form  like  de- 
partures from  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  between  the 
two  Republics,  and  are,  in  that  refpe£t,  analogous  with 
tshafe  complained  of  in  my  note,  lately  prefented  to  the  com- 
mittee of  public  fafety,  I  have  thought  it  rny  duty,  as  con- 
nected with  that  fubje<£t,  to  bring  them  immediately  before 
the  fame  depaYtment.  Independently  cf  the  propriety  of  ac-  - 
commodating  the  principle  to  the  wiihes  of  my  country,  and 
which  I  earneflly  hope,  for  the  common  interefts  of  both 
Republics,  will  be  foon  dene,  I  preiume  the  embarraiiment 
pf  virtuous  men,  and  good  patriots,  as  is  the  cafe  in  the  pre- 
fent  inftance,  will  be  an  additional  motive  for  their  immedi- 
ate enlargement. 

I^r.  l&$nrit  Sq  iks  GfjfijniJJary  cf  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  September*         J794- 

Mr  predecefibr  Mr.  Morris,  finding  it  impoffible  to  pro- 
cure- a-  veffel  to  embark  his  baggage  and  fail  for  fome  weeks 
yet  to  come,  wiihes  to  employ  that  time  in  an  excurfion  into 
Switzerland,  and  has  requefted  me  to  obtain,  for  him,  a 

tfFport-for  that  purpofe.     The  better,  however,  to  explain  to 
u  his  wrfhes,  I  have  enclofed  a  copy  of  his  letter  to  me  on 
it  fubjec!^     Perhaps,  it  may  be  more  conformable  to  the 
courfe  of  proceeding  in  fuch  cafes,  that  it  mould  be  granted, 
in  the  prefent  inftance,  by  the  committee  of  public  fafety.  But; 
in  either  cafe,  Iprefume,  it  will  be  more  agreeable  to  him, 
as  it  likewife  would  be  to  me,  that  their  approbation  of  the 
rrreafure  fhould  be  previoufly  obtained.     I  have,    therefore, 
to  requeft,  citizen,  that  you  will  be  ib  obliging,  as  to  make 
fenown  to.thatbpdy  his  wifhes,  and  obtain  their  fanction, 

H 


I    5°    j 

The  Gvmmijfary  of' Foreign  Affairs,  to  the  Minifter  P<fenipatenti*~ 
ary  of  tbs.  United  States  of  America. 

Paris  y    ifl  Vendemiaire^  yd  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

( 'September  23^,   1794.^ 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

I  HAVE  tranfmitted  to  the  committee  of  public  fafety, 
the  letter  by  which  your  predeceflbr  demands  a  paflport,  for 
a  journey  into  Switzerland.  In  any  other  ftate  of  affairs, 
the  journey  which  he  propofes  to  make  before  his  departure 
for  America*  would  not  be  an  obje£t  of  the  leaft  difcuflion  \ 
but,  at  this  time,  many  important  confiderations  occur,  which 
make  this  voyage  inconvenient,  and  it  were  to  be  wifhed, 
that  the  citizen  Morris  would  poflpone  it  to  another  epoch. 
I  know  not,  however,  what  will  be  the  decifion  of  the  com- 
mittee of  public  fafety,  upon  this  fubject. 

(Signed) 

BUCHOTV 


From  Mr.   Monroe,  to  the  Commiffary  of  Exterior    Relations 

Paris,  September  *794» 

COMMISSARY, 


A  SHORT  experience  has  already  demonftrated  the  in- 
tereft  which  my  country  has  in  the  appointment  of  fome  per- 
fon  here,  known  to  your  government  and  refponfible  to  ours,. 
to  take  charge  of  the  affairs  of  its  citizens  in  the  commercial 
line.  This  confideration  has  induced  me  to  appoint,  provi- 
fionally,  Fulwar  Skipwith,  heretofore  fecretary  of  legation,  to 
the  office  of  conful  for  the  department  of  Paris,  and  who 
will  take  on  himfelf,  and  difcharge  the  duties  properly  be- 
longing thereto,  until  the  fenfe  of  our  government  {hall  be 
known  on  the  fubjeft.  I  have,  therefore,  to  requeft  you 
will  be  fo  obliging  as  to  caufe  this  to  be  communicated  to,. 
the  feveral  departments  of  your  government,  in  fuch  manner- 
that  he  may  be  known  and  refpedled  as  fuch. 


C    5'    3 

Commiffary  of  Foreign  Relations,  to  the  Minj/ler  Plenipo- 
tentiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   ift  Vendemiaire>  %d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(September  23^,   1794.^ 


CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

I  HAVE  received  the  letter  by  which  you  inform 
me,  that  you  have  nominated  Mr.  Skipwith,  provifionally,  to 
the  office  of  conful  for  the  department  of  Paris,  and  I  have 
written,  in  confequence,  to  the  committee  of  public  fafety, 
to  requeft,  that  the  exequatur  of  his  commiffion  may  be  grant- 
ed. The  political  principles  and  talents  of  Mr.  Skipwith  are 
fo  favourably  known  here,  that  the  choice  you  have  made 
cannot  otherwife  than  be  a  very  agreeable  ene  to  the  govern- 
ment of  this  Republic.  Befides,  the  numerous  affairs  which 
your  countrymen  have  .to  difcufs  at  Paris  have  proved,  for  a 
long  time  paft,  the  necefEty  of  confiding  their  interefts  to  a 
commercial  agent,  who  fhould  be.fpeciaUy  charged  with  this 
detail. 

(Signed) 

BUCHOT. 


Commiffary  of  Foreign  Affair^  to  ihe  Minifler  -Plenipoten- 
tiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  ind  Vendetmaire,  ^d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(September  24^,   1794.^ 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

AFTER  an  explanation  which  the  Secretary  of  your 
predeceflbr  has  given  to  me,  it  appears,  that  the  citizen  Mor- 
ris propofes  to  return  to  America  by  the  way  of  Switzerland, 
and  that  he  has  renounced  the  project  of  returning  to  France, 
to  embark  at  Havre.  As  he  ought  to  be  entirely  free  to  take, 
in  his  return  to  America,  the  rout  which  he  prefers,  there 
can  be  no  further  difcuffion  upon  die  paflport  which  he  de- 
mands. I  am  ready,  therefore,  to  legalize  that  which  you 
think  proper  to  grant  him, 


[   *  3 

As  to  the  e&fe&s  which  your  preckfcdfor  dcfires  to  embark 
?,t  Havre,  I  invite  you  to  fend  a  detailed  account  of  them  to 
the  co-mrrriiTion  of  commerce,  which  will  give  aH  the  facili- 
ties neceffary  for. their  exportation. 

(Signed). 

BUCHOT. 


The  Ccmmiffary  sf  •  Fcreiga  Rtltitidrts.y  to  tkt  M&afikr  Plenipd* 

tenliary  'of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  6th  Vendcvziairey  $d  Tear  of  the  Republic* 
(September. 

Ml.NIST.ES, 


I  HAVE  received  'your  letter  of  the  firft  inftafttj  t^' 
which  you  fend  me  the  memorial  of  t  wo  American  captains;, 
whofe  veffels  were  feized  by  a  frigate  of  the  Republic.  1 
tranfmitted,  immediately,  their  reclarnations.to  the  committee 
't)f  public  fafety,  whofe  decifion  will,  I  doubt  not,  be  equal- 
ly fatisfa&ory;  to  your  government,  and  the  parties,  interefted. 

(Signed) 

BUCHOT. 

The  doihmiffciry  of-  "Foreign  Rtfotwis,  to  the  Mimjler  Pknrp&~ 
tentiary  of  'the  United  States  of  A-mcrita. 

Parts  y  i6th  ¥encUmairey  %d  Tear  cf  the  Republic. 

(Qfiober  %th,   1794.^ 

I  HAVE  received  an  unfwer  frjom  the  commiflion  of 
marine  and  colonies,  to  the  demand  you  made,  and  which  I 
tranfmitted  them,  concerning  the  reftitution  of  the  American 
ihip,  the  Severn,  the  enlargement  of  the  paffengers  who  were 
embarked  on  that  iriip,  as,  likewife,  thofe  who  were  on  board 
the  ihip  Mary.  ,You  will  perceive,  by  the  copy  of  this  an- 
L\.  jr,  which  I  haften  to  communicate  to  you,  that  your  dc^ 
nvand  upon  thefe  objeds.  is  fent  to  the  committee  of  public 

for  its  decifion. 

.'Signed)  BUCHOT. 


L      &      J 

Gommiffton  of  Marine  end  Cibaies,  to  the   Cwmijfary  sf 
•Foreign  Relations. 

Paris,   l-$tk  Vwtdtmifirej  ^d  Tear  of  it? 


CITIZEN, 

I  HAVE  received  your  letter  cf  the  third  of  this  rn 
with  a  copy  of  one  from  the  mimftcr  plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States,  by  which  he  demands  the  releafe  of  the  Ameri- 
can fhip,  The  Severn,  taken  by  the  Proferpine,  frigate  of  the 
Republic,  and  likewife  the  difcharge  of  paffengers,  who  were 
on  board  that  (hip,  as  well  as  of  thofe  who  were  on  board  the 
"(hip  Mary,  another  American  veifel,  taken  by  the  fame  fri- 
gate, but  which  was  releaftd. 

The  commrffio.n  haitens  to  do  every  thing  in  its  power,  to 
increafe  the  gcod  underftand  ing  which  ought  to  reign  betweea 
two  friendly  nations,  by  fubmittiug  this  affair  to  the  commit- 
tee of  public  fa'fety,  and  it  engages  to  communicate  the  re- 
'fult  to  die  minifter  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  as 
foon  as  obtained. 

From  the'Sweteryof  Si  ate  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

hij,  July  $Qth,   1704, 


I  HAVE  applied  to  Mr.  Fauchct  for  the  adjuflmentcf 
the  fifteen  thoufand  dollars,  voted  by  Congrel^,  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  St.  Dcmingo  people.  His  anfwer  is  not  yet  receiv- 
ed, although  I  can  be  at  no  lets  to  anticipate  -it-:  For  I  recol- 
kcfc,  when  htf  fir  ft  came,  he  felt  uneafy,  that  Congrefs  Ciould 
be  granting  (as  he  called  it)  French  money,  againft  tlie  will 
of  the  Republic  ;  and  even  after  I  had  preiled  upon  hrai  the 
obligation  of  his'  government  to  iupport  its  indigent  citizens;- 
the  heavy  -tax  which  thefe  unhappy  fugitives  had  been  upon 
us,  and  the  impoilibiiity  of  feeing  them  ftaryein  cur  country, 
no  other  impreifion  \vaimadeupon  him,  than  to  narrow  his 
objection  to  the  diiburfenient  of  French  money  for  die  fup- 
port  of  ariitocrats  as  well  as  democrats.  You  will,  there- 
fore, proceed  to  bring  this  article  immediately  into  view;  and  & 
it  is  fhort  in  its  principle,  fo  will  it  be  fufficient  for  us  to  obtain 
£fhort  decree,  that  fuch  parts  of  the  fifteen  thoufand  dollars 


t     <T4     J 

as  may  have  been  expended  upon  the  fuccour  of  the  indigent 
inhabitants  pf  St.  Domingo,  who  took  refuge  here  after  the 
difailers  of  the  Cape,  be  credited  to  the  United  States,  in 
their  account  'with  the  French  Republic. 

We  have  heard  with  regret,  that  feveral  or"  our  citizens 
have  been  thrown  into  prifon  in  France,  from  3  fufpicion  of 
criminal  attempts  againil  the  government.  If  they  are  guilty, 
we  are  extremely  forry  for  it ;  if  innocent,  we  muft  protect 
them.  It  is  the  defire,  therefore,  of  the  Prefident,  that  you 
$iould,  without  delay,  collecl:  intelligence  of  every  Ameri* 
can  citizen  under  confinement,  and  of  his  cafe;  and  whatlbever 
ought  and  can  be  done,  to  do  promptly  and  decifively  ;  taking 
care  to  fee  that  your  path  is  clear,  and  affording  no  pretext 
for  being  charged  with  demands  againft  the  law  of  nations. 
Among  thefe  perfons,  are  Archibald  Hunter  and  Shubael 
Allen ;  concerning  both  of  whom  papers  are  enclofed,  and 
who  ought  to  be  immediately  affifted,  as  far  as  may  be  right ; 
ilnce  their  fuff^rings  are  known.  I  confign  them  to  your  ear- 
licit  attention  and  warmed  activity* 

Mr.  Macarty,  whofe  letter  is  enclofed,  has  been  lately 
appointed  conful  for  the  United  States,  in  the  Ifle  of  France, 
from  whence  he  dates.  The  circumliances  which  he  relates 
are  ferious  and  important;  and  it  is  wifhed,  that  you  lofe  no 
time  in  having  every  thing  rectified  and  compenfated,  as  to 
pafl  inftances,  and  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  future. 

The  enclofed  letter,  from  one  Binard,  of  Brefl,  fpeaks  of  his 
having  been  appointed  vice  conful  of  the  United  States  there, 
by  Mr.  Burrall  Carnes,  our  late  eonful  at  Nantes.  In  this  he 
is  miflaken,  as  Mr.  Carnes  had  no  right  to  appoint  a  vice 
conful  under  himfelf,  and  probably  went  no  farther  than  to 
conftitute  hiirran  agent,  as  confuls  may  lawfully  do.  Mr. 
Dobree,  having  fucceeded  Mr.  Carnes,  will  probably  take 
fimilar  meafures  with  refpeft  to  an  agent ;  but  it  is  defirable, 
that  you  fhould  immediately  examine  this  matter  well,  and 
caufe  to  be  done,  what  (hall  appear  beneficial  to  our  trade. 

If  a  vice  conful  mould  appear  to  be  really  neceflary,  you 
will  inform  me  by  the  firft  opportunity. 

Mv.'-G.  Morris  having  recommended  Mr.  Francis  CorTyn, 
to  be  our  conful  at  Dunkirk,  a  temporary  commiflion  is  fent 
to  him,  and  will  be  fubmitted  to  the  fenate  for  renewal ;  un- 
lefs  from  a  view  of  all  circumftances  relative  to  his  fituation 
(he  being  underftood  to  be  now  in  confinement  for  fome  caufe 
er  other)  you  fliould  think  it  improper,  that  he  fhould  be 
employed  in  the  fervice  of  the  United  States. 


C    55    J 

Mr.  G.  Morris,  will  have  probably  communicated  to 
you  the  fteps  which  he  has  lately  taken,  to  accomplilh  a  peace 
with  Algiers,  and  the  liberation  of  our  fellow-citizens  in  cap- 
tivity. But  left  he  may  have  accidentally  omitted  to  mentiou 
them,  I  forward  a  copy  of  his  letter,  which  defcribes  his  mea- 
fures.  As  he  had  received  no  particular  powers  upon  this 
head,  and  is  not  minute  in  that  letter,  as  to  the  inftruclions 
whicn  he  has  given,  we  are  left  to  conjecture  what  courfe 
has  been  purfued.  You  will,  therefore,  inform  the  proper 
authority,  that  the  Prefident  learns  with  great  fatisfacfcion, 
the  new  teftimony  given  by  the  French  Republic  of  attach- 
ment to  the  interefts  of  the  United  States  •,  not  doubting,  at 
the  fame  time,  that  it  muft  prove  beneficial  to  the  fupplies  of 
France,  from  hence :  That  the  powers,  derived  from .  Mr. 
Morris,  to  the  agent  who  was  to  accompany,  on  our  part,  the 
French  commiilioner,  though  they  are  as  yet  unknown  to  us* 
have,  no  doubt,  been  judicious,  and  the  a£ts  in  conformity 
with  thofe  powers  will  be  confirmed,  if  they  mall  be  found  to 
come  within  the  fpirit  of  the  plan  hitherto  adopted  :  That  Co- 
lonel Humphreys,  our  minifler  at  Lifbon,  has  been  long  ago 
fpecially  appointed  to  this  bufmefs  ;  poflefles  a  full  knowledge 
of  our  views  and  our  means,  and  has  been  particularly  con- 
verfant  in  our  attempts  for  peace  with  Algiers  :  That  he  will, 
if  he  mould  think  it  neceflary,  inftrucl:  the  agent  appointed 
by  Mr.  Morris  :  That  we  truft  the  aufpices  of  the  French  Re- 
public will  be  continued  to  the  efforts  under  the  guidance  of 
Colonel  Humphreys  j  and  that  as  an  evidence  of  our  confi-* 
dence  in  the  French  government,  you  are  empowered,  if  you 
conceive  it  to  be  advifeable,  to  impart  the  terms  upon  which 
we  expect  to  buy  peace  ;  but  the  circumflances  .and  confe-r 
quences  of  fuch  communication  are  to  be  well  weighed  be- 
fore it  be  made. 

The  cafes  of  fpoliation  and  vexation  from  the  French  cruif- 
crs  on  our  trade  I  again  moft  earneftly  recommend  to  your 
anxious  attention.  Mr.  Fauchet  has  promifed  to  forward  a 
recommendation  of  them  to  his  government.  You  will  do 
well  to  prefs  the  principle  without  delay ;  and,  if  doubts  are 
entertained  as  to  fa£b,  put  the  fubje£b  into  a  train  for  the 
moft  early  decifion.  The  French  Republic  will  furely  nevt  r 
fuffer  us  to  be  plundered  by  their  citizens  ;  and  that  we  have 
greatly  fuffered  by  their  plundering  the  papers  accompanying 
Uiis  letter,  if  they  be  true,  manifeft.  We  are  no  lefs  difturb- 
<jd  at  the  conduct  concerning  the  embargo  at  Bourdeaux.  If 
the  account  brought  hither  lately  by  one  of  the  captains  who. 
were  detained  there,  be  genuine,  the  promife  of  compenfa- 


C    S«    J 

teon  has  been  illufory  only.  You  are,  therefore,  again  charg- 
ed,  to  make  this  alfo  your  fpecial  and  immediate  bufmefs ; 
and  to  prefs  the  rights  of  our  citizens  in  a  manner  which  in- 
dicates, that" we  cannot  wave  the  juftice  due  to  us.  In  fhort, 
Sir,  it  is  the  exprefs  inftruction  of  the  Prefident,  that 
you  diligently  enquire  into  every  inconvenience,  to  which 
our  trade  has  beevi  fubje&ed ;  and  to  remonftrate  ftrongly 
upon  them,  and  reprefent  the  fa&s  to  us  fully  and  minutely. 
Had  not  Mr.  Morris  fo  ftrenuoufly  prerTed  the  affair  of  the 
ihip  Laurens  of  Charleflon,  which  is  committed  to  your 
care,  I  \vould  here  repeat  all  the  eircumftances.  But  thefe 
may  be  obtained  as  well  from,  Mr.  Morris  as  from  the  French 
archives.  The  decrees  upon  which  the  conduct  of  the  French 
Republic  was  founded,  in  this  cafe,  which  I  note  particularly 
on  account  of  thofe  decrees,  have  alfo  been  remonftrated 
againft  by  Mr.  Morris  ;  and  I  queftion  whether  much  mat- 
ter can  be  added  to  his  obfervations.  But  fuch  of  thofe  de- 
crees as  tend  to  the  condemnation  of  the  Laurens  are  grofs 
violations  of  our  rights.  You,  no  doubt,  will  have  refumed; 
.-his  fubjeft,  immediately  on  your  arrival ;  and  you  are  at. 
liberty  to  fpeak  in  a  firm  and  decifive  tone,  taking  care  to 
avoid  offence,  or  in  any  degree  to  weaken  the  frrendfhip  be- 
tween the  two  countries.  As  you  carried  with  you  a  ftate- 
nient  from  this  department/relative  to  the  fpoliations  of  our 
trade,  and  copies  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letters  refpe&ing  them,  -I 
do  not  repeat  them  here.  But  thefe  will  affiit  you  in  the  de- 
mands which  you  are  to  make  on  the  French  government. 

I  am,  £sV. 

EDM.    RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State. 


[  No.  V.  5 
FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STA-TE. 

Paris,  Novemb&r  jthy   1794. 


I  HAVE  been  favoured  with  yours  of  the  3<>th  July, 
origi»alaad  duplicate,  and  had  the  pieatfure  to  receive  then*. 
unopc* 


(     57     J 

In  my  two  laft  letters,  which  were  of  the  i5th  September^ 

d  1 6th  O&ober,  I  informed  you  of  the  feveral  fubje&s 
which  I  .had  brought  before  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  as. 
alfo  of  the  ill-fuccefs  which  had  attended  my  efforts  to  obtain 
an  anfwer  upon  any  one  ;  and  I  am  forry  to  be  under  the  ne- 
ceflity  now  to  add,  that  although  I  have  preffed  a  decifion 
with  the  utmoft  poflibJe  zeal,  yet  }  have  not  been  able  to  ac- 
cofriplim  the  object. 

Being  wearied  with  the  delay,  I  notified  to  the  committee 
foon  after  the  date  of  my  laft  letter  to  you,  that  I  fliould  be 
glad  to  confer  \vith  them,  or  feme  few  members,  on  the  fub- 
jecl: ;  provided  it  comported  with  their  rules  in  fuch  cafes, 
and  would  otherwife  be  agreeable.  The  proportion  was  im- 
mediately affented  to,  and  the  evening  of  the  fame  day  ap- 
pointed for  the  interview.  I  attended  in  their  chamber  \  we 
had  fome  difcufiion,  and  which  ended  in  a  requeft,  on  their 
part,  that  I  would  prefeut  in  writing  the  fum  of  what  I  had 
laid,  or  wimed  to  fay,  either  on  the  points  depending,  or  any 
others  I  might  find  neceffary  to  bring  before  them,  and  which 
I  readily  pTromifed  to  do. 

By  this  time  I  had  obtained  from  Mr,  Skipwith  a  ccmpre- 
Jienfive  ftatement  of  the  embarraffments  attending  our  trade 
here  ;  as  well  thofe  which  proceeded  from  the  cruizers  of  the 
Republic,  and  applied  to  what  was  deftined  or  cleared  out  for 
foreign  countries,  as  thofe  which  proceeded  from  the  com- 
mercial fyftem  of  France  and  applied  to  the  direct  commerce 
}>etween  the  two  Republics.  As  his  report  to  me  fpecified 
pot  only  each  particular  caufe  of  complaint,  but  likewife  fur- 
nifhed  fa£s  to  fupport  them,  I  thought  it  beft  to  make  that 
jfeport  the  bafis  of  this  my  fecond  communication  on  that 
head.  I  accordingly  laid  it  before  the  committee,  with  fuch 
comments  as  appeared  to  me  fuitable  :  and  I  now  tranfmit  to 
you  a  copy  of  it,  that  you  may  be  apprized  how  fully  the 
iubjecl  is  before  them.  I  was  affured  that  it  exhibited  a  pic- 
ture which  mocked  them  ;  for  thefe  evils,  progrefling  with  the 
courfe  of  their  own  affairs,  were  long  accumulating,  and 
had  probably  attained  a  height  of  which  they  had  no  concep- 
tion. 

As  I  had  reafqn  to  fufpect,  that  the  chief  oppofition  pro- 
ceeded from  thofe  who  conducted  the  public  trade,  and  who 
were  attached  to  that  mode,  from  motives  not  the  moft  pa- 
triotic, I  thought  it  proper  to  examine  the  question  ;  whether 
it  were  beft  for  the  Republic  to  encourage  the  competition 
of  individuals  in  neutral  countries,  for  the  fupply  of  its  mar-: 
Vets  or  depend  on  agencies  employed  in  or  fent  to  thofe 


(     5$    ) 

countries  for  that  purpofe.  This  fubjeft  had  been  incidental- 
ly touched  in  my  firft  note;  but  I  thought  feme  benefit  might* 
be  derived  from  a  more  thorough  developement  of  it.  With 
this  view  I  fent  in,  at  the  fame  time,  the  paper  entitled, 
"  Supplemental  obicrvations  on.  the  American  commerce." 

I  felt  extremely  embarr ailed  how  to  touch  again  their  in- 
fringment  of  the  treaty  of  commerce-,  whetlfer  to  call  on  them 
to  execute  it,  or  leave  that  queftipn  on  the  ground  on  which 
I  had  firil  placed  it.  You  defired  me  in  your  laft,  to  conteft 
with  them  the  principle,  but  yet  this  did  not  amount  to  an 
inlhruclion,  nor  even  convey  your  idea,  that  it  would  be  ad- 
vifable  to  demand  of  them  the  execution  of  thofe  articles^ 
Upon  full  confid'eration,  therefore,  I  concluded  that  it  was 
the  moil  fafe  and  found  policy  to  leave  this  point  where  it  was 
before,  and  in  which  I  was  the  more  confirmed  by  fome  cir- 
cumftances  that  were  afterwards  difclofed. 

The  day  after  this  laft  communication  was  prefented,  I  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  the  committee  a  Muring  me,  that  the  fub- 
jeft  engroiTed  their  entire  attention,  and  that  an  anfwer  fhould 
be  given  me  as  foon  as  pomble ;  and  a  few  days  after  this,  I 
was  favoured  with  another,  inviting  me  to  a  conference  at 
12,  the  next  day.  I  attended  and  found  only  the  three  mem- 
bers of  the  diplomatic  branch  of  the  committee  prefent,  Mer- 
lin de  Douay,  Thuriot  and  Treilhard.  I  Merlin  commenced 
by  obferving,  that  I  had  advifed  and  preffed  them  to  execute 
the  23d  and  24th  articles  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce :  That  they  were  perfuaded  their  compliance  would 
be  ufeful  to  us,  but  very  detrimental  to  them  :  It-would  like- 
wife  be  djffreffing  for  Frenchmen  to  fee  Britiih  goods  pro- 
tecled  by  our  flag,  whiifl  it  gave  no  protection  to  theirs;  and> 
after  making  other  comments,  he  finally  came  to  this  point  r 
"  Do  you  iniift  upon  our  executing  the  treaty  ?"  I  replied,  I 
had  nothing  new  to  add  to  what  I  had  already  faid  on  that 
head.  Treilhard  feemed  furprifed  at  the  reply,  and  exprefled 
a  \viih  that  I  would  declare  myfelf  frankly  on  the  fubje6l.  I 
told  him  I  was  furprized  at  his  remark,  fince  I  had  not  only 
declared  myfelf  frankly,  but  liberally.  We  then  pafled  from 
the  point  of  demand  to  a  more  general  difcuflion  of  the  poli- 
cy in  France  to  execute  the  treaty,  and  in  which  I  urged,  that 
if  (lie  confidered  her  own  intereft  only,  fhe  ought  not  to  hefi- 
tatc,  fince  it  gave  her  the  command  of  neutral  bottoms,  and, 
under  the  protection  of  their  own  flag,  to  fupply  her  wants ; 
with  other  confiderations  which  had  been  before  prefTed  in 
my  notes  that  were  before  them.  I  was,  however,  brought 
back  twice  again  to  the  queition :  *f  Do  you  infill  upon  or 


(     5-9     ) 

Demand  it  ?"  I  found  that  a  pofitive  and  formal  declaration  GW 
•this  point  was  the  fole  objec~l  of  the  interview  •,  and  as  I  per- 
ceived that  fomefching  was  intended  to  be  founded  on  it,  either 
now  or  hereafter,  if  given  in  the  affirmative,  I  was  the  more 
refolved  to  avoid  it,  and  to  adhere  to  the  ground  I  had  alrea- 
dy taken.  I  therefore  repeated  my  declaration,  and  in  the 
mofl  explicit  terms,  that  I  was  not  tnftrucled  by  the  Prefi- 
tlent  to  infill  on  it,  nor  did  I  infill  on  it ;  that  their  compli- 
ance would  certainly  be  highly  beneficial  to  my  country,  but 
that  in  my  obfervations  I  had  confidered  the  propofition  mere- 
-Jy  in  relation  to  Franoe,  and  wifhed-them  to  do  the  fame, 
iince  1  was  fatisfied  that  the  true  intereft  of  France  dictated 
the  meafure.  They  all  exprefled  an  attachment  to  us,  fpoke 
much  of  the  difficulty  of  their  fituation,  and  of  the  peculiar 
delicacy  in  adopting,  in  the  prefent  ilate  of  the  public  mind, 
any  meafure  which  might  be  conilrued  as  eventually  favouring 
•.England  ;  and  thus  the  conference  ended. 

In  revolving  the  fubjecl:  over  fince,  I  have  been  doubtful 
whether  the  folicitude  (hewn  to  draw  from  me  a  decifive 
anfwer  to  the  qu  eft  ion  :  "  Whether  I  infifled,  or  demanded 
of  them  to  execute  the  articles  of  the  treaty,"  was  merely 
intended  as  the  balls  of  their  own  a£t,  complying  with  it,  and  a 
juftification  for  themfelves  in  fo  doing,  or  as  a  ground  to  call 
on  us  hereafter,  in  the  profecution  of  the  war  againft  En- 
gland, to  fulfil  the  guarantee.  I  was,  at  the  moment  of  the 
difcuffion  in  the  committee,  of  the  latter  opinion ;  but  I  muft 
confefs,  upon  a  more  general  view  of  all  eircumflances  that 
have  panned  under  my  obfervation  fince  my  arrival,  that  I  am 
at  prefent  inclined  to  be  of  the  former.  '  I  rather  think,  as 
there  is  an  oppofition  to  the  meafure,  and  it  would  commence 
an  important  change  in  their  fyilem,  and  might  aifo  be  con- 
ilrued  into  a  partiality  for  England  (  a  nation  by  no  means  in 
favour  here)  that  the  dread  of  -denunciation  in  the  courfe 
of  events  fuggefted  it.  Be  this  as  it  mav,  I  am  perfectly  fa- 
tisfied it  would  be  impolitic  to  demand  it ;  fince  the  refuiai 
would  weaken  the  connection  between  the  two  countries,  and 
the  compliance,  upon  that  motive,  might  perhaps  not  only  pro- 
duce the  fame  effect:,  but  likewife  excite  a  difpofition  to  prefs 
us  on  other  points,  upon  which  it  were  better  to  avoid  any 
difcuffion.  I  hope,  however,  foon  to  obtain  an  anfwer,  and 
a  favourable  one.  If  the  fubject  was  before  the  convention  in 
the  light  it  (lands  before  the  committee,  I  am  convinced  it 
would  long  fince  have  been  the  cafe:  But  it  is  difficult  to 
get  it  there;  for  if  I  carried  it  there  myfclf,  it  would  be  deem- 
ed a  kind  of  denunciation  of  the  committee.  Yeftenfoy  there 


a  change  of  feveral  of  the  members  of  that 
which  I  deem,  from  my  knowledge  of  thofe  elected,  Favour- 
able to  our  views.  Be  aflured,  that  I  fhall  continue  to  prefs 
this  bufinefs  with  all  fuitable  energy,  and  in  the  mode  that 
•(hall  appear  to  me  moft  eligible ;  and,  in  the  interim,  that  I 
will  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  prevent  abufes  under  the 
exifting  fyftem. 

Upon  the  fubject  of  the  fifteen  thoufand  dollars,  advanced 
for  the  emigrants  from  St.  Domingo,  I  have  made  no  formal 
'demand,  becaufe  I  wifhed  the  other  points,  which  were  de- 
pending, fettled  firil ;  from  an  apprehenfion  that  if  they 
granted  feveral  little  matters,  it  would  fortify  them  in  a  dif- 
pofition  to  reject  thofe  that  were  important.  I  have,  how- 
ever, conferred  informally  upon  it,  and  have  no  doubt  it  wiH 
,be  peremptorily  allowed.  I  think,  therefore,  this  fhouM 
be  calculated  on  by  the  department  of  the  treafury.  I  fhall 
'certainly  bring  it  before  them  fhortly,  as  I  mall  immediately 
"the  affair  of  the  conful  in  the  Ifle  of  France ;  upon  which 
latter  point,  however,  permit  me  refpedtfully  to  add,  that 
the  appointment  of  a  perfon,  not  an  American-,  perhaps  an 
Englifhman,  to  the  office  of  conful,  has  not  only  been  the 
V:auie  of  the  difrefpecl:  (hewn  to  our  authority,  but  even  of 
'the  embarraflTments  to.  which  our  countrymen  were  expofed 
ttiere. ; 

With  re'fpe<3  to  the  bufinefs  with  Algiers,  I  have  not 
fcnown  how  to  a£t.  It  will  be  difficult  for  France,  in  thepre- 
fjnt  ftate  of  affairs,  to  fupport  the  meafures  of  our  refident  in 
Portugal,  or  for  them  to  concert  any  plan  of  co-operation. 
It  feems,  however,  in  every  view,  proper  to  rid  ourfelves  of 
the  perfon  in  Switzerland,  who  I  understand  has  been  in  rea- 
dinefs  to  prcfccute  the  bufinefs  for  fomc  time  pait.  I  have, 
in  confluence,  written  him  a  letter  in  conformity  to  your 
idea,  of  which  I  enclofe  yo'u  a  copy,  and  which  I  prefume, 
he'will  confider  as  a  refpe&ful  diicharge.  I  am  inclined  to 
think  France  will  co-operate  with  us  upon  this  point,  and  if 
any  plan  can  be  adopted  by  which  'me  may  forward  the  mea- 
fure  of  Colonel  Humphrey's,  I  will  endeavor  to  avail  him  of 
it.  But  'certainly  if  it  is  expected  that  her  aid  will  be  effica- 
'cious,  or  that  ihe  will  embark  with  zeal  in  the  bufinefs,  the 
Vholt  ihould  be  concerted  and  executed  from  this  quarter. 
Perhaps,  as  I  have  heard  'nothing  from  Colonel  Humphreys, 
the  bufinefs 'is  now'done,  or  he  is  purfuing  it  without  calcu- 
lating upon  any  aid  from  France.  A  letter  which  was  pre- 
Tented  me  by  Mr.  Cathalan,  our  conful  at  Marfeilles  (and  wh6 
%'now.here,  as  arc  Mr.  Fcmvick,  Dobree  and  Ccffyn,  a  fon  cf 


61 


you 

I  fkali  be  happy  to  re:uiermy  country  any  fervke  iathis  dii- 
treiung  bufinefs,  i»  my  power-,  even  by  vifiting  Algiers  if  it 
were  neceflary. 

I  have  enquired  into  the  chara&er  'of  our  confuis  at  the 
feveral  ports  :  I  mean  thole  who  are  Frenchmen  ;  for  Mr. 
Fenwick  is  well  known,  viz.  La  Motte  at  Havre  j  Dobree  at 
Nantes;  Coffynat  Dunkirk  and  Cathalan  at  Marfeilks,  and  find 
them  likewiie  all  men  of  undemanding  and  of  excellent  repu- 
tation, attached  to  ourcountry  and  grateful  for  the  confidence 
repofed  m  them.  If  difplaced,  it  will  fubjeer.  them  to  feme  cen- 
fure  :  I  do  not,  therefoie,  wiih  it-;  though  I  moft  eameftly 
advife  -that  in  future  none  but  Americans  be  appointed. 

I  was  extremely  concerned,  upon  my  arrival  here,  to  find 
tkat  our  'countryman  Mr.  Paine,  as  likewife  -Madame  La  Fa- 
y^ette  were  in  priibij  ;  the  former  of  whom  had  bc.r.n  confined 
near  m'iie  months  an4  'the  latter  about  two.  I  was  iinmedi- 


•ately  entreated  by  both  to  endeavour  to  obtain  tksir  enlarge- 
ment. I  aflured  them  of  the  hiter/'ft  v/hich  Amlrica  had  in 
tkeir  welfare  ;  of  the  regard  entertained  fcr  them  by  the  Fi\-~ 
lident,  and  of  the  pkafure  with  which  I  fliould  embrace 
opportunity  to  ferve  'them  ;  but  obferved,  at  the  fame  time, 
'that  they  muft  be  fenfible  it  would  be  difficult  for  n;e  to  tdcc 
•any  ftep  ofEcially,  in  behalf  of  either,  and  altogether  impd?^ 
tie  in  behalf  of  2  Fayettc.  This  v/as  ?/.imitted  by 

lier  friend,  who  afnired  me,  her  only  wiih  way,  tlr/.t  I  \vcukl 
have  her  fituation  in  view,  and  render  her,  informally,  what 
fervices  I  might  be  able,  without  compromitting  the  credit  of 
cur  government  with  this.     I  allured  him  ihe  might  confide 
in  this  with  certr.i:/.  ',  and  further,  that  in  caie  any  extr-. 
w.as  threatened,  that  I  would  go  beyond  that  line  and  do  ev> 
ry  thing  in  my  power,  -let  the  coiifequeace  be  what  it  ml 
myfeif,  to  fave  her  ;  with  this    ihe  was  fatisned.     SJie    ftiJ-i 
continues  confined,  nor  do  I  tli-ink  it  probable  flie  wiii  be  foo:i 
r-deafed.     I  have  afTured  her,  that  I   would  iupply  her  with 
money  and  with  'whatever  (he  wanted  ;  but  as  yet,  none  ha-i 
feeeai  accepted,  diough  I  think  flic  will  fooh  be  compd! 
avail  herfelf  of  tliis  refource. 

The  cafe  was  different  with  Mr.  Paine.  He  was  actually 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  United  States  only; 
for  the  revolution,  which  p>.:ttd  us  from  Great  Britain,  broke 
the  allegiance,  which  was  before  due  to  the  crown,  of  ail  thoi;; 
'who  took  our  fide.  lie  v,r;.i-,  of  ccv.rf.j;  net  2  Eritiih  f. 


"nor  was  he  ilridly  a  citizen  of  France  ;  for  he  came  by  invi- 
tation, for  the  temporary  purpofe  of  aflifting  in  the  formation 
of  their  government  only,  and  meant  to  withdraw  to  Ame- 
rica when  that  mould  be  completed  :  And  what  confirms  this, 
is  the  acl:  of  convention  itfelf  arreiling  him,  by  which  he  is  de- 
clared to  be  a  foreigner.  Mr.  Paine  prefled  my  interference. 
I  told  him  I  had  hopes  of  getting  him  enlarged  without  it }  but 
if  I  did  interfere,  it  could  only  be  by  requefting  that  he  be  tried 
in  cafe  there  \vas  any  charge  againft  him,  and  liberated  in 
cafe  there  was  none.  This  was  admitted.  His  correfpon- 
dence  with  me  is  lengthy  and  interefting,  and  I  may  proba- 
bly be  .able  hereafter  to  fend  you  a  copy  of  it.  After  fome 
time  had  elapfed  without  producing  any  change  in  his  favour, 
as  he  was  preffing  and  in  ill-health,  I  finally  refolved  to  ad- 
drefs  the  committee  of  general  furety  in  his  behalf,  refting 
my  application  on  the  above  principle.  My  letter  was  deli- 
vtred  by  my  fecretary,  in  the  committee,  to  the  Prefident ; 
who  aflured  him  he  would  communicate  its  contents  imme- 
diately to  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  and  give  me  an  an- 
fwer  as  foon  as  poflible.  The  conference  took  place  accord- 
ingly betwecli  the  two  committees,  and,  as  I  prefume,  on  that 
night,  or  the  fuccecding  day  ;  for  on  the  morning  of  the  day 
after,  which  was  yefterday,  I  was  prefented  by  the  fecretary 
of  the  committee  of  general  furety,  with  an  order  for  his 
enlargement.  I  forwarded  it  immediately  to  the  Luxembourg 
and  had  it  carried  into  effecT:,  and  have  the  pleafure  now  to 
add,  that  he  is  not  only  reftored  to  the  enjoyment  of  his  liber- 
ty, but  in  good  fpirits.  I  fend  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to 
the  committee  of  general  furety,  and  of  their  reply. 

Since  my  laft  the  French  have  taken  Cobleutz,  and  fome 
other  poft  in  its  neighbourhood ;  they  have  likewife  taken 
Pampeluna,  and  broken  the  whole  of  the  Spanifh  line  through 
a  confiderable  extent  of  country.  About  twenty  ftandards, 
taken  from  the  routed  Spaniards,  were  prefented  to  the  con- 
vention a  few  days  paft. 

I  likewife  fend  in  the  enclofed  papers,  a  decree  refpe&ing 
the  Jacobins  ;  by  which  all  correfpondence  between  the  dif- 
ferent focieties  is  prohibited,  as  likewife  is  the  prefenting  a 
petition  to  the  convention  in  their  character  as  fuch,  with 
fome  other  reftraints  I  do  not  at  prefent  recoiled. 


(    63     ) 
From  Mr.  Mwroe,  to  the  Commit tcecf  Public 

Pan's,   OElober   iStk,    1794.' 

UPON  the  feveral  fubje£h  on  which  I  addrefled  you  on 
die  i  yth  Fructidor  (September  3d)  viz.  The  embargo  of  Bour- 
deauxj  the  fupplies  rendered  to  the  government  of  St.  Do- 
mingo, and  the  departure  by  France  from  the  2.3d  and  24th 
-articles  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  fubfifting  be- 
tween the  two  Republics,  I  have  but  little  to  add  at  prefent. 
The  two  former  were  matters  of  account  only,  and  could  of 
courfe  involve  no  topic  for  difcuflion  between  the  committee 
and  myfelf.  I  had  only  to  aik  for  fuch  difpatch  in  the  adjuft- 
ment  and  payment,  as  the  exigence  of  the  parties  and  the  cir- 
cumftances  of  the  Republic  would  admit  of.  Nor  mall  I  add 
any  thing  upon  the  third  point  to  change  the  principle  upon 
which  I  refted  it.  The  committee  will,  therefore,  be  pleafed 
to  decide  upon  each,  under  the  confiderations  which  have 
been  already  urged. 

I  likewife  ftated  in  that  note,  generally,  the  embarraflment 
tinder  which  our  commerce  laboured  in  the  ports  of  the  Re- 
public. A  general  view  was  all  I  could  then  give  :  But  the 
appointment  of  a  conful  for  this  city  has  fince  enabled  me  to 
obtain  a  more  circumftantial  and  accurate  ftatement  on  this 
head.  This  officer  has  already  examined  it  with  great  atten- 
tion, and  reported  the  refult  to  me,  a  copy  of  which  I  now 
lay  before  you.  It  prefents  to  view  a  frightful  picture  of  dif- 
ficulties and  loiTes,  equally  injurious  to  both  countries,  and 
which,  if  fufrered  to  continue,  will  unavoidably  interrupt,  for 
the  time,  the  commercial  intercourfe  between  them.  I  truft, 
therefore,  the  caufes  will  be  immediately  removed,  and  fui- 
table  remedies  adopted  ;  and  in  this  I  am  the  more  confident, 
becaufe  thofe  which  would  be  deemed  adequate  will  not,  in 
any  degree,  interfere  with  the  internal  police  or  regulations  of 
the  country. 

I  alfo  fuggefted  in  my  former  note,  that  however  neceflary 
it  might  be  for  France  to  avail  herfelf  of  agents  in  America  at 
the  prefent  crifis.,  for  the  purchafe  and  fhipiramt  cf  fupplies 
thence  here,  it  mould  not  be  relied  on  as  a  principal  refource. 
The  more  attention  I  have  fince  paid  to  this  fubject,  the  bet- 
ter fatisfied  I  have  been  of  the  juftice  of  ther  remark.  I  have, 
therefore,  thought  it  my  duty  to  add  feme  further  cbferva- 
tions  on  it,  and  which  I  now  beg  leave  to  fubmit  to  your  con-^ 
^deration  in  the  annexed  paper. 


(     «4     T 

Yon  will  ebferve,  the  con  fill  has  likewife  corrt^riaetf  in  his 
Deport  the  cafes  of  many  teamen  arid  other  perfons,  citizens  of 
the  United  State?,  taken  at  tea  or  clfcwhere,  and  who  are  now 
held  as  prifoners  in  confinement.  I  hope  an  order  will  be 
ifTued  for  their  immediate  enlargement ;  and,  as  it  is  poffiblc 
inr.ny  others  may  l>e  in  like  fitu'tion,  that  it  may  be  ftiade  tb. 
comprehend  all  the  citizens  of  the  Uriited  States,  Hot  charged 
^ntli  any  criminal  offence  againft  the  laws  of  France,  and  of 
v.-hich  latter  d:fcription  I  hope  there  are  fton'e.  The  Com- 
mittee will,  I  doubt  not,  defignate  fuch  fpecies  of  evidence 
neceffary  to  eftabltrh  the  right  of  citizenfhip  irt  doubtful  da-fesj 
as  it  will  be  practicable  for  the  parties  to  farriiftf. 

Permit  me  to  requefl  an  early  deciiion  upon  thefe  fubje&S* 
that  I  may  immediately  communicate  it  to  otir  governrtietrt. 
The  Congrefc  will  eommence  its  feffion  in  a  few  Week^  dffil 
It  is  the  duty  of  the  Frendent  to  lay  before  that  bo'dy,  a"rtd  at 
fhat  time,  the  (late  of  public  affairs  •,  cdntprizing,  as  the  molt 
interefling  particular,  the  ccndu£l  and  difpofition  of  oth^r  na- 
tions towards  the  United  States.  Information  upon  the£$ 
points  will  of  courfe  be  expected  from  me^  and  I  mould  be 
piortified  not  to  be  able  to  give  fuch  as  would  be  deerttsd 
iaclory. 

(Signed) 

JAMES  MONROE, 


&jppleinsn8d  Gbfervatwns  to  the  note  of  the  -$d  of  September >  upon 
the  American  Commerce. 

THAT  France  will  have  occaMon,  whatever  may  bs 
the  crop  for  the  prefent  year,  fot  fuppliea  of  provifion  from 
foreign  countries  for  the  next,  is  certain.  Thefe  rnuft  be 
',  btained  from  the  neutral  countries,  and  chiefly  from  the 
1  Tnited  States  of  America.  It  is  important  for  her  to  afcer- 
t  tin  how  they  (hall  be  obtained,  and  brought  into  her  ports 
Y  ith  greaieft  certainty  and  leaft  expenfe. 

There  are  but  two  poffible  ways  or  modes  by  which  thefe 
/applies  or  any  others  can  be  brought  here,  which  are :  Firft  j  by 
•;  u'olic  exertion,  o:  by  agents  in  thofe  countries,  whofe  duty 
.v  b  topurchafe  the  articles  in  demand,  and  fend  them  here 
v.'i  public  account:  And  fecondly  5  by  the  enterprize  ofindi- 
v  -.Uifllfi.  Both  fliall  be  impartially 


C    6;     ] 

Firft,  as  to  the  certainty  ;  and  which  \vill  depend  upon 
prompt  purchafes,  fafe  carriage  and  integrity  of  the  agents. 

As  foon  as  agents  arrive  in  America,  it  will  be  known  to 
the  commercial  intereit  in  every  quarter.  When  ever  they  ap- 
pdint  fub-agents,  this  will  likewife  be  known.  When  it  is 
intended  to  make  purchafes  and  fhipments,  this  will  be  known. 
The  movement  of  veflels  to  take  in  cargoes  will  be  obferved. 
Immediately  a  combination  will  be  formed  among  the  mer- 
chants of  the  place,  who  will  buy  up  all  the  flour,  &c.  with 
a  view  of  taking  an  advantage  of  the  emergence,  and  this 
will  raife  the  price  and  create  delay.  A  monopoly  naturally 
revolts  the  fociety  againft  it,  and  this  will  add  a  new  ftimuliis 
to  the  otherwife  fufficiently  active  one  of  private  intereit,  to 
fpeculate  and  prey  upon  thefe  agents,  and  of  courfe  upon  the 
cmbarrafTments  of  their  country. 

But  the  purchafe  is  finally  made  and  fnipped  for  France  ; 
the  (hips  are  at  fea  ;  the  property  belongs  to  France,  and  the 
fWps,  though  American,  give  no  protection,  by  the  ancient 
Jaw  of  nations,  which  is  in  force  where  net  otherwife  regu- 
lated by  treaty,  and  of  courfe  with  England.  The  cargo  of 
every  veflel  which  (hall  be  taken  will  be  condemned ;  ancl 
will  not  many  be  taken  ?  The  movements  of  this  agency  will 
be  well  known  to  the  Britifh  adminilt ration,  and  it  will  be 
employed  to  counteract  it  in  the  purchafe  and  upon  the  fea. 
It  will  be  apprized  of  the  ports  from  whence  fhipments  will  be 
made,  and  have  veflels  of  war  ftationed  to  feize  them. 

It  is  the  niture  of  an  agency  to  be  at  war  with  every  other 
mode  of  fupply.  The  amount  .of  its  profits  will  depend  upon 
the  exclufion  of  every  other  ;  for  every  cargo  which  mall  ar- 
rive from  another  fource,  will  take  from  it  fo  much.  It 
will,  therefore,  feawith  jealoufy  the  commencement  of  en- 
terprizes  of  this  kind,  and  deem  each  in  the  degree  a  robbery 
of  its  own  refources.  It  will  fear  that  not  only  the  amount 
of  its  profits  will  be  diminifhed,  but  that  the  funds  upon 
which  any  are  to  be  made,  will  be  exhaufted.  It  will,  there- 
fore, difcourage  thefe  enterprifes,  by  hinting  that  the  Repub- 
lic does  not  want  them  ;  that  it  has  no  money  to  pay  for 
them  j  that  the  captains  and  fupercargoes  are  ill-treated  in 
France  by  delay,  6v.  It  will  be  the  intereft  of  the  agency  to 
crufh  every  other  mode  of  fupply,  and  it  will  accomplifh  it, 
unlefs  the  wifeft  precautions  are  ufed  to  prevent  it. 

Thefe  latter  obfervations  apply  to  the  motive  of  intereft 
only,  fuppofing  the  agency  difpofed  to  discharge  the  truft  as 
faithfully  as  it  could,  making,  at  the  fame  time,  the  greatefc 
profit  fc^r  itfelf  and  whigh  would  generally  be  djpae.  Buf  let 

K 


r  66 


if  he  fuppofctl  that  it  was  capable  cf  <k-frauding  the  public  as 
mirjh  rs  pcfiible,  without  being  detected.  In  that  cafe  it 
would  have  additional  motives  for  difcouraging  private  adven- 
turers 5  becaufe  as  thefe  would  flock  to  the  market  and  bid 
one  againfl  the  other,  they  would  keep  the  price  at  its  proper 
level,  and  thus  check  its  conduct,  for  if  it  charged  more 
than  they  (allowing  for  the  difference  of  the  commifiion).  it 
would  of  ccurie  be  convicted  cf  fraud.  And  if  capable  of 
fraud,  other  and  numerous  temptations  to  feduclion  might  be 
counted.  The  chief  agent  would  be  known  to  the  Britifli  ad- 
miniftration.  Suppofe  France  in  great  diftrefs  for  bread  and 
without  any  other  refource.  The  withholding  it  might  bring 
en  a  cilfis  in  her  affairs,  and  -which  might  terminate  in  an 
arrangement  that  would  applaud  the  agent  for  his  perfidy. 
Would  he  not  be  an  object  for^the  Britim  adminiftradon  to. 
suTail,  and  would  it  be'  proper  that  France  and  the  French 
Revolution  mould  be  thus  made  dependant  on  agents  in 
foreign  countries. 

As  to  the  comparative  e::penfe,  there  can  be  no  qucftion 
upon  that  point.  The  commiflion  itfelf  will  be  a  confulcra- 
ble  thing,  in  addition  to  .which  the  freight  will  be  increafed; 
for  if  American  veflels  are  employed,  the  owners  will  charge 
more  on  account  of  the  hazard,  than  if  there  was  none,  and 
which  would  be  the  cafe  if  the  property  was  their  own  :  Not 
to  repeat  the  increafed  price  which  would  be  demanded  by 
the  agents,  in  confequence  of  the.  combination  among  the, 
merchants,  to  take  advantage  cf  circumilances  which  would 
be  known  to  them  ;  nor  to  fuggtfb  that,  under  any  probable 
modification,  it  would  be  the  interefl  of  the  agents  to  give 
the  higheft  price  peffible. 

Befides,  funds  muil  be  raifed  fomewhcrc  to  anfwer  the  drafts 
of  thefe  agents:  Will  it  be  in  the  fea  ports,  in  Pans,  Ham- 
burgh, or  fome  other  neutral  town  ?  The  former,  as  hereto- 
fore, will  probably  be  in  a  great  meafure  declined  ;  and  if  the 
latter  is  adopted,  how  will  they  be  raifed  there  ?  By  the  ex- 
portation of  the  productions  or  ether  commodities  of  the  coun- 
try 5  incurring  thereby  the  expenfe  of  double  commiflicns, 
ftorage,  the  hazard  of  the  fea  and  of  the  enemy,  together  with 
the  further  inconvenience  of  cveiftocking  the  market,  and 
railing,  at  the  fame  time,  fuch  town  to  grandeur,  by  making 
it  the  entrepot  of  French  provifions,  whilil  her  own  were 

•  crimed  ?    .. 

Every  thing  that  has  been  faid  or  can  be  faid  againfl  a  chief 
dependence  on  agencies,  forms  an  argument  in  favour  of  en- 
couraging the  ordinary  private  trade  by  individuals,  and 


L    6;     ] 

ftiews  that  die  fupply  by  that  mode  might  be  made  more  fure 
and  chea.*.  If  France  would  regulate  things  fo  that  the  par- 
ties  bringing  provifions  into  her  ports  were  paid  immediate- 
ly and  difpatched,  ihe  might  command,  if  nccdlary,  the 
whole  produce  of  America.  Nor  would  it  be  neceflavy  that 
the  payment  bj  always"  in  fpeci-  :  (Xi  the  contrary,  return 
cargoes  would  more  frequently  be  taken  of  productions,  mu- 
nufactures  and  of  prize  goods. 

The  above  is  a  ihort  (ketch  of  the  conveniencies  and  incon- 
-•ncies  which  attend  the  two  modes  cf  fupply..  The  one 
which  commences  in  a  monopoly  will  be  attended  with  a 
inec-nveniencies  which  belong  to  monoplies  in  genera],  grea- 
ter expenfe,  difguil  to  all  parties  affected  by  it,  £sV.  C5V. 
with  others  which  are  peculiar  to  it :  For  other  monopolies  cf 
foreign  trade,  are  confined  to  luxuries  of  little  importance,  and 
of  countries  whole  citizens  cannot  fend  them  to  market  ^ 
whereas  the  preient  one  is  a  monopoly  cf  the  necciiarics  of 
life  in  great  demand  here  ;  to  be  obtained  from  countries 
whofe  citizens  can  bell  fupply  them,  and  at  a  crifis  of  a 
when  the  failure  may  hazard  every  thing  valuable  to  France, 
and  when  of  courfe  it  mould  be  moil  avoided.  Whilll  on  the 
other  hand,  the  latter,  which  is  a  fyftem  of  free  trade,  will  not 
only  be  free  from  thefe  objections,  but  enjoy  forne  benefits 
which  are  peculiar  to  it.  It  will  leave  commerce  in  the  hand,, 
of  individuals  and  under  the  protection  cf  the  flags  of  both 
countries.  If  it  was  made  known  that  France  would  protect 
the  neutral  commerce,  the  merchants  would  have  a  new  en- 
couragement to  enterprize,  and  the  neutral  powers  would  be 
more  decifive  in  vindicating  their  own  rights.  The  French 
flag  would  be  deemed  the  guardian  of  trade  and  the  afferter 
cf  the  freedom  cf  the  feas.  The  American  merchants  would 
behold  it  with  pleafure,  becaufe  they  would  find  under  its 
banner,  not  only  the  friendly  welcome  of  their  ally,  but  like- 
wife  a  fafety  from  the  pirates  of  the  ocean.  I,;  the  demand  in 
France  was  great,  it  would  be  known  in  the  United  States, 
whois  merchants  would  immediately  fupply  the  demand.  And 
if  it  was  interrupted  on  the  fea  by  the  veiTels  of  another  power ; 
what  would  be  the  obvious  effect  of  fuch  interruption  ?  '^i^liL 
not  France  oppoie  it,  and  conduct  the  veflels  fafe  to  he  ,v  ^ls, 
and  would  it  not  roui'e  the  nation  injured  to  vindic;/ 
rights  and  protect  its  own  commerce  ? 

Unhappily,  France  has  adopted  a  different  policy  towards 

us  heretofore.     Initead  of  encouraging  individuals  to  fupply 

.-.arket,  (he   has  given  them  every    poffible  difcouragt- 

tfieri:  which  cculd  be  d-viied,    Infteud  of  protecting  our  com- 


merce  at  fea,  and  leaving  us  to  feck  reparation  for  the  injuries 
••which  were  rendered  us  by  other  powers,  flie  has  rendered 
us  like  injuries,  and  thus  embarraffed  our  councils.  But  it  is 
not  too  late  to  change  this  fyftem  of  policy.  The  Americans 
have  lamented  it  not  more  on  their  own  account  than  that  of 
France.  It  haSj  ^s  yet,  left  no  unkind  impreflion  behind  it, 
and,  if  the  neceffary  regulations  are  made,  commerce  will 
fcou  refume  its  ordinary  courfe. 

I  do  not,  by  this,  objedt  to  the  plan  of  fupplying  by  agency 
altogether:  On  the  contrary,  I  deem  it  neceflary;  becaufe  I 
think  it  proper  for  France  to  avail  herfelf  at  the  prefent  crifis, 
of  every  refource  within  her  reach.  I  only  wim,  that  it  be 
not  relied  on  as  the  fole  one,  and  which  it  will  certainly  be 
if  the  wifeft  meafures  are  not  adopted  at  home,  to  encourage 
the  ordinary  private  trade,  and  to  reftricl:  and  otherwife  guard 
againft  any  mifconducl:  in  the  agency  abroad. 

The  Committee  of  Public    Safety  to  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  3o/£  Fend&niaire,  -$d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(OcJober  2i/,    1794.^ 

WE  have  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  of  this  month, 
with  the  pieces  annexed.  They  merit  our  profound  atten- 
tion. We  will  haften  to  examine  the  complaints  which  are 
therein  expofed,  and  we  hope  that  the  refult  of  our  delibera- 
tions will  be  as  fatisfaclory  to  your  fellow  citizens,  as  con- 
formable to  the  principles  of  fraternity  and  attachment  which 
have  always  guided  the  meafures  of  the  government  of  the 
French  Republic  towards  its  good  and  faithful  allies  the  Unit* 
ed  States  of  America. 

(Signed) 

MERLIN,  TREILLARD, 

RICHARD,         DELMAS. 

From  Mr.  Monroe,  to  the  Committee  ofSurete  Generale. 

Paris,  November  I/?,    1794. 

IN  all  cafes  where  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  com- 
mit themfelves  to  the  jurifdiaion  of  the  French  Republic,  k 


C    69    } 

is  their  duty  to  obey  the  law,  in  confideration  of  the  protec- 
tion which  it  gives,  or  otherwife  fubmit  to  its  penalty.  This 
principle  is  unqueftionable  ;  it  belongs  to  the  nature  of  fove- 
reignty,  and  can  never  be  feparated  from  it.  All  that  my 
countrymen  thus  circumftanced  have  a  right  to  claim  of  me 
as  their  reprefentative,  is  to  fee  that  they  have  juftice  render- 
ed them,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  charge,  and  their  of- 
fence, if  they  have  committed  any,  by  the  tribunals  whofe 
duty  it  is  to  take  cognizance  of  it. 

I  hope  that  few  cafes  will  ever  happen  where  the  conduct  of 
MI  American  citizen  will  become  the  fubjetf  of  difcuflion  here, 
before  a  criminal  tribunal.  In  thofe  cafes  which  may  hap- 
pen, if  any  do,  I  {hall  repofe  entire  confidence  in  the  juftice 
of  the  tribunal,  being  well  fatisfied,  that  if  any  bias  exiiled  in 
the  bofom  of  the  judge,  it  would  be  in  favour  of  my  country- 
men. To  haften  their  trial  before  the  judge,  where  one  was 
deemed  neceffary,  is,  I  am  perfuaded,  the  only  point  upon 
which  I  mail  ever  feel  or  exprefs  any  folicitude. 

I  fhould  not,  at  this  prefent  crifis,  call  your  attention  to  any 
cafe  of  the  kind,  if  I  were  not  impelled  by  confiderations  of 
peculiar  weight :  Confiderations  wliich  I  know  you  will  re- 
fpecl:  ;  becaufe  every  fucceeding  day  more  fully  demonftrates 
how  thoroughly  the  whole  French  nation  is  devoted  to  the 
caufe  which  gives  birth  to  them.  The  great  efforts  which  it 
has  already  made  and  is  now  making  in  favour  of  the  public 
liberty,  fufficiently  mews  how  highly  it  eftimates  that  blefling, 
and  gratitude  to  thofe  who  have  ferved  that  caufe  is  deemed 
by  you  infeparable  from  a  veneration  for  the  caufe  itfelf. 

The  citizens  of  the  United  States  can  never  look  back  to 
the  era  of  their  own  revolution,  without  remembering,  with 
thofe  of  other  diftinguifhed  patriots,  the  name  of  Thomas 
Paine.  The  fervices  he  rendered  them  in  their  ftruggle  for 
liberty  have  made  an  impreflion  of  gratitude  which  will  never 
be  erafed,  whilft  they  continue  to  merit  the  character  of  a  juft 
and  a  generous  people.  He  is  now  in  prifon,  languiming  un- 
der a  difeafe,  and  which  muft  be  increafed  by  his  confine- 
ment. Permit  me  then,  to  call  your  attention  to  his  fituation, 
and  to  require  that  you  will  haften  his  trial  in  cafe  there  be 
any  charge  againft  him,  and  if  there  be  none,  that  you  will 
caufe  him  to  be  fet  at  liberty. 


[     7°     3 
From  Air.  Msnroe9  to  Mr.  CLaumwt* 

Psris,   Qtlcber    132^    1  794, 


I  WAS  lately  advifcd  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  tha.:. 
the  negociatio'n  of.  a  treaty  with  Algiers  had  been  committed 
to  Colonel  Humphreys,  our  miniit_ir  at  Lifoonj  and  that  of 
courfe  every  movement  having  that  object  in  view,  muit  be 
conducted  under  his  care.  Your  agency,  if  carried  into  effect, 
rnuil  of  courfe  be  hi  that  line.  I  give  you  this  information, 
that  in  cafe  yo~u  willi  to  render  your  fervices  in  that  refpedfc 
to  the  United  States,  you  may  communicate  the  fame  to  Co- 
lone!  Humphreys  j  who  will,  I  doubt  not,  pay  every  attention 
to  it,  than  a  fenfe  of  your  merit  and  exiiting  arrangements 
will  allow  of.  I  have  alfo  the  pleafure  to  inform  you,  that 
the  Prehde^:  has  approved  of  the  meafures  taken  by  Mr. 
Morris,  and  of  the  confidence  repofed  in  you  by  him,  in  re*- 
latibn  to  t£st  cbjedt. 


[  No.  VI.  ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONHOE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATJE. 
Pc.ris,  Nzvsriibsr  2O^,    1  794. 


I  WAS  Favoured  about  five  weeks  pail  with  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Gardcqui,  rninilter  of  finance  in  Spain,  inclofing  one  for 
Mr.  Otto,  formerly  in  America,  and  at  prefent  chief  of  a 
Bureau  in  the  department  of  foreign  itfFair;;  ;  mentioning  the 
decline  cf  his  health,  and  refuelling  my  co-operation  witli 
Mr.  Oito,  in  iblicking  of  this  government,  perrnifiion  for- 
him  to  vifit  cert;iin  baths  within  the  Republic.  This  appli- 
cation iurnrized  rne.  The  feafon  I  knew  was  too  far  advanc- 
ed for  him  to  derive  any  benefit  from  the  waters,  and  I  was- 
hot  a,  that  thofe  fuggelted  were  better  than  others 

within  h;^  rcacli  :  Belides,  Mr.  Gardoqui  and  myfelf  were,  in 
confequence  of  a  collifion  on  the.  mueh  litigated  queftion  of 
the  Milliiippi,  not  on  the  bed  terms  while  in  America  •,  cer- 
tainly not  on  fuch  as  to  authorize  an  application  of  this  kind 
to  n:e.  The  difguiie  was  therefore  too  thin  to  hide  from  me 
the  true  object  •,  I  immediately  inferred,  that  it  was  the  body 
politic  of  Spain  tha:  vras  diforder.ed,  and  not  the  aniiuxl  one 


of  Mr.  Gardoqui.   As  I  did  not  wifh  to  become  the  mftrument 

•  ruin  in  this  buftncis,  or  incur  the  flighted  fufpicion  of  the 

U.i.i,   f  w  it  would  benefit  Spain  at  the  expend 

I  declined  delivering  his  loiter  to  Mr. 

Otto,  cr  anfwering,   for  the  time,  that  of  Mr.  Gardoqui  to 
me.     About   three  weeks    afterwards,  I  received    a,  fcccnd 
i-.tter,  which  confirmed  me  in  the  opinion  firft  taken  up,  that 
i  the   door,    through   me,   to  the  com- 
:  :ement  of  a  negociation  for  peace.      I  found,   therefore, 
.came  my  duty  ibine  flop  in  regard  to  this  bu- 

i a  was,  in  confcquence,  refolved  to  fiiape  my  courfe 
in  fuch  mr.rr.icr  as  to  make  the  incident,  if  poi'Lble,    produc- 
ed to  the  United  States,  if  oi  in. 
"NY  hen  I  reflected  that  we  had  interfering  claims  with  Spain, 
ell  in  refpect  to    the  boundaries  as  the  Miilifjppi,   and 
that  we  liad  a  minifter  there   negociating  upon  thoie   points  ; 
the  negociation  was  clofed  without  a  ialisfa fiery  adjuil- 
it,   and  that  Spain  was  probably  in  concert  with  England, 
ling  the  Indians  againil  us,    I  was  from  thefe  ccnhdera- 
5  inclined  to  deem  this  movement  of  Mr.   Gardoqui   an 
infidious  one.     I  was  the  more  fo  from  the  further   confider- 
.:  ;   that  he  had  made  this  application  to  me   \vithcut  the 
vledge  of  Mr.  Short ;  through  whom  it  ought  to  have  been 
laade,  had  the  propofition  been  a  candid  one,    and  founded 
..iiy  claim  of  Spain  upon  the  United  States.    I  was,  there- 
fpre,  the  more  refolved  to  fuffer  myfelf  to  be  reitrained  by  no 
.ry  and  falfe  motives  ef  delicacy  towards  Mr.  Gardo- 
qui, in  the  manner  in  which  I  mould  treat  the  fubject. 

I  was  perfuaded  that  a  peac-  between  France  and  Spain,  at 
the  prefent  moment,  whilit  our  claims  were  unfettied,  mult 
be  prejudicial  to  the  United  States.  Such  a  peace  would  free 
Spain  "from  a  prefiure,  which  at  prefent  {hakes  her  monarchy 
to  the  foundation.  By  continuing  the  war,  it  enables  the 
United  States,  in  cafe  they  friould  take  olecifive  meafurss,  to 
do  what  they  pleafe  with  that  power.  For  it.  is  not  reafona- 
ble  to  fuppofe,  when  the  French  troops  are  over-runnii;;; 
great  part  of  Spain,  and  her  whole  force  is  exerted  for  her 
protection  at  home,  that  ihe  would  be  able  to  make  a  rc- 
fpeclable  oppofition  to  any  effort  we  might  make  on  the  other 
fide  of  the  Atlantic.  But  a  peace  \vithFrancewould  remove 
fuch  prefTure,  and  leave  the  Spaniih  government  at  liberty  to 
act.  with  its  whole  force  againfi  us. 

I  was  likcwife  perfuaded,  it.  was  the  interefl  of  France   to 
have  our  accommodation  in  view,  and  to  give  her  aid  in  for- 
ding our  arrangement  with.  Sruin  at  the  fame  time  that  fl 


C    72    ] 

adj  ufted  her  own  ;  for  if  (he  mould  clofe  a  peace  with  that 
power  whereby  (he  left  it  at  liberty  to  aft  againft  us  fingly,  or 
jointly  with  England,  in  cafe  of  a  war  with  the  latter,  {he 
would  not  only  expofe  us  to  great  and  unnecefiary  detriment^ 
but  likewife  hazard  the  probability  of  being  drawn  into  it 
again,  in  cafe  it  fhould  take  an  adverfe  courfe  in  regard  to  us. 

Upon  full  confideration  of  all  thefe  circumftances,  I  thought 
it  belt  to  lay  the  letters  of  Mr.  Gardoqui  before  the  com- 
mittee, with  my  free  comments  upon  them.  I  did  fo,  and 
told  them  explicitly,  that,  in  my  opinion,  it  was  the  wim  of 
the  Spanifh  court  to  commence  a  negociation,  and  that  it  had 
addrefled  itfelf  threugh  me,  to  infpire  a  diftruft  in  me,  by 
creating  a  belief,  that  the  United  States  were  more  friendly 
to  Spain  and  Britain,  than  to  France.  I  explained  fully  our 
fituation  with  both  thofe  powers,  afiuring  them  that  we  were 
threatened  with  a  war  from  both.  I  alfo  mentioned  the  in- 
delicacy and  artifice  of  Mr.  Gardoqui,  in  applying  to  me  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  our  minifter  at  that  court ;  and  retting  it 
upon  a  ground  of  ancient  friendfhip,  which  never  exifted  to 
any  great  degree.  I  affured  them,  at  the  fame  time,  that  if  I 
could  be  of  any  fervice  in  forwarding  their  wifhes  in  regard 
to  peace,  in  the  prefent  or  any  other  inftance,  it  was  the  with 
of  the  United  States  I  mould  be,  and  would  perfonally  give 
me  great  pleafure  to  render  it.  I  intimated  alfo  the  danger 
which  would  attend  a  peace  between  the  Republic  and  Spain, 
unlefs  our  differences  mould  be  compromifed  at  the  fame  time. 
The  communication  was  well  received,  and  the  bufinefs  ter- 
minated in  an  arrangement  by  which  I  was  to  anfwer  Mr. 
Gardoqui's  letters,  declining  any  agency  in  the  bufinefs  myfelf  j 
advifing  him,  at  the  fame  time,  to  make  his  application  direcHy 
(in  cafe  he  continued  indifpofed)  to  the  committee,  and  from 
whom  I  was  perfuaded,  he  would  obtain  a  fatisfa&ory  anfwer. 
This  was  accordingly  done  in  a  letter  which  was  forwarded 
about  five  days  paft. 

In  the  clofe  of  this  affair,  I  was  invited  by  the  diplomatic 
members  of  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  to  a  conference 
upon  a  new  topic.  I  was  informed  it  was  their  intention  to 
prefs  the  war  againft  England  in  particular  •,  but  that  they 
were  diftreffed  for  funds,  and  was  afked,  could  any  aid  be 
obtained  from  the  United  States  ?  I  told  them  I  was  fatisfied  if 
it  was  in  their  power,  it  would  be  rendered  ;  that  I  pofiefied 
no  power  on  the  fubjeft,  and  could  only  advife  of  the  proba- 
bility, &c.  that,  with  their  permiffion,  I  would  put  on  paper 
fuch  ideas  as  occurred  to  me  in  refpe£t  to  that  point,  and  up- 
on which  I  would  afterwards  more  fully  confer.  This  inci- 


[     73     3 

4ent  furnimed  me  with  a  new  opportunity  of  prefiing  more 
forcibly  the  propriety  of  their  fecuring  for  us  the  points  in  dif- 
cuflion  with  England  and  Spain,  at  the  time  their  own  peace 
fliould  be  made  with  thofe  powers.  I  fend  you  a  copy  of  the 
paper  delivered  to  them  to-day,  and  to  which  I  have  as  yet  re- 
ceived no  anfwer. 

Whether  France  will  make  any  arrangement  upon  this 
point  with  us,  I  cannot  tell.  When  I  mentioned  in  the 
committee  the  danger  which  menaced  us,  of  a  war  with 
Britain  and  Spain,  and  afked  what  reliance  we  might  have  on 
France  in  fuch  event,  I  was  anfwered,  they  fhould  confider 
ours  as  their  own  caufe.  No  other  arrangement  can  well  be 
made,  than  that  of  lending  money  to  Fiance,  if  in  our  power; 
it  being  underftood  that  {he  will  fecure  at  the  time  of 
her  own  peace,  the  complete  recognition  of  our  rights  from 
Britain  and  Spain,  and  which  me  may  eafily  do  in  my  judg- 
ment, Jind  without  prolonging  the  war  a  moment,  on  that  ac- 
count. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  United  States  ever  mean  to  affert 
thofe  rights,  the  prefent  is,  of  all  others,  the  mod  fuitable 
moment.  The  fortune  of  France  has  rifen  to  the  utmcft. 
height  of  fplendor;  whilft  that  of  her  enemies  has  declined 
to  the  loweit  {late  of  depreffion.  Her  armies  are  every  where 
triumphant,  whilft  theirs  are  every  where  routed  and  broken. 
Spain  makes  no  head  againft  her  ;  but  is  trying,  as  already 
fhewn,  to  fteal  a  peace  in  obfcurity.  And  Britain  is,  perhaps, 
in  nearly  as  bad  actuation.  Maeftricht  has  lately  furrendered; 
whereby  eight  thoufand  troops  were  yielded  with  about  three 
hundred  pieces  of  cannon,  two  hundred  and  fifty-feven  of 
which  were  brafs ;  with  other  warlike  {lores  and  in  great 
abundance.  Nimeghen  was  likewife  taken  a  few  days  after- 
wards, with  confiderable  amount  in  {lores;  and,  it  is  faid>  that 
commotions  are  taking  place  in  five  of  the  provinces,  who 
have  formally  refolved  to  difmifs  the  Stadtholder ;  reform  the 
government  by  the  republican  ftandard,  and  ally  with  France. 
This  muft  be  felt  in  England  and  will  probably  excite  diftur- 
bance  there.  In  any  event  it  will  produce  fuch  effe6t,  that  if 
America  ftrikes  the  blow  her  own  intereft  dictates,  and  which 
every  other  confideration  prompts,  it  muft  be  decifive,  and 
if  not  ruinous  to  the  fortunes  of  that  proud  and  infolent  na- 
tion, will  certainly  fecure  us  the  objects  we  have  in  view. 

If  I  hear  further  from  the  committee  about  the  proportion 
for  a  loan,  CJ/Y.  I  will  advife  you  of  it  by  the  French  minifter 
who  leaves  this  in  about  five  days.  By  the  paper  which  I  fend, 
you  will  underftand  how  far  the  point  has  been  difcufied,  gf 

L 


0     74     1 

die  propriety  in  France  to  fupport  our  claims  agairifi  Bfitaifr 
ana  Spain  j  the  opportunity  for  which  wa's  furnimed  by  my 
friend  Mr.  Gardocpii,  and  you  \vill  foon  be  able  to  afcertain. 
from  the  minKler,  what  his  powers  on  that  head  are. 

Within  a  few  days  pad,  two  deputies  were  appointed  by 
the  committee  of  public  fafety,  by  confent  of  the  convention, 
to  fdme  Importaht  truft,  but  whofe  names  and  office  are  un- 
known. It  is  fuppofed,  they  are  ccmnliffioned  to  treat  on, 
peace  with  feme  one  of  the  powers,  and  which  is  moft  proba-. 
ble  •,  but  with  which  of  the  powers,  or  whether  this  is  the 
object  are  only  matters  of  conjecture. 

I  apprized  you  in  a  late  letter,  that  I  had  written  to  Colo- 
nel Humphreys,  and  was  endeavouring  to  concert  with  him, 
ifpoiTible,  the  mode  by  which  the  aid  of  this  government,  if 
difpofed  to  grant  it  (and  which  I  prefume  to  be  the  cafe)  may 
be  given  him  in  the  negotiation  with  Algiers.  As  yet,  I 
have  not  heard  from  him.  As  foon  as  I  do,  provided  I  find  it 
necefiary,  I  will  apply  for  the  fupport  contemplated.  Previ- 
ous to  this  it  will  be  improper.  Touching  this.fuhjecl:,  I  fend 
you  a  proportion  from  the  government  of  Malta,  prefented 
by  its  charge  d'affaires  here,  to  be  forwarded  for  your  confi- 
deration.  You  will  give  me,  for  that  government,  fuch  a::~ 
fwer  as  fhall  be  deemed  fu  it  able. 

Within  a  few  days  pail,  the  hall  of  the  Jacobins  was  fhut 
up  by  order  of  the  convention.  That  body  was  conftantly  at 
work  to  undermine  and  impair  the  regular  and  conftituted 
authority  of  the  government.  Moderate  meafures  to  check 
i*->  enormities  were  found  only  a  ftiniulus  to  greater  exceffes. 
This  laft  ftep  was  therefore  taken,  and  there  is  feafon  to  fear 
its  (Jifperfed  members  will  Mill  continue  to  provoke,  by  fomc 
raih  mtafure,  the  indignation  of  the  convention  to  fuch  a 
height,  as  to  bring  upon  them  a  degree  of  feverity  it  were  bet- 
ter to  avoid.  Within  a  few  days  pail  alfo,  the  commiffioh  to 
whom  was  referred  the  charge  againft  Carrier,  formerly  re- 
prefent,'tive  at  Nantes,  has  reported  there  was  ground  for 
.(Ccuiation  ;  and  to-d?.y,  it  is  believed,  the  convention  will 
approve  the  report,  and  confign  him  over  to  the  revolutionary 
tribunal,  who  will,  with  equal  certainty,  and  with  the 
rn!  plaudit  of  the  natron,  doom  him  to  the  guillotine. 


E     :7S     ] 
from  Mr.  JMtfirv/,  to  the  Committee  of  Public 

Paris  >   November  13^,    1794. 

I  RECEIVED  fome  weeks  pad,  a  letter  from  Mr.  Gar- 
doqui,  minifterof  the  Spanifh  finances,  inclofing  oiie  to  rny 
care  for  Mr.  Otto,  then  in  the  department  of  -foreign    nfluird, 
requeuing  me  to  prefent  it  to  him.     As  I  did  net  wiiu  to  be 
the  channel  of  communication    from  Mr.  .Gardcqui  to  any  ci- 
tijeen  of  France,  whatever  might  be  its  object,  and    wljcih.; 
of  a  private  or  public  nature,  I  refolv.cd,  neither   to   deliver 
the  letter,  nor  give  an  anfwer  for  the  time,  to  that  which  \ 
addrefTed  to  me.     And  I  was  the  more  inclined  to  this,  from 
the  perfuafion,  that,  if  of  a  private  nature,  the  delay  cculd  be 
of  no  great  importance,  and,  if  of  a  public  one,  and  cip-echiiy 
upon  an  interefting  fubject,    that  \\hen   it  was   found  I   at- 
.tended  only  to  the  concerns  of  my  own  country,  and   did  not 
chufc  to  interfere  in  thofe  of  Spain,  that  he  would  take  i\ 
courfe  more  .direct  for  the  attainment  of  the  object  in  view. 
As  fome  weeks  had  now  elapfed,  I  tpok  it  for  granted,  that 
this  was  the  cafe.     In  this,  however,  1  have  been  difappchic- 
ed ;  for  I  was  favoured  within  a  few  clays  pad  with  2  fecond 
letter  from  Mr.  Gardoqui,  in  which  he  er.ters  more  fully  into 
the  objecl:  of  the  firft  communication.       Finding,   thei\:iore, 
that  he  (till  addrefTed  himieif  to  ras,  iict-ritiiftanciiiig  the  clii- 
couragement  already  given,  I  deemed  it  necciTary,  not  onl] 
examine  more  attentively  the  objecl  of  this 
but  likewife  to  adopt,  definitively,  fome  plan  in  regard  to  it, 
Nor  had  I  much  difficulty  in  either  reipecl  .j  for  when  I  re- 
collected that  he  was  a  miniller  of  Spain,  and  obfervcil   that 
his  letters,  as  well  that  to  Mr,  Otto,  and  which  I  have  fince 
•examined,  as  thofc  tome,  expreffed  only  a  wiih  to  be  admit- 
ted within  the  government  of  France,  to  attend  fome  bath:, 
I   could  not  but  conclude,  that  this  was   the  oftcnfible  mo- 
tive' whiift  fome  ether  in  reality  e:ch'ied.     And  in  this  I  am  the 
more  confirmed  from  a  recollection  of  the  relation  in  which 
Mr.  Gardoqui  and  rnyidf  formerly  fcood  in  America/  to  cr.cli 
other,  and  which,  ofi  account  ci  my  ili'ong  oppofition  in  the 
Congrefs  to  his  proportion  for  fecluding  the  Mi8ifi.p.pi,  i 
not  the  molr  amicable  one.     From  that  ccriklerr^lon,  I   do 
not  tliink  he  would  foiicit  a  correrpondence  with  me  for  2 
trifling  object.     What  other  then  jiv.iir  bs  the  motive  ?  In 
judgment,  there  c.m  be  none  other  than  the   hope   of  the r 
ning  the  door  for  thp- ccmineacgaaent  of  a  uegociation  for 


t  it  ] 

peace,  and  that  the  Spanifh  court  has  availed  itfelf  of  this 
mode  of  making  that  wim  known  to  you. 

Prefuming  then  that  this  was  in  truth  the  object,  it  re- 
mained  for  me  only  to  decide  what  courfe  I  mould  take  in 
r  --^rd  to  Mr.  Gardoqui's  communications  •,  nor  could  I 
hefitate  long  upon  this  point ;  for  I  well  knew  it  was  of  im- 
portance to  you  to  become  acquainted  with  the  difpofition 
of  other  powers  towards  the  French  Republic.  I  have 
therefore  deemed  it  confident  with  that  fmcere  friendfhip 
which  the  United  States  bear  towards  you,  and  the  intereft 
they  take  as  your  ally  in  whatever  concerns  your  welfare,  as 
•well  as  with  that  candour  which  I  mean  to  obferve  in  all  my 
tranfa&ions,  to  lay  the  letters  before  you ;  knowing  their 
contents  you  will  be  enabled  to  determine  how  to  a£t  in  re- 
gard to  them.  As  it  refpefts  the  United  States  whom  I 
ferve,  or  myfelf  perfonally,  it  can  be  of  no  importance  to  me 
to  be  acquainted  with  the  refult;  fince  I  doubt  not,  that  under 
the  v,-ife  councils  of  the  Republic,  the  revolution  will  progrefs 
to  a  happy  clofe  :  But  permit  me  to  allure  you,  that  if  I  can  be 
of  any  fervice  to  the  French  Republic,  in  regard  to  the  an- 
iwer  to  be  given  to  this  communication,  it  will  give  me  the 
higheft  fatisfadion  to  render  it. 


From  Mr.  De  Gardoqtti,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

Madrid,  September  $th}   1 794. 

Mr  DEAR  SIR, 

BEING  informed  of  your  arrival  at  Paris,  with  the 
character  of  minifler  from  the  United  States,  I  beg  leave  to 
renew  you  our  old  friendfhip  in  America,  and  congratulate 
you  on  your  fafe  arrival,  where  I  fincerely  wifh  you  all  man- 
ner of  happinefs.  Permit  me,  dear  fir,  to  trouble  you  with 
the  enclofed  letter  for  my  friend  Mr.  John  Otto,  whom  we 
knew  in  New- York,  as  charge  d'affaires  from  France  ;  for  I 
learn  by  Mr.  Short,  that  he  is  in  Paris,  and  it  regards  me 
particularly  that  it  comes  to  his  hands  fafely.  Should  he, 
however,  be  abfent,  I  mould  be  glad  you  would  open  it, 
and  fhould  be  extremely  obliged  to  you,  if  you  could  procure 
me  the  contents,  which  I  hope  wrill  be  the  means  of  re-efla- 
blifhing  my  health. 

Excufe  me,  Dear   Sir,  the   liberty  I  take  in  giving   you 
this  trouble,  and  if  in  my  public  or  private  character  I  can 


t     77     J 

tender  you  any  fervice,  you^may  freely  command.  My  belt 
refpscb  to  your  worthy  Mrs.  Monroe,  and  to  Mr.  jiy,  if 
with  you. 

Yours>  £sV. 

(Signed)  JAMES  DE  GARBOQUr. 

From  Mr.  De  Gardoqui,  ,'9  Mr.  Monroe. 

Madrid,  ~]th  OSibsr,    1794- 

$lr  DEAR  SjR, 

ON  the  pth  ultimo,  I  did  myfelf  the  honour  of  wri- 
ting you,  inciofmg  a  letter  for  our  friend  Mr.  John  Otto,  in 
which  I  begged  he  would  procure  me  a  permifficn  from  the 
French  government,  to  drink  the  waters  of  Bagneres  de 
Luzon,  for  a  fortnight,  my  health  being  very  much  impaired 
by  the  conflant  attention  of  my  miniftry  of  finances.  This  let- 
ter went  through  the  hands  of  the  commander  of  the  French 
army,  on  the  frontiers  of  Catalogue;  but  am  uncertain  whe- 
ther it  came  to  your  hands,  and  am  forry  for  it,  as  my  health 
declines,  and  would  be  extremely  obliged  if  you  could  help 
me  to  get  fuch  a  permifiion. 

I  have  a  further  favour  to  a(!:  of  you,  my  dear  Sir  ;  it  is, 
that  you  would  endeavour  to  procure  the  reieafe  of  a  parti- 
cular friend. of  mine,  Colonel  of  the  militia  regiment  of  Ecija, 
whcfe  name  is  Don  Antonio  Alcala  Galiano,  who  v/as  made 
prifoner  in  the  garrifon  of  Bellegarde  ;  he  is  a  man  of  honour, 
land  will  by  no  means  forfeit  his  word  ;  fhculd  you  therefore 
be  able  to  get  his  reieafe,  en  parote,  or  in  a  way  that  he 
may  agree  to,  I  mall  eileem  it  in  the  higheft  degree;  if  at  the 
fame  time  he  fnould  require  any  money  afiiftance,  I  beg  you 
would  deliver  him,  afiured  of  his  receipt  being  punctually 
paid  by  me  with  any  expence  that  you  may  be  at  on  account 
of  thofe  troubles. 

Pardon  me  the  liberty  I  have  taken,  and  believe  me,  that  I 
mall  think  myfelf  happy  whenever  I  receive  any  of  ycur 
friendly  commands;  being  with  fincere  regard  2nd  efteeuij 

Yours,   CSV. 
(Signed)  JAMES    GARDOQUI. 

Pray,  endeavour  to  get  my  permifiion  ;  for  you  knew  m£ 
too  well  not  to  afTure  the  government  that  I  am  not  a  man  to 
be  fufpeded  of. 


[     73     3 

From  Mr,   Monrse,  to  Mr.  G 
Paris, 

I  HAVE  been  favoured  with  your  two  letters  lately, 
and  can  ail  are  you  that  the  pleafure  I  fhould  otherwife  have 
derived  from  a  renewal  of  our  former  acquaintance,  was  fen- 
fibly  diminiihed  by  the  information  they  contained  of  the 
decline  of  your  health  :  And  I  am  forry  to  add,-  that  corifider- 
ations  of  peculiar  delicacy  render  it  impofiible  for  me  to 
take  that  part,  in  the  means  neceffary  rn  your  judgment  for 
its  refloration,  you  have  been  pleafed  to  defire.  You  will 
naturally  infer  what  thefe  are,  without  my  entering  into  them, 
and  afcribe  to  thefe,  and  thefe  only,  my  not  aiding  you  in 
that  rcqueft.  I  beg  of  you,  however,  to  make  your  applica- 
tion to  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  diredYiy,  and  from 
whom  I  doubt  not  you  will  readily  obtain  an  anfwer,  which 
will  be  fatisfaclory  to  you  ;  for  I  am  well  convinced,  that  the 
circumftance  of  an  exilling  war  will  form  no  obitacle  te 
your  admifhon  into  the  country,  upon  an  occafion  fo  intereflr- 
ing  to  yourfelf.  Be  allured,  if  the  officer,  your  friend,  whom 
you  fpeak  of,  falls  within  my  reach,  I  will  be  happy  to  ren- 
der him  any  fervice  in  my  power,  being  well  fatisfied  of  his 
merit  from  your  recommendation. 


From  Mr.  Monroe,  to  Colonel  Humphreys,,  Lifbon. 

Paris  ,   November  jj,  1794. 


I  HAVE  lately  received  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of 
State,  mentioning  that  the  power  to  treat  with  the  regency 
of  Algiers  was  committed  to  you,  and  that  the  aid  of  this 
Republic  if  attainable  muft  be  thrown  into  th&t  line.  I  was 
likewife  appriied  by  Mr.  Morris,  of  fome  meafures  tak^n  by 
him  in  concert  with  the  government  here,  relative  to  that 
object,  but  which  were  unconnected  with  you.  As  I  have 
reafon  to  think  you  poiTefs  powers,  flowing  from  the  lait 
fefRon  of  Congrefs,  I  think  it  poflible  you  have  already  pro- 
greffed  in  the  bufmefs,  and  therefore  that  the  aid  of  this 
government  will  be  ufelefs.  But  if  you  have  not,  how  mall 
a  co-operation  be  concerted,  fuppofing  this  government  difpo- 
icd  to  enter  into  it?  Will  it  net  be  neceffary  for  you  to 
come  into  foms  part  of  France,  and  depart  thence  with 
ibme  agent  from  her  ?  Your  thoughts  upon  this  head  will  be 
ufefuls  but  until  i  know  the  ftate  of  the  bufmefs  in  your 


[    79    3 

bands,  it  will  be  ufelefs  and  improper  for  me  to  occupy  the 
councils  of  this  Republic  on  the  fabjecr.  I  therefore  hope 
to  hear  from  you  on  it  as  foon  as  poihble. 


From  Mr.  Citwn,   Charge  <?  Affaires  of  Malta,  to  Mr.  Msnm . 

Paris,   October  26th,    1794- 

THE  Charge  d' Affaires  of  Malta,  has  the  honour  to 
communicate  to  Mr.  Monroe,  minifter  plenipotentiary  cf  the 
United  States  of  America,  the  ar.ne::?d  reflections,  and  to 
requeft  that  he  will  be  pleafed  to  weigh  them  in  his  mind,  and 
give  him  frankly  the  refult. 

Mr.  Gibon  feizes  this  qccafion  to  renew  to  Mr.  Monroe  an 
affurance  of  the  refpe^l  and  attachment  with  which  he 
is,  &c. 

If  there  are  nations  who  by  their  pofition,  their  induftry, 
and  their  courage,  become  naturally  cppofed  to,  and  rivals. 
of,  each  other  -,  fo  there  are  other  nations,  who  with  as  much 
courage  and  induftry,  feel  a  motive  to  titeem,  approach, 
and  unite  together,  to  increafe  trreir  mutual  profperity,  and 
to  render  tbernfelves  reciprocally  happy,  by  a  continual  ex- 
change of  attentions,  regards,  and  fervices. 

The  United  States  of  America  and  the  ifhnd  cf  Malta, 
notwithstanding  the  diftance  which  feparates  them,  do  not 
appear  to  be  lefs  bound  to  cultivate  a  clofe  and  friendly  union 
between  them,  by  motives  of  intereft,  than  they  are  by  thofe 
of  a  benevolent  amity. 

It  is  principally  towards  the  Mediterranean,  that  the  Ame- 
rican failors,  gtrided  by  their  induftry,  prefent  thcmfelves  in 
great  numbers,  forgetting  the  danger  to  which  they  are  ex- 
pofed,  of  becoming  a  prey  to  the  Algerine  cor  fairs  who  cover 
that  fea. 

The  iiland  of  Malta,  placed  in  the  centre  ef  the  Mediter- 
ranean, between  Africa  and  Sicily,  offers  by  its  pofition  to, 
all  navigators,  an  afylum,  provificns  and  fuccour  cf  every 
kind.  Of  what  importance  would  it  not  be  for  the  American 
commerce  to  find  upon  this  itormy  fea,  fine  ports,  prcviiions, 
and  even  protection  againil  the  Aljerine  pirates. 

In  exchange  fo-r  thefe  fuccpurs  and  protection,  by  means 
whereof  the  American  veflels  might  navigate  the  Mediterra- 
nean freely  and  without  inquietude,  would  the  United 
States  content  to  grant,  in  full  right,  to  the  order  of  Malta, 
forne  lands  in  America,  in  fuch  quantity  as  might  be  agreed 
on  between  the  two  governments,  placing  fuch  lands  under  the 


C    80    ] 

immediate  protection  and  fafeguard  of  the  American  loyalty? 
Thus  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  would  find  in 
the  Mediterranean  ports  to  fecure  it  from  dorms,  and  vef- 
fels  of  war  to  protect  it  againft  the  pirates  of  Algiers  -,  in 
exchange  for  which,  Malta  would  poilefs  in  America  pro- 
perty granted  forever,  protected  by  the  United  States,  and 
guaranteed  by  them  in  a  manner  the  mod  folid. 

From  Mr.  Monroe^  to  the  Charge  d'affaires  of  Malta. 
Paris )   22nd  November y   1794- 

I  HAVE  received  with  great  pleafure  the  confidera- 
tions  you  were  pleafed  to  prefent  to  me  ;  pointing  out  the 
mode  by  which  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  iile  of 
Malta  may  be  ferviceable  to  each  other.  It  is  the  duty  of 
nations  to  cultivate,  by  every  means  in  their  power,  thofe 
relations  fubfiding  between  them,  which  admit  of  reciprocal 
good  offices,  and  I  am  perfuaded  the  United  States  will 
omit  no  opportunity  which  may  occur  to  teftify  that  difpo- 
(ition  towards  the  ifland  of  Malta, 

The  Americans  have,  it  is  true,  received  already  great 
Injury  from  the  Algerines,  and  it  is  their  intention  to  adopt 
fuch  meafures  as  ihall  prevent  the  like  in  future.  The 
ifland  of  Malta,  by  its  fituation  and  maritime  ftrength,  poflefs 
the  means  of  yielding  that  protection,  and  your  fuggeftion 
on  that  fubjecl:  merits,  in  my  opinion,  the  ferious  confideration 
of  our  government,  to  whom  I  have  already  tranfmitted  it. 

The  United  States  poflefs  at  prefent  extenfive  and  very 
valuable  vacant  territory.  It  is  their  intention  to  difpofe  of  it  by 
fale  ;  by  which,  however,  the  right  of  foil  only  will  be  con- 
veyed; the  jurifdi&ion  dill  remaining  with  them.  The  go- 
vernment; too  of  fuch  territory  is  already  prefcribed:  It  mud 
be  elective  or  republican,  and  forming  a  part  of  the  exiding 
national  fydem.  I  have  thought  proper  to  add  this  informa- 
tion, that  you  may  know  the  powers  of  our  government  in 
relation  to  this  object.  Permit  me  to  allure  you,  that  as 
foon  as  I  ihall  be  indrucled  thereon,  I  will  immediately 
communicate  the  fame  to  you. 


From  the  Minifter  of  the  Republic  of  Geneva,  to  the  Minifter  Pie* 
niprtentiary  oj  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  2$th  Fruclidor,   id  Tear  of  the  Republic. 
(September  l$th,    170,4.^ 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

I  HAVE  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  the  government 
of  Geneva,  upon  receiving  intelligence  fo  flattering  to  our 
republic,  of  what  paiied  in  the  fitting  of  the  National  Con- 
vention, of  the  6th  of  Fructidor,  has  fufpended  in  its  own 
municipal  houfe,  in  fign  of  joy  and  harmony  three  colours 
fimilar  to  thofe  which  float  together  in  the  hail  of  this  con- 
vention 5  and  that  thefe  united  emblems  of  three  Republics 
have  excited  with  us  univerfal  applaufe. 

The  Republic  of  Geneva,  will  hear  with  fmcere  pleafure, 
that  the  United  States  of  America,  inftrucr.ed  by  you' of  this 
event,  have  received  favourably  this  teftimony  of  fraternity. 

I  am  happy  on  my  own  part,  citizen  minifter,  to  have 
been  the  organ  of  thefe  fentiments  to  you. 

(Signed) 

REYBAZ, 


Frtm  Mr.  Monroet  to  the  Minifter  of  the  Republic  of  Geneva^ 
at  Paris. 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

I  HAVE  received,  with  great  fatisfa&ion,  the  account 
you  have  been  pleafed  to  render  me  of  the  generous  impref- 
fion  which  the  fufpenfion  of  the  flags  of  the  three  Republics 
of  America,  France  and  Geneva,  in  the  hall  of  the  national 
convention,  has  excited  in  the  breafts  of  your  countrymen. 
The  ftandards  of  Republics  fhould  always  be  ranged  toge- 
ther ;  and  I  am  perfectly  fatisfied,  that  this  event  will  be  re- 
ceived with  equal  joy  by  the  government  and  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  to  whom  I  (hall  communicate  it.  I  beg  of 
you,  citizen  minifter,  to  be  aflured  of  the  folieitude  which 
the  government  and  people  of  America  feel  for  the  freedom, 
profperity  and  happinefs  of  the  Republic  of  Geneva,  and  of 
the  pleafure  with  which  I  mall  at  all  times  become  the  inftru- 
ment  of  the  moft  intimate  and  friendly  communications  be- 
tween them, 

M 


'Olfo-vationsfultnitied  to  tie  confederation  of  the  Diplomatic  Mem* 
bsrs  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety. 

Ir  is  the  wifh  of  the  French  Republic  to  obtain  by 
loan,  a  fum  of  money  from  the  United  States  of  America, 
to  enable  it  to  profecute  the  war. 

This  is  to  be  expected  from  three  fources  ;  the  genera!  gc- 
'vernment,  the  ftate  governments,  and  from  individuals. 

The  French  caufe  and  the  French  nation  are  greatly  regard- 
ed in  America,  and  I  am  perfuaded  fome  money  may  be  ob- 
tained, and  perhaps  a  very  refpectable  fum,  from  the  three 
fources  above  mentioned.  For  this  purpofe  the  minifter  mould 
poflefs  power  to  make  loans  from  either  of  the  above  parties, 
and  to  give  fuch  fecurity  as  the  republic  mall  deem  fuitable. 

The  committee,  however,  mould  advert  to  the  fituation  of 
the  United  States  in  regard  to  England  and  Spain.  Both 
thofe  countries  have  encroached  upon  our  rights-,  the  one 
holding  the  weftern  polls,  in  violation  of  the  treaty  of  peace 
of  1/83,  whereby  me  harrafles  our  frontiers,  by  means  of 
the  Indians  •,  and  the  other,  by  fhutting  the  Miinfippi,  and 
likewife  exciting  the  Indians  againfc  us  to  the  ibuth  :  So  that 
the  United  States  are  ia  a  kind  of  hcftility  with  both  powers. 
There  is  likewife  reafon  to  believe,  that  a  convention  fubfifts 
between  Britain  and  Spain,  defenfive  and  probably  oflcnfive 
sgalnft  us,  in  fupport  of  their  rdpe£Hve  claims. 

In  thi.  fituation  would  it  be  proper  for  France  to  make 
peace  with  either  of  thoft  powers,  whilft  our  claims  were 
•unfettled  with  cither,  and  whilft  both  encroach  on  our  terri- 
tory ?  Would  it  not  leave  thofe  powers  free  to  attack  us  u- 
nitcd,  and,  in  that  fituation,  would  not  France  be  forced  again 
to  embark  in  the  war,  or  tamely  look  on  and  fee  our  difmem- 
berment  ?  Could  the  republic,  in  iliort,  deem  its  own  peace 
fee  lire  or  durable  whilft  thefe  points  remained  unfettled  bet- 
ween the  United  States  and  thofe  powers,  and  mould  it  not 
therefore  feek  an  adj  uftment  of  the  whole  at  the  fame  time  ? 

1  have  fuggefted  thefe  confiderations  in  the  hope  that  the 
committee  will  give  the  minifter  about  to  depart  for  America, 
full  power  in  relation  thereto,  and  in  the  confidence  that  a  fa- 
tisfaclory  aiTurance  on  that  head  would  greatly  facilitate  the 
object  of  the  loan  ;  for  iT  the  United  States  were  aflured  that 
they  would  have  no  occafion  for  their  own  refources  to  fupport 
a  war  againft  thofe  powers,  it  would  of  courfe  be  more  in  their 
power  to  lend  them  to  the  French  republic. 

It  muft  be  obvious  that  France  may  not  only  fecure  thefe 
points  for  us  and  without  any  difficulty,  but  with  Spain  what* 


ever  elfe  (lie  pleafed  ;  for  I  am  perfuaded  thattlie  Spsnifh  mo* 
narchy  would  even  agree  to  open  the  iflands  to  the  world  and 
perhaps  even  South  America  to  end  a  war,  which  endangers 
the  crown  itfelf. 

The  mode  would  be  by  infinuating  to  both  thole  powers, 
when  France  commenced  her  negcciation,  that  they  muft  alfo 
adjuiL  at  the  fame  time  their  differences  with  the  United 
States. 

The  fum  which  might  be  raifed  in  America  from  the  diffe- 
rent fources  above  mentioned,  upon  an  afiurance  of  this  kind, 
would,  in  my  judgment,  be  considerable.  In  any  event,  how- 
ever, I  mall  be  happy  to  give  the  minifter  about  to  depart  e- 
very  information  and  aid  in  my  power,  in  forwarding  the  ob- 
ject in  view. 

I  fubmit  to  you,  however,  whether  it  would  not  be  proper 
to  enable  me  in  my  letters  on  that  fubjecl,  to  declare  what 
your  fenfe  is  upon  thefe  points. 

From  the  Secretary  of  State  cf  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  Jvlv.rx, 
Philadelphia^   September  25,    1794. 

SIR, 

MY  letter  of  the  30th  July  laft,  having  been  repeated 
by  duplicate,  I  mail  only  recommend  to  your  particular  and 
immediate  attention  the  fubjects  of  it. 

The  fpoliations  and  vexations  which  are  imputable  to  the 
French  cruifers,  and  among  them  the  injuries  to  our  rights 
by  treaty,  in  the  cafe  of  the  fliip  Laurens,  together  with  the 
lev  ere  effects  of  the  embargo  at  Bourdeaux,  have  excited,  in 
the  individuals  interefted,  a  flame,  which  now  and  then  burfts 
forth  in  violent  expreffions,  and  which  you  therefore  cannot 
quiet  too  foon  by  a  proper  adjuftment.  You  will  find  in  the 
enclofed  copy  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  to  me,  of  the  i  ft  Au- 
guft,  the  ftrong  affurances  which  he  has:  given  on  this  head. 

Another  collection  of  depredation  papers,  conformable  with 
the  lift  which  accompanies  them,  is  placed-  under  the  care 
of  Mr.  Boland,  who  goes  to  feek  ccmpenfation  on  account 
of  the  fhip  Fame.  It  is  a  ftrong  cafe,  and  v/ill  back  your 
remonftrances,  howfoever  pointed  they  may  be.  I  ck>  not 
ftate  the  minutiae,  as  his  documents  fpeak  explicitly,  and 
he  himfelf  will  be  on  the  fpot,  ready  for  further  explanation. 
There  is*nothing  in  which  you  can  render  yourfelf  fo  accep- 
table to  an  important  part  of  our  community  as  on  thefe 
occajQons.  Indeed  I  flatter  myfelf  with  die  expectation  of 


{     84     ) 

tearing  fhortly  of  confiderable  advances  towards  final  fuccefs 
on  your  part. 

Mr.  James  A^cei-fori  has  been  highly  recommended,  and 
his  letters  have  ihcwn  him  to  dderve  fome  degree  of  notice 
from  our  government*  He  was  not  fuggefted  to  the  Prefi- 
dent  in  the  late  appointment  of  French  confuls ;  becaufe  it 
tvas  pK  fumed  from  fome  information,  which  was  receded, 
that  the  phices  for  which  confuls  were  defignated  at  the  laft 
fdficn,  were  not  iuitable  to  his  views.  You  will  therefore 
take  the  e.;rlivft  opportunity  cf  inquiring  into  his  character 
and  refpe&abiUty,  and  inform  us. 

A  claim  cf  Mr.  Cruger  is  alfo  forwarded  to  you,  in  order 
that  you  may  purfue  the  lame  meafures  relative  to  it,  as  in 
the  others  of  a  iinular  kind. 

Mr.  Boiand  has  promiied  to  deliver  to  yoti  your  quota  of 
newfpapeis.  From  the  beginning  of  Auguft  to  this  day, 
they  contain  the  late  interefting  tranfactions  of  the  four 
weilern  counties  of  Pennfylvania.  Thefe  would  have  been 
communicated  to  you,  as  they  arofe,  if  conveyances  to 
France  were  not  of  all  others  the  molt  difficult  to  be  obtain- 
ed. You  will  recollect  the  murmurs  which  have  long  pre- 
vailed there  againfl  the  excife.  At  length,  the  houfe  of  Ge- 
lieral  Neville,  the  infpeclor,  was  attacked  by  a  large  party  of 
armed  men  in  the  day,  and  burnt  to  the  ground,  together 
with  moft,  if  not  all,  the  out-houfes.  Forefeeing  that  go- 
vernment could  not  be  inattentive,  and  mixing  perhaps  fome 
prepoilercus  views  of  ambition  and  perfonal  aggrandizement, 
the  leaders,  to  render  themfelves  formidable,  contrived  to 
give  an  appearance  of  an  univerfal  commotion,  and  aflbcia- 
tion  of  fentiment.  A  large  body  appeared  in  arms  on  Brad- 
dock's  field,  and  appointed  the  i4th  of  Auguft  for  the  meet- 
ing of  deputies  from  all  the  townmips  at  Parkinfon's  ferry, 
inviting  the  Virginia  counties  to  fend  deputies  alfo.  The 
Prefident  difpatched  fenator  Rofs,  judge  Yates,  and  our  at- 
torney-general Bradford,  as  commiffioners;  having  firit  re- 
quired 12500  militia  to  be  held  in  readinefs,  in  certain  pro- 
portions, in  New-Jerfey,  Pennfylvania,  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia. A  committee  of  the  infurgents  were  nominated  to 
confer  with  them,  and  to  report  to  a  fecond  meeting,  to  be 
held  at  Redftone  at  a  later  day.  Our  commiflioners  unani- 
moufly  prevailed  upon  thofe  with  whom  they  conferred,  to 
agree  to  urge  the  people  to  peace.  But  the  Redflone  opinions 
were  not  fo  propitious  as  thofe  of  Parkinfon's  Ferry.  The 
people  there  afiembled  were  difTatisfied  with  the  conduct  of 
the  former  committee  of  conference,  and  appointed  another, 


which,  like  tlie  former,  were  unanimous  for  acquiefcence; 
Still  the  people  themfelves  were  to  be  confulted,  and  the  i  ith 
September  fixed  for  the  taking  of  their  votes.  The  refult  has 
been,  jhat  every  leading  man  has  fubfcribed  to  the  terms 
required  by  the  commiflioners ;  that  near  three  thoufand  men 
above  the  age  of  fixteen  have  fubmitted  ;  that  there  is  no 
real  danger  of  an  oppofition  in  the  field.  However,  the  mi- 
iitia  having  been  on  their  march  for  fome  time,  and  it  being 
certain,  that  although  open  refiftance  will  not  be  found, 
the  laws  cannot  be  executed  unlefs  fome  degree  of  military 
force  be  at  hand  to  fupport  the  officers,  their  movements 
have  not  been  countermanded.  The  command  is  intended 
for  governor  Lee  of  Virginia ;  but  the  Prefident  goes  on 
towards  Carlifle  on  Monday;  where,  after  every  proper  ar- 
rangement of  the  troops  deftined  to  that  place  of  rendez- 
vous, he  will  decide  whether  to  proceed  or  return.  The 
principal  information,  which  is  to  be  procured  from  the  newf- 
papers,  will  be  the  firft  and  fecond  proclamation,  the  repre- 
fentation  of  the  Secreta-ry  of  the  Treafury  to  the  Prefident, 
and  the  proceedings  of  the  commiflioners.  In  a  day  or  two 
their  report  will  be  concluded ;  which  will  condenfe  the  whole 
date  of  this  bufmefs  into  a  fmall  compafs.  I  have  not  adverted 
to  judge  M'Kean  and  general  Irvine,  two  ftate  commifiioners, 
who  went  upon  the  fame  expedition  ;  becaufe  their  functions 
were  neceffarily  limited  to  the  mere  act  of  pardon,  the  great 
offences  being  againft  the  United  States,  not  the  individual 
ftate  of  Pennfylvania.  However,  you  may  be  affured,  that 
the  infurrection  will  very  quickly  be  fubdued  ;  and  you  can- 
not err  in  any  political  calculation  built  on  this  event. 

The  fpirit  which  the  dates  have  manifefted  is  aftonifhing, 
Throughout  Virginia,  to%favour  the  infurgents  would  be  dif- 
grace,  and  actual  perfonal  danger.  Some  of  their  emiflaries 
produced  a  momentary  difturbance  in  Fredericktown,  in  Ma- 
ryland, but  it  was  foon  hufhed  by  the  rapid  approach  cf  the 
militia.  In  Pennfylvania,  from  fome  mifmanagement,  the 
call  of  the  militia  was  not  haftily  obeyed.  But  fuch  an  en- 
thufiafm  has  now  grown  up  and  been  raging  for  a  confidera- 
ble  time,  that  the  very  Quakers  have  entered  the  ranks  and 
marched  to  Pittfburg. — New-Jerfey  feems  to  be  a  nurfery  of 
warriors,  determined  to  fupport  the  conftitution.  Even  the 
Democratic  focieties  have  launched  out  into  a  reprobation  of 
the  infurgents.  All  thefe  circumftances  combined,  while 
they  afford  an  ample  range  for  fpeculation  on  the  remote  confe- 
quences,  furnifh  a  conviction,  that  the  energy  of  the  govern- 
ment is,  and  will  be,  greatly  engreafed. 


.   (     8<S     ) 

I  fufpect,  that  Europe  will  refound  with  the  idle  clamours 
which  circulate  here  •,  that  the  yellow  fever  has  again  appear- 
ed in  Philadelphia,  Baltimore  and  New- York  ;  and  that  qua- 
rantine will  be  again  inflicted  on  our  veflels.  But  the  general 
and  fincere  opinion  is,  that  if  there  be  any  examples  of  it  with- 
in the  city,  they  are  too  paltry  to  alarm  even  the  old  women 
or  children. 

My  anxiety  to  hear  from  you  is  multiplied  tenfold  by  m)T 
knowledge,  that  all  the  fentiments  of  Mr.  Fauchet  were  de- 
pofited  in  the  memory  of  Mr.  Le  Blanc,  and  not  committed 
to  writing.  That  which  could  not  be  hazarded  upon  the 
poflibility  of  detection  muft  be  of  an  important  caft.  One 
thing  only  is  certain  ,  that  he  fuppofes  a  Britiih  tendency  to 
prevail  in  fome  members  of  our  government,  and  that  the 
iuppofition  is  a  copious  theme  with  him.  You  are  poflefied 
of  all  the  means  of  confronting  this  idea.  You  know  hoiv  Mr. 
Jay  is  reftritled :  And  I  muft  acknowledge  to  you,  that  not- 
with (landing  all  the  pompous  expectations,  announced  in  the 
gazettes,  of  compeniation  to  the  merchants,  the  profpccl:  of 
it  is,  in  my  judgment,  illufory  ;  and  I  do  not  entertain  the 
moft  diilant  hope  of  the  furrender  of  the  Weflern  Pofts.  Thus 
the  old  exalperations  continue  j  and  new  ones  are  daily  added. 
Judge  then  how  indifpenfible  it  is,  that  you  fhould  keep  the 
French  Republic  in  good  humour  with  us. 

Spain  has,  by  a  conduct  fmiilar  to  that  of  Great  Britain  to- 
wards us,  impofed  the  neceffity  of  fending  an  envoy  extraor- 
dinary thither  alfo  :  For  the  negociation  is  at  a  ftand,  on  the 
moft  unaccountable  pretexts.  My  conviction  is  firm,  that 
the  courts  of  Madrid  and  London  are  cordial  in  nothing  but 
a  hatred  againft  the  United  States,  and  a  determination  to  haf- 
rafs  them  through  the  Indians. 

If,  however,  a  report,  which  has  come  many  ways,  be  true, 
that  General  Wayne,  on  the  2oth  Auguft,  left  between  one 
hundred  and  fifty  and  three  hundred  Indians  dead,  on  the 
field  near  the  Rapids  of  the  Miami,  their  exultation  might 
have  fallen,  and  they  will  foon  be  fick  of  war. 

I  am,  fcrV. 

EDM.   RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State. 


[  No.  VII.  ] 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,    TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

PariSj  December  id^   :  794. 


I  HAVE  at  length  obtained  an  anfvver  from  th'e  com- 
mittee of  public  fafety,  to  the  feveral  proportions  heretofore 
prefented  before  it,  in  an  arrete  of  the  1  8th  ultimo  ;  and 
which  I  now  tranfmit  to  you.  By  this  arrete  the  commiiiion 
of  marine  is  ordered  to  adjuit  the  amount  due  to  fuch  of  our 
citizens  as  were  injured  by  the  embargo  of  Bordeaux,  and 
likewife  to  fuch  others  as  have  claims  for  fupplies  rendered 
to  the  government  of  St.  Domingo.  By  it  alfo  many  ernbur- 
rafirnents  which  impeded  the  direct  trade  between  the  two 
countries  are  removed:  The  arbitrary  rule  of  contraband  > 
which  authorized  the  feizure  of  our  veflels  laden  with  provi- 
fions  deftined  for  other  countries,  is  dovneaway  ;  and  the  (li- 
pulation  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  which  gives  free  paifcge 
under  our  flag  to  the  fubjects  of  any  of  the  powers  at  war  with 
the  Republic,  is  likewife  inforced.  In  fhort,  every  thing  has 
been  conceded  that  was  defired,  except  the  execution  of  that 
part  of  the  treaty  which  gave  freedom  to  goods  in  {hips  that 
were  fo. 

I  have,  in  confequence,  notified  to  the  cornrniflion  of  ma- 
rine, that  I-had  empowered  Mr.  Skipwith  to  take  charge  of 
thefs  claims,  and  attend  their  adjuilment  on  the  part  of 
our  citizens,  and  I  (hall  continue  to  give  every  aid  in  my 
power  to  obtain  for  them  the  juflice  to  which  they  are  intitled. 
In  refpe£t  to  the*  liquidation,  unlefs,  indeed,  forne  difficulty 
fhould  arife,  as  to  the  mode  of  payment,  whether  in  afUgnats, 
or  fpecie,  I  prefume  all  difficulty  is  at  an  end.  But  in  re- 
gard to  the  payment,  I  think  it  probable,  unlefs  affignats  are 
taken,  and  which  are  now  depreciated,  further  delay  will  be 
defired,  owing  to  the  great  expenditures  of  the  government 
at  this  very  important  crifis  of  its  affairs.  Upon  this,  how- 
ever, I  fhall  be  able  to  give  you  more  correct  information  in 
my  next. 

If  the  treaty  could  have  been  carried  into  effect,  by  general 
agreement,  I  mould  have  deemed  it  a  fortunate  thing  ;  be- 
caufe  it  would  have  fecured  our  commerce  hereafter  from  the 
poflibility  of  vexation,  and  upon  any  pretext  whatever,  by  the 
French  cruifeis  j  and  becaufe  i;  would  fove  ranged  the 


(     S3    ) 

French  Republic,  at  an  important  period  of  its  affairs,  on  the 
fide  of  a  principle  founded  in  benevolence  and  neceflary  to  the 
freedom  of  the  high  feas.*  But  as  connected  with  other  con- 
fiderations  more  immediately  applicable  to  ourfelves  ;  and  ef- 
pecially,  if  the  hope  of  forcing  it  upon  other  nations,  as  a  law, 
is  abandoned,  I  have  deemed  it  of  but  little  confequence.  It 
certainly  precludes  the  probability  of  our  being  called  on  hereaf- 
ter to  fulfil  any  ftipulation  whatever,  and  will  of  courfe  gain 
us  greater  credit  for  any  fervices  we  may  render  them,  in  cafe 
it  mould  fuit  us  to  render  them  any.  I  am  likewife  perfuaded, 
from  the  refponfibility  the  arrete  impofes,  and  the  increafing 
partiality  pervading  all  France  towards  us,  and  which  is  felt 
by  the  Americans  and  obferved  by  the  fubjects  of  other  neu- 
tral powers,  that  the  execution  will  not  vary  much  from  the 
import  of  the  treaty  itfelf ;  for  I  cannot  think  that  many  of  our 
veffels  will  hereafter  be  brought  in  upon  the  fufpicion  of  hav- 
ing enemy's  goods  on  board. 

I  informed  you  fome  time  fmce,  that  I  was  perfuaded,  if 
the  fubject  was  before  the  convention,  it  would  readily  be 
granted  ;  and  in  this  1  have  not  only  been  fmce  confirmed, 
but  in  the  further  belief,  that  a  majority  of  the  feveral  com- 
mittees was  favourable  to  the  object.  The  dread,  however,  of 
denunciation  in  the  courfe  of  events,  deterred  them  from 
adopting  it.  It  was  oppofed,  as  was  likewife  every  other 
change,  by  a  party  who  would  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  it, 
ihould  a  favourable  opportunity  occur.  The  fordid  fpoilers  of 
the  public  wealth  never  forgive  thofe  who  detect  and  expofe 
to  view  their  iniquities.  And  this  was  the  moft  vulnerable 
point  upon  which  recrimination  could  hereafter  act :  Eor,  as 
it  is  contemplated,  when  the  other  powers  are  withdrawn,  to 
profecute  the  war  againft  England,  with  the  collected  force 
of  the  Republic,  and  this  might  be  condrued  into  a  partiality 
for  that  nation,  it  was  deemed  too  hazardous  a  meafure,  in 
refpect  to  the  perfonal  fafety  of  the  members,  to  be  encoun- 
tered. In  this  decifion  too,  it  is  probable  they  were  the  more 
confirmed,  by  the  neceflity  of  cultivating  Denmark  and 
Sweden  at  the  prefent  moment,  from  whence  great  refour- 
ces  are  drawn  in  fupport  of  the  war ;  whofe  councils  are 
wielded  by  Bernftorf,  a  man  believed  to  be  well  difpofed 
to  a  reform  in  the  exifting  governments  of  Europe,f  and 
whofe  fleets  are  combined  with  no  friendly  difpofition  to- 

*  Little  war,  it  fufpcded  at  this  time,  that  we  fhouM  be  ranged  on  the 
3de  of  England  to  fupport  the  oppu Ike  principle. 

t  Thii,  however,  is  not  certain. 


C    89    ] 

England.  They  would  mod  probably  have  preffcd  to  t/e- 
put  on  the  fame  footing,  and  the  preflure  could  not  eaiiiy  have 
been  refilled,  after  the  example  was  given.  As  a  proof,  how- 
ever, of  the  difpofidon  of  the  committee,  upon  the  fubjecl:  ge- 
nerally, I  herewith  tranfanit  to  you  a  copy  of  a  report  drawn 
upon  my  notes  by  Merlin  de  Douay,  to  whom  they  were 
referred,  and  which  was  informally  given  me  by  its  diplo- 
matic members. 

I  apprized  you  in  my  lail  of  the  2oth  inftant,  of  Mr.  Gar- 
doqui's  attempt  to  obtain  permiffion  to  attend  certain  baths 
within  the  Republic  *,  oftenfibly  upon  account  of  his  ill-health, 
but  in  my  judgment  to  commence  a  negociation  for  peace  (a 
fineiTe  too  often  practiced  by  a  certain  grade  of  politicians) 
and  at  die  fame  timeleffen  any  weight  the  United  States  might 
have  upon  that  fubjecl:,  in  refpecl:  to  their  own  affairs,  by  in- 
fpiring  a  diflruit  in  me  in  the  outfet.  I  likewife  iiated  to  you 
in  what  manner  I  had  a£ted  upon  that  occafion,  paying  his 
original  letters  before  the  committee,  with  my  free  and  can- 
did comments  upon  them :  As  alfo  the  further  difcuffion 
which  took  place  between  the  committee  and  myfelf  in  regard 
to  Spain,  and  to  which  an  incident  of  a  different  kind  gave1 
birth ;  in  which  I  expofed,  as  far  as  the  nature  of  the  cafe 
would  admit  of,  the  real  fituation  of  the  United  States  with 
refpecl;  to  Spain  and  Britain,  menaced  with  war  by  both ; 
{hewing  how  France  would  be  affected  by  that  event,  and  of 
courfe  the  part  (he  fhould  take  in  cur  affairs  at  the  prefent: 
moment.  To  that  communication,  I  have  now  nothing  nev/ 
to  add,  having  fince  heard  neither  frc^i  Mr.  Gardoqui  en 
the  fubjecl:  of  "his  proportion,  nor  the  committee  upon  that, 
or  die  one  which  afterwards  occurred.  I  omitted,  however, 
at  tliat  time,  to  tranfmit  to  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  accompa- 
nying Mr.  Gardoqui's  to  the  committee,  and  v/hich  I  no-w 
inclofe  for  the  purpofe  of  prefenting  that  bufincfe  more  fully 
before  you. 

I  am  convinced  that  this  expofition  of  our  fituadon  witu 
Britain  and  Spain,  and  to  which  the  incident  of  Mr.  Gardo- 
qui iuxniihed  the  firft  opening,  has  been  ufeful :  For  before 
that  expofition,  I  had  reafon  to  believe,  that  it  was  not  only 
unknown,  but  that  a  very  erroneous  opinion  was  entertained 
by  many  in  the  committee  upon  that  fubjecl.  I  thought  I 
had  felt  the  effec>  of  that  opinion,  created  no  doubt  in  the 
manner  you  fuggeft ;  but  as  it  was  not  communicated  in  a  way 
to  enable  me  to  take  official  notice  of  it,  I  was  cmbar  raffed  how 
to  acfc,  or  what  meafure  to  adopt  in  regard  to  i:.  For  a- 
wiile,  as  it  was  circulated  only  in  private,  I  thought  it  beil' 


C    9"    I 

fo  counteract  it,  by  making  the  necefiary  explanation  only  tit- 
thofe  who  mentioned  it  to  me.  Finally,  as  I  knew  the  cam- 
paign was  progre  fling  towards  a  clofe,  and  that  the  winter 
was  the  feafon  for  negociation  ;  and  more  efpecially  as  I  fear- 
ed its  commencement  with  either  of  thofe  powers,  with  fuch 
improper  opinion  of  our  fituation  with  each,  becaufe  I  well 
knew  they  would  improve  it  with  great  dexterity  to  their  ad- 
vantage j  I  deemed  it  my  duty  to  make  an  extraordinary  ef- 
fort to  remove  it.  With  this  view  I  appointed  a  rendezvous 
with  the  diplomatic  members  of  the  committee,  and  which 
took  place  accordingly.  I  was  refolved,  however,  not  to  meet 
the  imputation  as  a  charge  fuppofed  to  exift,  or  which  I  was 
bound  to  anfwcr  in  cafe  it  did.  A  denial  of  a  charge  might 
beget  a  fufpicion  where  there  was  none.  I  took  different 
ground,  by  informing  the  committee,  that  the  war  in  which 
they  were  engaged,  like  all  other  wars,  mufl  have  a  termina- 
tion :  That  moft  were  concluded  by  the  friendly  mediation  of 
third  powers  :  That  I  was  well  convinced  the  United  States 
would  be  happy  to  render  the  French  Republic  any  fervicc 
in  their  power,  in  that  refpeft,  to  bring  the  prefent  war  to  a 
happy  clofe  :  That  it  was  not  their  intereft  to  interfere,  even  by 
mediation,  nor,  in  my  judgment,  would  they,  otherwife  than 
at  the  inftance  and  by  the  requeft  of  the  P'rench  Republic,  in 
the  hope  of  promoting  thereby  the  fuccefs  of  their  revolution. 
I  obferved  further,  that  I  wanted  no  anfwer  to  this,  and  had 
onW  given  the  information,  that  they  might  retain  it  in  memo- 
ry for  the  purpofe  of  availing  themfelves  of  it  hereafter,  in  cafe 
it  mould  be  found  expedient.  It  was  received  refpe&fully, 
but  calmly.  By  one  of  the  members  it  was  obferved  :  "  That 
having  beaten  their  enemies  completely,  it  belonged  to  thofe 
enemies  to  determine  whether  they  wifhed  peace  or  not ;  and 
if  they  did,  they  would,  no  doubt,  be  able  to  find  a  way  where- 
by to  make  it  known  to  the  Republic."  By  another,  I  was 
aiked  :  "  Whether  Mr.  Jay  v/us  ftill  in  London,  and  whether 
he  intended  to  come  over  to  Paris,  as  had  been  publifhed  in  an 
Englim  paper.'*  This  was  the  very  fufpicion  I  wifhed  to 
combat  and  remove;  though  indeed,  I  did  not  expect  it  would 
have  been  avowed  in  fo  abrupt  a  manner.  I  replied,  I  could 
not  tdl  whether  he  had  returned  or  not  j  but  that  it  was  im- 
pomble  the  paragraph  in  the  Englim  paper  mould  be  true,  as 
he  was  fcnc  to  England  upon  an  efpecial  bufinefs  only  j  to 
demand  reparation  for  injuries,  and  to  which  his  authority 
was  ilriclly  limited.  I  then  repeated  what  I  had  before  faid 
of  the  friendly  difpofition  of  the  United  States  towards  the 
trench  Republic,  in  all  cafes,  and  of  the  pleafure  with  which 
they  would,  in  my  judgment,  ferve  it  upon,  the  prefent  one. 


if  in  their  power.  That  I  was  perfuaded  they  would  liften  to 
no  propofition  upon  the  fubjecT:  of  mediation  from  any  other 
power  ;  for  as  it  was  a  bufmefs  which  could'  not  poilibly  be- 
nefit them,  they  would,  of  courfe,  embark  in  it  only  upon  ac- 
count of  their  ally.  I  like  wife  added,  that  I  knew  nothing  of 
the  difpofition  of  any  power  upon  the  febject  of  peace  ;  but 
prefumed  the  fuccefs  of  their  armies  had  difpofed  them  all 
well  towards  it ;  and  thus  I  left  them  to  reflect  afleifure  up- 
on what  I  had  faid ;  in  the  belief,  however,  that  the  commu- 
nication mufl  produce  a  good  effect.  As  this  took  place 
prior  to  the  affair  of  Mr.  Gardoqui,  and  which  was  more 
particularly  detailed  in  my  laft,  I  have  thought  proper  to 
communicate  it  to  you,  that  you  may  be  pofTefled  of  every,  the 
minuteft,  circumftance  relative  to  our  affairs  upon  this  very 
important  theatre. 

If  the  fubjeft  of  a  loan  is  mentioned  again  here,  or  in  Ame- 
rica, that  of  fecuring  for  us  the  points  in  queftion,  muft  like- 
wife  be ;  but  as  I  have  faid  every  thing  on  that  head  that  I 
can  fay,  having  only  a  right  to  conjecture,  I  am  not  anxious 
to  revive  it  here.  I  am,  however,  perfuaded  it  will  be  re- 
vived with  you  ;  for  fo  vaft  are  their  armies,  and  extenfive 
their  operations,  that  they  muft  be  diilreifrd  for  money,  and 
forced  to  gain  it  from  whence  they  can.  And  I  fmcerely 
wim  we  may  affift  them,  if  poffible,  and  which  I  prefume  it 
will  be,  efpecially  if  not  comprifed  in  the  war,  and  which 
I  think  cannot  be,  although  we  mould  immediately  wreft 
from  Britain  and  Spain  the  rights  they  have  ufurped  from 
us.  The  credit  of  the  United  States  is  fuch  in  Europe  and 
America,  and  their  means  of  reimbnrfem-jnt  fo  unquciiion- 
able,  efpeciaily  in  the  particular  of  the  weftern  territory  (an 
objecl:  viewed  at  prefent  with  great  cupidity  on  this  fide  of  the 
Atlantic)  that  I  am  perfuaded  the  amount  expected  might  be 
obtained  by  loan  j  and  I  am  equally  fo,  that  the  people  would 
chearfully  bear  a  tax,  the  product  of  which  was  to  be  applied 
in  aid  of  the  French  Republic.  Upon  thefe  topics,  however, 
I  have  only  a  right  to  conjecture,  and  as  fuch  you  will  be 
pleafed  to  confider  what  I  have  faid.* 

The  day  after  my  remarks  upon  the  fubjec~t  of  a  loan  were 
handed  in,  I  was  favored  with  yours  of  the  25th  uf  Septem- 
ber, and  which  I  beg  leave  now  to  acknowledge.  Finding 
that  my  idea  of  our  fituation  with  Britain  and  Spain  \vas 
correct,  I  was  extremely  happy  that  I  had  given  that  rcpre- 

*  The  fum  the  French  Republic  wanted  f>  om  us  was  about  fi/e  millions 
»f  dollars  ;  to  be  borrowed  under  the  guarantee  or  the  United  States,  but 
£tcured  by  a  mortgage  of  an  adequat-  portion  of  their  national  d<rnuins. 


fentation  of  it.  The  motive  for  ftrong  union  here,  on  our 
part,  is  the  greater,  and  nothing  tends  fo  effectually  to  pro- 
mote that  object  as  the  belief  that  we  are  not  cordial  with 
England.  In  confequence,  I  waited  on  the  committee  again, 
and  told  'them  I  had  received  a  difpatch  from  you  fince  our 
laii  conference,  and  that  our  dilemma  with  thofe  two  power* 
was  even  more  critical  than  I  had  before  intimated.  Fa&s  of 
this  kind*  go  further  in  removing  doubts,  than  any  afiurances 
I  could  otherwife  give  them.  Thefe  difcuilions  have  enabled 
me  to  examine  attentively  whether  it  was  their  real  wilh  that 
xwe  mould  embark  with  them  in  the  war,  and  I  can  affure 
you,  that  whatever  it  "may  have  been  at  any  previous  ftage, 
upon  which  !  can  give  no  opinion,  that  at  prefent,  I  am  per- 
fuaded  they  would  rather  we  would  not ;  from  an  idea  it 
might  diminiih  their  fupplies  from  America  :  But  fuch  is  their 
difpofition  towards  us,  that  I  am  inclined  to  think,  if  the 
point  depended  on  them,  they  would  leave  us  to  acl:  in  that 
refpecl:  according  to. our  own  wifhes.  And  I  am  likewife 
perfuaded,  if  we  do  embark  in  the  war,  that  they  will  fee  us 
through  it ;  and  have  fome  hope  if  we  do  not,  and  especially 
if  we  aid  them  in  the  article  of  money,  that  they  will  fupport, 
as  far  as  they  v/ill  be  able,  our  demands  upon  Spain  and 
England. 

I  intimated  in  myfaft,  that  we  could  net  have  afked  from 
fortune  a  more  feafonable  opportunity  for  poiTeffing  ourfelves 
'of  thofe  .rights,  which  have  been  long  ufurped  by  Britain  and 
Spain,  and  that  if  it  was  the  fenfe  of  America  ever  to  pcf- 
feis  them,  it  mould  not  be  pretermitted.  Britain  is  certainly 
not  in  a  condition  to  embark  in  a  war  againft  us,  though  we 
fhould  difpoflefs  her  of  Canada  :  She  would  of  courfe  be  lefs 
apt  tQ  do  it,  if  we  only  placed  her  troops  beyond  the  lakes. 
Her  own  land  force  was  fcarcely  felt  in  the  prefent  war  againft 
France  :  Nor  has  me  been  otherwife  regarded  than  on  account 
of  her  fleet  and  pecuniary  refqurces,  by  which  me  fubfidiz- 
ed  PruiTia  and  other  powers.  'But  that  fores,  fmall  as  it  was, 
is  greatly  diminifhed,  and  the  combination  in  which  me  has 
been  aflbciated  appears,  not  only  to  be  completely  foiled,  but 
In  a  great  meafure  broken.  The  ^rofpeft  now  before  her  is, 
that  Pnima,  Auitria,  and  all  the  other  powers  will  extricate 
themfelves  from  the  war,  upon-  the  beft  terms  they  can  and 
•leave  her'fingly  to  fupport  it  againft  France  ;  and  that  the  lat- 
ter will  be  aiiied  by  Spain  unlefs  a  particular  combination 
Nigainit  us  fliould  prevent  it ;  and  likewife  by  Denmark  'and 

*  Meaaiflg  Wayne's  movement  en  the  fj  on  tier. 


C    93    3 

'Sweden,  if  not  directly,  yet  in  a.  manner  to  produce  a  feriou* 
effect.  The  preponderance  of  her  fleet,  and  the  wanton  and 
licentious  ufe  inade  of  it,  hare  excked  the  difguft  of  all  na- 
tion? ;  \vho  would  be  pleafed  to  fee  it  reduced,  and  the  p;c~ 
fent  is  considered  as  a  favourable  time  to  reduce  it.  She  like- 
wife  knows  or  confidently  believes,  that  it  is  the  intention  of 
France  to  profecute  the  war  againft  her,  for  the  purpcfe  of 
breaking  her  maritime  (Irength,  and  riding  the  ocean  from 
fuch  a  tyrant.  At  home  too  me  cannot  be  free  from  clifnui- 
etude.  The  total  failure  of  her  operations  in  this  quarter 
•{what  they  are  in  the  Weft  Indies  :is  better  known  to  you)  has 
excited  fome  uneafmefs  in  the  pubfic  mind,  and  proportional- 
ly leflened  the  weight  of  the  court.  This  was  lately  (hewn  in 
a  profecution  againft  a  Mr.  Hardy,  and  in  which  a  verdlcl 
was  given  fer  the -defendant.  And  ftiould  the  French  take 
Holland  (which  nothing  but  an  inundation  already  comrr.cnc- 
ed  -can  prevent,  if  even  that  can)  this  fenfation  v/iil  cf  courfs 
"be  increafecl..  Thus  circumstanced,  what  lijive  vre  to  fear 
from  her  ?  Will  fhe,  in  her  decline,  bring  upon  her  fell  another 
enemy,  who  can  wound  her  fo  vitally ;  for  let  her  merchants 
and  politicians  boaft  as  they  will  of  her  refources,  y^t  it  is 
well  knov/n,  if  the  American  demand  was  cutdr7,  upon  which 
ihe  thrives  fo  much-,  that  it  would  greatly  dim  i  mill  h;r  revenue 
and  impair  her  ftrength,  How  is  the  enabled  to  fuppon  her 
'engagements  and  carry  on  her  operations,  but  by  commerce; 
arid  leiTened  as  this  already  is  by  the  war,  how  could  fhe  fuf- 
'tain  fuch  a  ftroke  at  the  prcicut  crifis  ?  From  her  fricnilfnip 
we  have  nothing  to  hope  :  The  order  of  the  6th  November, 
was  war  \i~\fc:cty  and  tliat  has  fmce  been  modified  according 
to  circumftances.  Se  aflured  fhe  is  infinitely  lefs  difpofed 
for  fuch  an  event  at  the  prefent,  than  at  any  preceding,  period. 
On  the  contrary,  if  we  only  took  poflHiion  cf  what  v,re  are 
entitled  to.,  me  will  readily  join  with  us  in  reprehending  the 
'conducl;  of  her  own  officers  for  having  tranfceuded  their  or- 
ders.* With  refpect  to  Spain,  I  have  nothing  new  to  add, 
fince  my  lad,  except  that  in  two  days'  fucceffive  aclions,'two 
complete  victories  v/ere  -cbtained  over  her  troops  by  thcfe  of 

*  My  opinian  was,  thar  we  ihoukl  t.<lt"a  fj;o:iqr  pcfition  in  refpei'Vto  En- 
f^laml,  and  which  woaMnot  oniy  ha"eput  us  at  e^fencriruuiently  *.,  \.li  I 
avoidiag   in  confsquenoe,    aH   ti^e   variance  and    mirunderMandiug  wl  ich 
have  flnce  ;  taken  place,   \vi;h  that  Republic;  but,  b*r  obtaining  f  i  -• 
the  aU  of  her  lortunes  againft  £ngJai;d,  havs  commanded  from  the 
"power,  and  without  any  lianger  of  war,  our  own  tcim;.     Nor  \voultt  !» 'i  in 
f\ach  an  event  have  enquired  u>^  ftricliy  into  tl.e  propriety  of  our  re 
•a  Ai.zJ.to  France    th#  oHiiVition   we  owed  her,  by   guarantying    " 
f  bar  or  live  millions  of  dollars,"  to  be  Lud  out  here  in  the  piuclufs  of  nuvi- 


C    94     3 

this  Republic  •,  imlefs,  indeed,  fome  ingenious  f&phift,  jea- 
lous of  the  honor  of  Spain  mould  contend,  that'  as  they  were 
completely  routed  on  the  firft,  and  maintained  only  a  ftrag- 
gling  battle  en  the  fecond,  it  ought  to  be  called  but  one.  Cer- 
tain it  is,  that  in  the  two  days'  conflict,  feveral  thoufands  were 
flam,  and  upwards  of  two  thoufand  taken  prifoners,  with  their 
camp  on  each  day,  and  on  one,  tents  for  fifty  thoufand  men. 
I  promifed  you,  fome  time  fmce,  my  comments  upon  the 
fubjecl:  of  a  confular  arrangement,  for  the  ports  of  this  re- 
public. The  confuls  have  been  here  to  confer  with  me  upon 
the  fubje&  of  trade,  and  I  have  obtained  from  them  their 
ideas  on  that  of  the  arrangement  which  I  now  inclofe  you. 
I  will  add  my  own  comments  on  it  in  my  next,  and  will  fub- 
join  the  names  of  fome  Americans  now  here,  that  may  be 
deemed  worthy  your  attention.  I  think  proper,  however, 
now  to  mention,  that  Mr.  Skipwith  will  accept  the  office  of 
conful  for  this  city,  and  that  I  think  him  worthy  of  it.  He 
is,  in  my  opinion,  a  fenfible  of  man,  of  ftricl:  integrity,  and 
well  acquainted  with  the  duties  of  the  office.  The  duties  of 
conful  here,  will  be  thofe  of  conful  general,  and  in  ftri&nefs 
the  commiffion  mould  be  correfpondent.  They  may,  howe- 
ver, be  performed  under  that  of  conful  only  •,  for  I  pre- 
fume  thofe  in  the  ports  will  refped  him  equally  in  either  cha* 
racier. 


From  the  Copimiffion  of  Foreign  Relations,  to  ike  JMinifter  Pleni- 
potentiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   ^d  Frimaire,   3  d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(November  24^,    1794-^ 


You  will  find  within,  Citizen  Minifter,  the  copy  of  an 
arrete,  taken  on  the  25th  Brumaire  laft,  (i8th  November)  by 
the  committee  of  public  fafety,  relative  to  the  conduct  which 
fhall  hereafter  be  obferved  in  the  ports,  and  by  the  veflels  of 
the  Republic  towa-rds  neutral  veiTels  and  their  cargoes.  This 
arrete  furnimes  an  anfwer  to  the  memoir  which  you  prefented 
on  the  1  7th  of  Fru&idor  (September  3d.)  You  will  doubt- 
lefs  be  fully  fatisfied  with  the  difpofitions  which  are  there  an- 
nounced. You  will  confider  them  as  a  new  proof  of  the  de- 
fire  of  our  government  to  maintain  and  ftrengthen  the  good 


C     95     ] 

intelligence  which  now  fo  happily  reigns   between  our   two 
Republics. 

Si"ed  MIOT. 


ExtraEl  of  the  Regifter  of  Ar rets  of  the  Committees  of  Public 
Safety,  Finance  and  Supplies. 

1.$th  Brumaire,   ^d  Tear  cf  the  Republic, 

(November  \$thy    1794.} 

(THE  COMMITTEES  OF  PUBLIC  SAFETY,  COMMERCE   AND 
SUPPLIES,  ORDER  AS  FOLLOWS  T 

* 

ARTICLE  I.  The  veflels  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica, and  thofe  of  other  neutral  powers,  mall  be  permitted  to 
enter  freely  into  the  ports  of  the  Republic,  and  retire  from 
them  when  they  pteafe  :  Nor  fhall  it  be  permitted  to  any  con- 
ftituted  authority  to  retard  their  departure,  or  ;o  oblige  the 
captains  to  fell  their  cargoes  againft  their  will. 

ART.  II.  When  the  captains  or  owners  of  neutral  veflels 
are  difpofed  to  fell  their  cargoes  to  the  public,  they  ihall  be 
paid  for  them  according  to  the  bargain  which  they  make. 

ART.  III.  It  is  enjoined  to  all  the  commandants  of  naval  ar- 
maments, fleets,  divifions,  and  fquadrons  of  the  Republic, 
to  refpe£t,  and  to  caufe  to  be  refpeclied,  upon  their  refponfibi- 
lity,  ifi  favour  of  the  neutral  and  allied  powers,  the  rights  of 
nations  and  the  ftipulations  of  treaties,  conforming  themfelves 
ftri&ly  to  the  terms  of  the  decree  of  the  convention  of  the  ayth 

°f  July,  1793- 

ART.  IV.  In  confequence  they  are  exprefsly  prohibited 
from  turning  thefe  veflels  from  their  courfe  ;  taking  from  on 
board  of  them  their  captains,  failors  or  paflengers,  other 
than  foldiers  or  failors  actually  in  the  fervice  of  an  enemy 
power ;  or  of  feizing  the  efle£ts  or  merchandize  which  fhall 
be  found  in  them. 

ART.  V.  Are  excepted  from  the  prohibition  contained  in 
the  preceding  article. 

1.  Merchandizes  belonging  to  the  enemies  of  the  Republic, 
until   fuch  enemy  powers  {hall  have  declared  that  the  mer- 
chandizes   of  the  French   (hall   be   free  on  board   neutral 
veflels. 

2.  Such  merchandizes  of  the  neutral    powers  alfo  as  are 
deemed  contraband  of  war  ;  a.nd  under  which  are  compnfed 


ni^,  nniruments  and  munitions  of  war,  ar4  every  kind, 
of  merchandize  and  other  effects  deilinecl  for  an  enemy's, 
port  actually  fcized  or  blockaded. 

[.ARTS.  VI, 'VII,  VIII  and  IX  regulate  the  manner  of  pro- 
ceeding where  neutral  vefftls  are  brought  in,  upon  a  prefump- 
tion  cf  having  enemy's  goods  on  board.] 

ART.  X.  The  commiifion  of  Marine  mall  prcfent  without 
delay  a  (latement  of  the  individuals,  born  fubjects  of  the  pow- 
ers with  whom  the  Republic  is  at  war,  who  were  taken  be- 
fore the  prefent  day  upon  neutral  vefTels,  that  particular  arretes 
rnay  b^  taken  in  each  cafe. 

ART.  XL  The  indemnities  which  are  due  to  the  captains 
of  neutral  powers  who  were  detained  by  an  embargo  at  Bor- 
deaux, mall  be  liquidated  without  delay  by  the  cornmifiion  of 
marine  and  colonies,  conformable  to  an  arrete  of  the  commit- 
tee of  public  fafcty  of  the  I7th  of  Germinal ;  and  this  commif- 
fion  fhali  render  an  account  in  tjie  courfe  of  ten  days,  of  the 
actual  date  of  thefe  demands. 

ART.  XII.  The  commiffion  of  mar.ine  is  fpecially  charged 
to  receive  and  adjuft  the  accounts  which  fhall  be  prefented  to. 
it  by  an  agent  of  the  United  States,  for  fuch  fnpplies  as  the 
Americans  have  furnimed  to  the  adminiilration  of  St.  Domin- 
go ;  and  it  mail  take  the  neceflfary  meafures  to  procure  to 
the  parties  intcrefted  the  mod  prompt  juitice,  and  (hall  alfo 
prefeut  to  the  committees  of  public  fafety,  of  finance,  com- 
merce and  fupplies,  the  refult  of  its  operations  in  thefe  refpeclts. ' 

ART.  XIII.  The  commlffion  of  foreign  relations  is  induct- 
ed to  deliver  a  copy  of  this  arrete  to  the  minifler  plenipoten- 
tiary of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  anfwer  to  his  me- 
morial of  the  pth  of  Fru&idor  (September  3d)  laft. 

(Signed) 

MERLIN,  THURIOT, 

CAMBACERES,  &V. 


No.  VIII. 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATIC 

Paris,  January   13^,   1795- 


I  HAVE  the  pleafure  to  inform  you,  that  upon  the  re- 
port of  tile  uaited  cs>aimittees  of  publk  fafety^  legi.0ations 


[    97     3 

commerce  and  finances,  a  decree  has  pafTed  the  convention 
Cnce  my  laft,  whereby  it  is  reiblved  to  carry  into  ftricl:  execu- 
tion, the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce   between  the  United 
States  and  this  Republic.     I  beg   leave   to  congratulate  you 
upon  this  event,  and  particularly  the  unanimity  with  which'  ic 
palled  the  convention ;  fince  it  demonftrates  the  good  diipo- 
iition  of  that  body,  and  of  the  nation  generally,  towards  us.  I 
was  always  fatisfied,  as  heretofore  intimated,  that  if  I  could 
have  brought  the  fubject,  in  the  firfl  initance,  before  the  con- 
vention, I  mould  have  fucceeded  immediately  in  the  object  in 
view :  But  as  the  committee  was  the  department  organized 
for  fuch  bufmefs,  this  was  impoilible,  without  commen-.. 
fpecies  of   warfare  upon   it,    and  which  was  equally  impro- 
per, as  it  might  tend  to  increafe    their  own  diilentions,  arid 
embark  me  afloat  upon  the  fortune  of  thofe  diiTentions.     Hap- 
pily, by  purfuing  the  objedt  patiently    with  the   committee, 
removing  doubts,  and  obviating  objections,  aided  by    occa- 
iional  changes  of  the  members,  this  has  not  only  been  avoid- 
ed, but  I  have  the  additional   pleafure  to  allure   you,  that  ic 
was  finally  accomplished,  without  the  leait    difficulty,  and . 
without  exciting  the  animofity  of  any  one. 

After  my  late  communications  to  the  committee  of  public 
fafety,  in  which  were  expofed  freely  the  objecT:  of  Mr.  Jay's 
miffion  to  England,  and  the  real  fituation  of  •  Jie  United  States 
with  Britain  and  Spain,  I  had  reafon  to  believe,  that  all  ap- 
prehenfion  on  thofe  points  was  done  away,  and  that  the  ut- 
moft  cordiality  had  now  likewife  taken  place  in  that  body 
towards  us.  I  confidered  the  report  above  recited,  and  upon 
which  the  decree  was  founded,  as  the  unequivocal  proof  of 
that  change  of  fentiment,  and  flattered  myfelf,  that  in  every 
refpect  we  had  now  the  beft  profpect  of  the  moil  perfect  and 
permanent  harmony  between  the  two  Republics.  I  arn  very 
forry,  however,  to  add,  that  latterly  this  profpeft  has  beea 
fomewhat  clouded  by  accounts  from  England,  that  Mr.  Jay  had 
not  only  adjufted  the  points  in  controverfy,  but  concluded  a. 
treaty  of  commerce  with  that  government  :  Some  of  thofc 
accounts  ftate,  that  he  had  alfo  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance, 
.often  five  and  defenfive.  As  I  knew  the  baneful  effect  which 
thefe  reports  would  produce,  I  deemed  it  my  duty  by  repeat- 
fcig  what  I  had  faid  before  of  his  powers,  to  ufe  my  utmofb 
endeavours,  informally,  to  difcredit  them.  This,  however, 
did  not  arreft  the  progrefs  of  the  report,  nor  remove  the  dif- 
qui  etude  it  had  created  :  For  I  was,  finally,  applied  to  direct- 
ly by  the  committee,  in  a  letter,  which  dated  what  had  been 
heard,  and  requefted  information  of  what  I  knew  in  regard  tQ 


:t.  As  1  had  juft  before  received  one  from  Mr.  Jay,  announc- 
ing that  he  had  concluded  a  treaty,  and  which  contained  a 
declaration,  that  our  previous  treaties  Ihould  not  be  affected 
by  it,  I  thought  fit  to  make  this  letter  the  bafis  of  my  reply. 
And  aa  it  is  neceflary  that  you  ihould  be  apprized  of  whatevef 
has  pafled  here  on  this  fubject,  I  now  tmnirnit  to  you  copies 
of  thefe  feveral  papers,  and  which  comprize  a  full  ftatement 
thereof,  up  to  the  prefent  time. 

I  cannot  admit  for  a  moment,  that  Mr.  Jay  has  exceeded 
his  powers,  or  that  any  thing  has  been  done,  which  will  give 
juft  caufe  of  complaint  to  this  Republic.  I  lament,  however, 
that  he  has  not  thought  himfelf  at  liberty  to  give  me  correct 
information  on  that  fubject  ;  for  until  it  is  known  that  their 
intertlt  has  not  been  wounded,  the  report  will  certainly  keep 
alive  fufpicion,  and  which  always  Weakens  the  bonds  of  friend- 
Ihip.  I  truft,  therefore,  you  will  deem  it  expedient  to  adviie 
me  on  this  head,  as  foon  as  poffible. 

I  apprized  you  in  my  two  laft  letters,  of  an  informal  com- 
munication between  the  diplomatic  members  of  the  commit- 
tee and  myfelf,  upon  an  interrogatory  of   theirs,  Whether   it 
would  be  poliible  for  France  to  obtain  aid  from,  or  within,  the 
United  Sta-tss,   for  the  purchafe  of  fupplies  ;  and  of  my  ef- 
'fort  upon  that  occafion  to  intereft  this  government  in  fupport 
of  our  claims  with  Britain  and  Spain  ;  and  to  which  I   was 
fthnulated  by  intelligence  that  Mr.  jay's  negociation  had  fail- 
ed ;  and  that  \Ve  were  on  the  point  of  war  or  actually  engag- 
ed in  it,  with  Britain  ;  as  likewife  by  the  knowledge  that  Spain 
was  covertly  feeking  a  feparate  peace.    I  was  fatisfied,  that  if 
France  v/ould  embark  in   our  caufe,  in  the  prefent  ftate   of 
things,  arid  which  I  found  her  well  difpofed  to  do,  and  with- 
out the  profpecT:  of  much  aid  in  return,  that  the  object  in 
each  inftance  would  be  fecurc.     I  therefore  thought  it  eligi- 
ble in  that  ftate  of  things,  and  with  that  view,  to  leave  the 
door  open  for  a  communication  on  the  fubject  with  you.  But 
as  foon  as  I  under  flood  that  Mr.  Jay  had  adjufted  the  points 
in  controverfy  with  that  nation,  the  object  on  'my  part  was  at 
sn  end,  I  was  aware,  that  if  the  adjuftment  was  approved  \vc 
cOuld  render  no  fuch  fervice  :  Indeed,  I  doubted  whether  in 
peace  the  government  pofleiTed  the  power  to  render   it.     I 
called,    therefore,    immediately    upon  thofe  members  with 
whom  the  previous  communication  had  been,   and  fuggefted 
the  fame  to  them.     They  had  anticipated  the  idea,  and  were 
prepared  to  anfwer  it  by  a  peremptory  aflurance,  that  it  was 
not  their  wifh  to  create  embarramnent  in  this  or  any  other  re- 
fpeft  ;  On  the  contrary,  that  regard  fhould  be  IheWn  in  aS 


C    99     3 

^f<?s  to  our  actual  Ctuation  -,  and  with  refpecl  to  the  point  in 
queftion,  that  the  niinifter  about  to  depart,  mould  be  in- 
ftru£led  not  even  to  mention  it  if  you  forbade  it.  So  that 
this  bufmefs  (lands  upon  a  footing,  as  indeed  it  always  did, 
whereby,  under  a  particular  ftate  of  tilings,  fome  be»eilt  may- 
be derived  from  it,  and  no  detriment  under  any. 

The  operations  of  this  government  continue  to  progrefs  in 
the  fame  courfe  they  have  done  for  fome  time  pa(t.     During 
the  time  of  Robefpierre,  a  period  of  the  administration  which 
is  emphatically  called  the  reign  of  terror,  much   havoc  was 
made,  not  only  on  the  rights  of  humanity,  but  great  confu- 
fion  was  likewile  introduced,  in  other  refpects,  in  the  affairs  of 
the  government.     It  has  been  the  fy  Hematic  effort  of  the  ad- 
rriiiiiihration  to   repair  tfris   wade,    and  heal    the    bleeding 
wounds  of  the  country,  and,  in  this,  great  progrefs  ^s  been 
made.     By  the  fame  report  which  propofed  the  execution  of 
the  violated  articles  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with 
the  United  States,  it  was  iikewife  propofed  to  open  wide  the 
door  of  commerce  to  every  citizen  (excluding  them  from  na- 
vigation only)  and  which  was  adopted:  So  that,  at  prefent,  any 
perfon  bringing  productions  into  the  ports  of  this  Republic, 
may  fell  them  to  whom  he  pleafes,  and  generally  with   afto- 
niming  profit.     The  .agents  of  the  Republic  fland  upon  the 
grpund  of  other  perfons  :  They  are  preferred  only  by  out-bid- 
ding them.     In  my  judgment,  no  region  of  the    world  pre- 
fents  fuch  an  opening  to  the  enterprises  of  our  countrymen, 
as  this  does.     The  reftraints  upon  their  own  navigation,  ope- 
,rate  in  the  degree  as  a  bounty  to  ours  ;    and  the  government 
and  citizens  of   France  feem  equally  phafed  to  fee  purs  pre- 
ferred to  that  of  any  other  nation.     The  reftraints,  likewife,, 
which  are  impofed  in  other  countries,  en  account  of  the  war, 
upon  a  commerce  with  the  French  citizens,  produce,  in  other 
refpects,  the  fame  effect.     It  is  the  interefl  of  the  latter  to  em- 
ploy our  countrymen  in  ordinary  mercantile  tranfactions,  and 
.especially  with  foreign  .nations;  whereby  they  get   into  their 
hands  a  .great  proportion  qf .  the  whole  trade  of  the  Republic. 
f he  jarofits  which  thofe  on  this,  theatre  have  already  made>  and 
.continue  to  make,  furpafs  what  you  have  any  idea  of.     I  fin- 
cerely  wifh  that  this  was   more  generally  known,  that  more 
.rnight  be  induced  to  embark  in  it,  not  only  for  the  purpofe  of 
-difruilng  more  generally  the  immediate  emoluments,  out  for 
the  more  important  one  of  gaming  an  mtereft  in  the  commerce 
,of  this  Republic,  which  .may  be  of  lafting  advantage  to  the 
United  States.     Before. the  revolution,  the  Engiim  pofTeiTed 
tins  advantage,  as  tuey  did  ^n.rnotl  pther  countries  :  But  new 


C     i°o    ] 

that  interefi  is  annihilated;  and  if  the  Americans  ftep  in,  aid- 
ed as  they  will  be  by  the  preference  of  the  government  and 
people  in  their  favour,  they  may  occupy  the  ground,  and  re- 
tain i:  for  ever  afterwards.  Permit  me  to  add,  that  nothing 
will  more  efFentially  forward  this  object,  than  an  extenfive  and 
numerous  appointment  of  confute.  In  every  port  an  agent 
fhoiild  be  placed  :  and  I  mould  fuppofe  the  object  of  fufficient 
importance  to  induce  our  countrymen  to  accept  of  thofe  offi- 
ces. If  a  prudent  and  creditable  perfon,  the  appointment 
attaches  to  it  confidence,  and  gives  him  the  command  of  ca- 
pital. I  am  fatisfied  that  any  young  man  of  good  character, 
having  the  appointment  in  any  of  the  ports,  might  immedi- 
ately connect  himfelf  advantageoufly  with  the  firfl  houfe  there, 
and  gradually  command  elfewhere  what  capital  he  pleafed. 
I  have  Cammed  into  this  fubject  and  have  thought  proper  to 
give  you  the  refult  of  my  refearches  into  it. 

Nor  has  this  wife  and  humane  fyftem  been  limited  to  this 
object  alone.  It  has  already  been  extended  to  many  branches 
of  national  policy,  and  promifes  to  embrace  the  whole.  A 
decree  was  not  long  fince  pafTed,  by  which  the  feventy-one 
members,  formerly  of  the  Briffbtine  or  Cirondine  party,  and 
who  had  been  confined  on  that  account,  were  fet  at  liberty, 
and  called  into  the  convention.  And  a  few  days  afterwards 
our  countryman,  Mr.  Paine,  was  likewife  reftored  to  his  feat 
in  that  body,  with  marks  of  the  moft  refpectful  attention. 
Thefe  events  have  given  fatisfaction  to  the  community  at  large. 
A  decree  alfo,  which  had  excluded  the  nobles  and  foreigners 
(the  Americans  excepted)  from  Paris,  and  the  feaports,  has 
likewife  been  repealed.  This  latter  aft,  though  compara- 
tively of  apparent  little  importance,  has,  notwithstanding, 
produced  an  excellent  effect :  For  as  it  breathes  a  fpirit  oT 
humanity  and  on  that  account  captivates  all,  fo  it  has  contri- 
buted, by  pa  fling  in  review  many  members  of  the  an- 
'  cient  order  of  nobility  (and  who  have  not  forgotten,  and  ne- 
ver will  forget,  old  habits)  to  prefent  before  the  public,  and 
much  to  the  credit  of  the  revolution,  the  ftrong  andintereft- 
ing  contrail,  between  the  manly  character  of  the  French  na- 
tion at  the  prefent  day,  and  the  miferable  effeminacy,  fop- 
pery and  decrepitude  of  former  times-. 

A  decree  has  likewife  pafled,  by  which  a  general  amnefty 
has  been  proclaimed  in  the  Vendee ;  and  a  report  has  been 
fin ce  received  from  the  deputies  who  were  fent  to  carry  it 
into  effect,  that  all  thofe  to  whom  rt  was  announced,  had 
lain  clown  their  arms,  and  arranged  themfelves  under  the  ban- 
ner of  the  Republic  j  and  that  they  were  likewife  fatisfied  it 


would  terminate  the  war ;  a  war  heretofore,  beyond  example, 
bloody  and  deftructive,  and  whole  origin,  fupport  and  means 
of  continuance,  appear  even  yet  to  be  but  little  underftood. 
Freed  from  this  embarraflment,  the  Republic  will  acquire 
new  vigor  in  all  its  enterprifes ;  it  will  certainly  have  under 
its  command,  for  other  purpofes,  a  confiderable  force  which 
was  heretofore  employed  there. 

But  in  retracing  the  ground,  to  repair  in  detail  the  inju- 
ries which  the  reign  of  terror  had  inflicted,  it  was  impoflible 
to  behold  the  havoc  it  had  made,  without  feeling  fome  indig- 
nation for  the  authors  of  fuch  great  and  complicated  mifery. 
This  propenfity,  however,  and  which  was  equally  incited 
by  the  obligations  of  juftice  and  humanity,  was  itrongly  op- 
pofed  from  the  period  of  Robefpierre's  death  to  the  prefent 
time,  by  a  fentiment  of  extenfive  impreiTion,  that  it  were 
bo':ter  to  prevent  the  further  effufikm  of  blood,  and  to  cover 
with  a  veil  the  atrocities  which  had  patted,  fo  far  as  they  could 
be  covered,  than  to  punifh  even  thofe  of  greateft  enormity. 
For  fome  time  this  fentiment  prevailed,  and  though  often 
irritated  and  difturbed  by  the  remaining  leaders  of  the  oppo- 
fite  party,  who  courted  danger  and  provoked  their  own  fate, 
yet  it  appeared  probable  it  would  finally  preponderate  and 
confirm  the  adminiftration  within  that  limit.  The  trial>  how- 
ever, of  the  Nantoisy  a  long  train  of  refpectable  citizens  at 
Nantes,  who  were  arrefted  under  the  adminiftration  of  Car- 
rier, in  his  miffion  there,  and  brought  lately  before  the  tribu- 
nal of  Paris,  opened  the  fcene  again,  and  revived  the  fenfa- 
tion  of  horror,  which  had  before  in  fome  meafure  fubfided. 
Such  enormities  were  difclofed  in  the  courfe  of  this  trial, 
that  it  was  impoflible  otherwife  to  appeafe  the  public  mind, 
than  by  fubmitting  Carrier,  and  his  accomplices,  to  the  tribu- 
nal in  their  turn.  Condemnation  was  the  fure  confequence 
of  his  trial-,  and  it  was  expected,  fo  clear  was  the  cafe  againft 
him,  that  all  thofe  formerly  of  that  party,  would  now  fepa- 
rate  from  and  yield  him  to  his  fate.  From  fuch  a  line  of 
conduct  fome  merit  might  have  been  arrogated,  and  the  pub- 
lic cenfure  thrown  in  a  great  meafure  on  him  alone ;  by 
whofe  punimment  too  the  public  refentment  might  poflibly 
have  been  fatisfied.  But  Billaud  de  Varennes,  Collot  d'Her- 
bois,  and  even  Barrere,  a  man  heretofore  noted  for  fkilful 
movements  in  critical  conjunctures,  acted  otherwife.  They  ob- 
vioufly,  andfrom  the  beginning,  made  Carrier's  caufe  their  own; 
not  only  by  fupporting  him  in  the  convention,  as  far  as  it 
was  poflible,  but  by  exciting  the  Jacobins  to  take  part  in  his  fa- 
vour j  thereby  attaching  themfelves  to  the  declining  fortunes  of 


.    t 

that  chib,and  likewife  making  fomeunfeafonable  motions  which 
bore  on  their  face  the  complexion  of  that  party.  The  reparation 
required  at  bell  a  dextrous  management  ;  but  by  thefe  means 
th'i-y  piefented  themfelves  out  as  an  object,  invited  the  pub- 
lic attention,  and,  in  the  degree,  the  public  refentment.  Whe- 
ther they  will  Anfcliy  efcape  is  now  doubtful.  Lecointre, 
who  had  {hewn  himfelf  fuiRciently  prone,  upon  a  former  occa- 
fioii  to  commence  the  attack,  toe.-:  advantage  of  one  of  thefe 
moments  of  indifcretion  to  renev/  it,  and  with  better  •effect. 
His  -motion  wasfenttothe  com  ir.iiHon  of  twenty-one,  hereto- 
fore organized  to  report,  whether  there  wag  juil  ground  of 
accufation,  and  there  it  now  is. 

Another  fignal  vi£lory  was  obtained  over  the  Spaniards 
fmce  ray  lafl,  and  in  which  the  two  commanding  generals, 
many  men,  we're  flain,  and  nine  thoufand  taken  prifoners  : 
And  in  the  north,  fmce  the  ice,  nearer  approaches  are  mr.  .Je 
to  He-Hand,  which  will,  moil  probably,  foonbe  taken.  With- 
in a  few  days  pail,  deputies  arrived  from  the  Stadtholderian 
party,  to  negociate  a  feparate  peace  :  But,  at  the  fame  time, 
others  came  from  the  patriotic  party  to  oppafe  it,  and  who 
preilod  the  committee  to  order  forward  the  troops  immedi- 
ately, to  afiail  and  enter  Amfterdam  ;  and  to  which  effe&  or- 
ders wer*  accordingly  iflucd.  I  am  fatisfied  that  peace  will 
noc  be  granted  to  the  Netherlands,  -although  a  revolution 
fhould  take  place  there,  on  any  other  condition  than  that  of 
their  uniting  in  the  war  againft  England.  It  is  conceived, 
that  a  peace  to  that  power,  on  other  terms,  would  be  more  fa<- 
vourable  to  England  than  its  continuance  in  the  war ;  for 
thereby  the  Britifii  troops  might  be  withdrawn,  and  great  ad- 
vantage -gained  in  other  refpects  from  its  neutrality.  This,  it 
is  thought,  is  the  object  of  England  in  affenting  to  their  peace  ; 
but,  in  r?jec~r,mg  the -offer,  France  opens  a  trait  in  her  views 
thai  \vi\l  aJJ  much  to  the  weight  of  the  miniiterial  argument 
tor  a  continuation  of  the  war.  No  argument  is  fo  ftrong  as 
that  of  neceility,  and  if  France  will  not  make  peace  it  will  be 
impombie  for  England  to  do  it.  In  my  judgment,  it  is  the 
determination  of  this  Republic  to  purfue  the  war,  until  the 
maritime  ftrength  of  England  is  broken  ,  and  when  the  actual 
•ftate  of  things  is  regarded,  with  that  of  the  comparative  po- 
pulation, force,  and  enterprize  of  the  two  nations,  I  do 
not  fee  how  it  can  be  prevented.  A  fmgle  victory. at  fca 
accomplilhes  the  object,. and  the -rapidity  with  which  {hips 
are  built,  and  fleets  equipped  here,  is  inconceivable.  With- 
in few  v/eeks  part,  the  -Brett  fleet  has  been  out  twice  (indeed 
it  is  now  out)  counting »«f  thirty^fix  {hips  of  the  line,  fifteen 


frigates^  fourteen  (loops  of  war  and  cutters/ giving  the  defi- 
ance to  iu  antagonift,  which  continues  cloie  locked  to  the 
land.  More  latterly,  however,  ibme  indications  were  feen, 
€>n  that  eoaft,  of  a  difpontion  to  take  the  fea,  and  hazard  the 
fate  of  the  illand  on  a  battle,  fo  that  it  is  probable  fomtthing 
decifivc  may  take  place  foon. 

With  reipecl  to  the  other  powers,  nothing  definitive  has 
yet  been  none  in  regard  to  peace.  Jt  is  certain  that  feveral  wifh 
it,  and  particularly  Spain  and  Pruilia  ;  but  yet  fovne  difficul- 
ties have  occurred  in  regulating  the  commencement  and  man- 
ner of  the  negociation.  England  oppofes  it,  becaule  me 
knows  flic  will  not  be  included  -,  and  they,  on  that  account, 
wifh  it  to  be  private,  merely  to  avoid  the  imputations  that 
would  aril's  if  it  were  known  •,  and  this  cannot  well  be  accom- 
modated under  the  prefent  organization  of  the  French  govern- 
ment. It  is  faid,  that  a  mimiter  from  Pruilia  is  at  Dalle,  in 
Switzerland,  with  power  to  treat ;  and  that  they  all  have 
agents  the  re  for  the  fame  purpofe  is  like  wife  probable. 

I  will  endeavour,  if  poffible,  to  forward  by  this  opportunity 
a  report  rendered  me  by  Mr.  Skipwith,  upon  the  fubje£l  of 
American  claims.  Be  affured,  that  every  poflible  attention 
has  been,  and  mail  be  paid  to  this  fubjech 

P.  S.  I  had  omitted  to  mention  the  official  communication, 
by  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  of  the  decree  of  the  con- 
vention for  carrying  into  effect  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce between  the  United  States  and  France  :  The  polite 
terms,  however,  in  which  it  is  expreffed  merit  attention. 


fr-m  tie  Committee  cf  Public    Safety,  to  the  Minijlcr  P. 
tertiary  cf  the  United  States  cf  America. 

Paris,   8^/6  Nivofe,   ^d  Tear  of  ile  Republic. 

(December  ?."]tk9   1794.^ 

WE  are  informed,  Citizen,  that  there  was  lately  cai>- 
cluded  at  London  a  treaty  of  alliance  and  commerce  -between 
the  Britiih  government  -and  Citizen  Jay,  envoy  extraordinary 
^f  the  United  Staces. 

A  vague  report  fpreads  itfeif  abroad,  that,  in  this  treaty,  the 
Citizen  Jay  has  forgotten  thofc  things,  which  our  treaties 
with  the  American  people,  and  the  facrifices  which  the  French 

««s.  <i  Tight  to  ei 


on  the  part  of  a  rrrinifler  of  a  nation,  which  we  have  fo  ma- 
ny moti\res  to  confider  as  friendly. 

It  is  important  that  we  know  pofitively,  in  what  light  we 
are  to  hold  this  affair.  There  ought  not  to  fubfift,  between 
two  free  people,  the  diflimulation  which  belongs  to  courts  ; 
and  it  gives  us  pleafure  to  declare,  that  we  confider  you  as 
much  oppofed  perfonally  to  that  kind  of  policy,  as  we  are 
ourfelves. 

We  invite  you  then,  to  communicate  to  us  as  foon  as  pof- 
fible  the  treaty  whereof  there  is  queftion.  It  is  the  only  means 
whereby  you  can  enable  the  French  nation  juftly  to  -appreci- 
ate thofe  reports  fo  injurious  to  the  American  government, 
and  to  which  that  treaty  gave  birth. 

(Signed) 

MERLIN,  CARNOT. 

FOURCROY,      CAMBACERES, 
A.  DUMONT,    &c. 


From  the  Minifler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
ricay  to  the   Committee  of  Public  Safety. 

Paris.,  December  2Jth,    1794* 


favoured  this  morning  with  yours  of  yefterday, 
intimating  that  the  report  of  a  treaty,  faid  to  be  concluded  by 
Mr.  Jay,  envoy  of  the  United  States  of  America,  to  England, 
with  that  nation,  derogatory  to  the  treaties  of  alliance  and 
commerce  fubfifling  between  thofe  States  and  this  Republic, 
had  given  you  fome  difquietude,  and  requelling  information. 
from  me  upon  that  point.  I  obey  the  invitation  with  plea- 
fure, becaufe  I  well  know  that  a  candid  policy  is  that  alone 
which  becomes  Republics,  and  becaufe  it  is  likewife  moft  cor- 
refpondent  with  the  wimes  of  the  American  government,  and 
my  own  feelings. 

Having  already  communicated  to  you  the  limited  object  of 
Mr.  Jay's  miflion,  it  only  remains  for  me  to  inform  you  what 
1  know  of  the  refult.  All  that  I  know,  upon  this  fubjecl:,  is 
comprized  in  a  letter  received  yellerday  from  Mr.  Jay,  of  No- 
vember 25th  ;  in  which  he  fays,  that  he  had  fulfilled  the  prin- 
cipal object  of  his  miflion,  by  concluding  a  treaty,  figned  on 
the  ipth  of  the  fame  month,  which  contains  a  declaration^ 


rt  That  it  (hould  not  be  conftrued,  nor  operate,  contrary  to 
our  exifting  treaties,  and  that,  therefore,  our  engagements 
with  other  nations  were  not  affected  by  it."  He  adds,  that 
as  the  treaty  is  not  yet  ratified,  it  would  be  improper  to  pub- 
lifh  it.  I  am  altogether  ignorant  of  the  particular  ftipulations 
of  the  treaty,  but  beg  leave  to  afiure  you,  that  as  ibon  as  I 
(hall  be  informed  thereof,  I  will  communicate  the  fame  to 
you. 

I  take  it,  however,  for  granted,  that  the  report  is  without 
foundation  ;  for  I  cannot  believe  that  an  American  minifter 
would  ever  forget  the  connections  between  the  United  States 
and  France,  which  every  day's  experience  demonftrates  to  be 
the  intereft  of  both  Republics  ftill  further  to  cement. 


From  Mr.  Jay>  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

London,  November  2$th%  1794* 

IT  gives  me  pleafure  to  inform  you,  that  a  treaty  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  his  Britannic  Majefty,  was  fign- 
ed  on  the  ipth  inftant. 

This  circumftance  ought  not  to  give  any  uneafmefs  to  the 
convention.  The  treaty  exprefsly  declares,  that  nothing  con- 
tained in  it  (hall  be  conftrued  or  operate  contrary  to  exifting 
treaties  between  the  United  States  and  other  powers. 

I  flatter  myfelf  that  the  United  States,  as  well  as  all  their 
minifters,  will,  upon  every  occafion,  manifeft  the  moft  fcru- 
pulous  regard  to  good  faith  ;  and  that  thofe  nations  who  wifh 
us  well,  will  be  pleafed  with  our  preferving  peace  and  a 
good  underftanding  with  others. 


From  Mr.  Jay>  to  Mr.  Monroe, 

London ,  November  2$th,   1794. 


BY  a  letter  written  and  fent  a  few  days  ago,  I  had  the 
pleafure  of  informing  you  that  on  the  1 9th  inftant,  the  prin- 
cipal bufmefs  of  my  million  was  concluded,  by  a  treaty  figned 
on  that  day.  It  contains  a  declaration,  that  it  mall  not  be 
conftrued,  nor  operate  contrary  to  our  exifting  treaties  ;  as 
therefore  our  engagements  with  other  nations  remain  unaf- 
fected by  it,  there  is  reafon  to  hope,  that  our  preferving  peace 

P 


and  a  good  underftanding  with  this  country,  will  not  give  un* 
cafmcfs  to  any  other.  As  the  treaty  is  not  yet  ratified,  it 
would  be  improper  to  publifh  it.  It  appears  to  me  to  be,  up- 
on the  whole,  fair,  and  as  equal  as  could  be  expected.  In 
fome  refpecls,  both  nations  will  probably  be  pleafed,  and  ir| 
ethers,  difpleafed. 


From  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  to  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary 
of  tit  United  States  of  Ameriua. 

Paris,  I8//6  Nivofe,  ^d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 
(January  %th,   1795-^ 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

BY  the  folicitude  we  mew  to  communicate  to  you  our 
arrete  of  the  i4th  of  this  month,  you  will  judge  of  our  zeal 
to  keep  you  conftantly  inftrucled  of  our  effort?  to  maintain 
the  relations  of  a  fmcere  ftiendfhip  between  the  United  States 
and  die  French  Republic. 

(Signed) 

CAMBACERES,      BREARD,  &c. 

ExtraR  >f  the  Regijler  of  Arrets  of  the  Committee  of  Public 

Safety,  cf  the 

I4//6  Nivofe,  ^d  year  of  the  Republic. 

January,   1795.^ 


THE  committee  of  public  fafety,  confidering  that  by 
the  twenty-third  article  of  the  treaty  of  commerce,  between 
France  and  the  United  States  of  America,  bearing  date  on 
ike  6th  of  February,  1778,  it  is  agreed  : 

i.  That  the  people  of  France  and  America  may  navigate 
reciprocally,  in  complete  fafety,  with  their  veflels,  and  with- 
out exception  as  to  the  owners  of  the  merchandize  charged 
upon  fuch  vefTels  ;  or  as  to  the  ports  from  whence  they  come, 
and  although  the  power  for  which  they  be  deftined  be  ac- 
tually at  war,  or  become  afterwards  the  enemy  of  the  one 
cr  the  other  contracting  party  :  That  they  may  equally  navi- 
gate in  full  fafety  with  their  veflels  and  merchandize,  and 
frequent  the  places,  ports,  and  harbours  of  the  enemies  of 


C    107    1 

both  nations,  or  of  either,  and  carry  on  trade,  not  only  from 
the  port  of  an  enemy  to  that  of  a  neutral  power,  but  alio 
from  different  ports  of  the  fame  enemy  :  2.  That  iree^ 
{hall  make  free  goods,  and  that  any  thing  fhall  be  considered 
as  free,  which  fhall  be  found  on  board  the  veiiels  of  either 
contracting  nation,  although  it  belong  in  whole  or  in  part  to 
the  enemies  of  either  the  one  or  the  oilier,  contraband  always 
excepted:  3.  That  the  fame  liberty  fnall  be  extended  to  thcle 
who  are  found  on  board  free  vefTels,  although  they  be  the 
enemies  of  either  the  one  or  the  other  contracting  nation  ; 
and  in  confequence  that  fuch  perfons  fhall  not  be  taken  frcm 
fuch  vefiels,  unlefs  they  be  foldiers  in  the  actual  fervice  of 
the  enemy  : 

Confidering  that  the  crimes  of  England,  having  given  to 
the  war  of  defpotifm  againft  liberty,  a  character  of  injuftice 
and  atrocity  without  example  in  the  annals  of  mankind; 
the  national  convention  found  itfelf  obliged,  in  ufmg  the 
right  of  reprifal,  to  decree  on  the  pth  of  May,  1793,  that  the 
veflels  of  war  and  corfairs  of  the  Republic,  might  take  and 
conduct  into  the  ports  of  France,  fuch  veflels  of  the  neutral 
powers  as  they  mould  find  charged  in  whole,  or  in  part, 
with  provifions  belonging  either  to  fuch  powers  or  the  ene- 
mies of  France:  Soon  afterwards,  however,  and  on  the  ift 
July,  1793,  the  convention  reftored  in  full  vigour  the  clifpo- 
fitions  of  the  treaty  above  mentioned,  of  the  6th  of  February, 
1778;  but  which  were  again  revoked  by  a  decree  of  the  27th 
of  the  fame  month,  in  reipc£t  to  provifions  and  merchan- 
dizes belonging  to  an  enemy ;  upon  which  latter  ground  it 
has  flood  fince,  leaving  the  provifions  and  merchandizes  of 
neutral  powers  in  fuch  verlels  free  :  In  regard  to  which  the 
French  government  has  not  to  reproach  itfelf  with  having 
waited  to  mew  itfelf  juft  and  loyal,  that  the  cabinet  of  Lon- 
don might  revoke,  as  it  did  a  long  time  afterwa-'ls,  the  or- 
der by  it  given  the  preceding  year,  to  feize  all  neutral  veutis 
carrying  provifions  or  merchandizes  into  France  : 

Confidering  that  fince,  and  notwithstanding  die  notoriety 
with  which  this  cabinet  continues  to  infult  and  violate  the 
rights  of  neutral  nations,  by  caufmg  their  vcfTds  charged 
with  merchandize,  deftined  for  the  ports  of  France,  to  be 
feized  ;  yet  the  national  convention  has  enjoined  it  by  the 
feventh  article  of  the  law  of  the  i5th  of  this  month,  upon 
all  officers  civil  and  military,  ftriftly  to  obferve,  in  all  their 
difpofitions,  the  treaties  which  unite  France  with  the  r.eutra! 
powers  of  the  ancient  continent,  as  likewife  \vith  the  United 


States  of  America,  declaring  all  articles  of  a  contrary  import 
in  any  other  law  to  be  abfolutely  null  and  void  : 

Fully  therefore  to  carry  into  effect:  the  faid  law,  according  to 
its  true  intent  and  meaning,  it  is  hereby  ordered ; — 

ARTICLE  I.  The  commiilion  of  marine  and  of  the  colonies, 
fhall  notify,  without  delay,  to  all  the  commanders  of  armed 
vefTels,  divifions  and  fquadrons,  the  article  above  mentioned 
of  the  law  of  the  i3th  of  this  month  ;  and  in  confequence 
that  they  are  to  confider  the  fifth  article  of  the  arrete  of  the 
25th  Brumaire  laft,  which  authorized  the  feizure  of  mer- 
chandizes belonging  to  an  enemy,  on  board  neutral  veffels, 
until  fuch  enemy  {hall  have  declared  French  property  on 
board  fuch  veffels  free,  as  now  null  and  void. 

ART.  II.  The  merchandizes  called  contraband,  though 
belonging  to  a  neutral  power,  mail  continue  fubject  to 
feizure. 

ART.  III.  All  arms,  inftrumetits,  and  munitions  of  war 
of  every  kind,  horfes  and  their  equipage,  and  all  kind  pf 
merchandizes  and  other  effects  deftined  for  an  enemy's  port 
actually  blockaded  or  befieged,  (hall  be  deemed  contraband 
of  war. 

(Signed) 

CAMBACERES,     CHAZAL, 

CARNOT,      ,         MAREC, 
PRIEUR,  PELET. 

A.  DUMONT, 


[  No.  IX    ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  February   I/?,    1795-. 


I  WAS  lately  informed  by  Mr.  Jay,  that  it  wa-s  his  in- 
tention to  communicate  to  me  the  contents  of  his  treaty  with 
the  Britim  adminiflration,  and  as  I  knew  the  good  effect  which 
correct  information  upon  that  point  would  produce  upon 
our  affairs  here  (admitting  it  to  be  as  heretofore  represented) 
I  thought  it  my  duty  to  endeavour  to  avail  myfelf  of  it  as  foon 
as  poffible.  But  as  the  communication  promifed,  was  to  be 
in  cypher,  and  Mr.  Morris  had  taken  his  copy  with  him,  I 
knew  that  I  (hould  not  be  able  to  comprehend  it,  in  cafe  it 


was  received.  I  therefore  deemed  the  acquisition  of  it  an  ob- 
ject of  fufficient  importance  to  authorife  the  expenfe  of  an 
cfpecial  difpatch  to  London,  to  obtain  it,  and  have,  in  confe- 
quence,  committed  that  truit  to  Mr.  Purviance;  of  Baltimore, 
who  left  this  immediately  after  the  receipt  of  Mr.  Jay's  letter, 
and  who  was  likewifc  inftruded  to  bring  me  a  copy  of  Mr. 
Pinckney's  cypher,  for  future  ufe.  By  his  return  I  hope  to  be 
enabled  to  remove  all  uneafinefs  upon  that  head,  and  in  which 
I  am  the  more  confident,  from  a  knowledge  that  the  govern- 
ment here  is  well  difpofed  to  view  it  with  the  utmoft  liberality. 

I  was  alfo  lately  informed,  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  Fenwick, 
that  he  underftood  from  Mr.  Mufcoe  Livingfton,  who  had 
lately  arrived  from  Lifbon,  that  Colonel  Humphreys  had 
failed  thence  for  Algiers,  upon  the  bufmefs,  as  was  prefum- 
ed,  intruded  to  him  with  that  Regency  *,  and  that,  prior  to  his 
departure,  he  had  committed  to  him  a  meiTage  for  me,  to  be 
communicated  in  perfon.  Mr.  Fenwick  adds,  that  Mr.  Li- 
vingfton was  taken  fick,  and  in  confequence  deprived  of  his 
fenfes,  juil  as  he  was  about  to  fet  out  from  Bordeaux  for  Paris; 
whereby  he  was  not  only  rendered  unable  to  proceed  on  his 
journey,  but  even  to  communicate  to  him  the  purport  of  his 
mefiage  for  me.  Thus  I  am  left  in  perfect  ignorance,  equally 
of  Colonel  Humphreys'  wim.es,  the  time  of  his  departure  and 
plan  of  operation.  I  intimated  to  you  before,  that  although 
I  had  written  to  Colonel  Humphreys  for  information  upon 
that  point,  and  with  the  view  of  forwarding  his  wiflies  to  the 
utmoft  of  my  power  •,  yet  I  was  fearful,  in  confideration  of 
thofe  ernbarraffments,  which  were  infeparable  from  the  war, 
ft  would  be  difficult  to  concert  any  plan  of  harmonious  opera- 
tion, which  fhculd  commence  and  proceed  from  fuch  diftant 
points,  whereby  the  aid  of  this  Republic  could  be  yielded  us 
in  that  negociation.  Under  prefent  circumftances,  therefore, 
you  will  readily  perceive,  that  it  has  become  altogether  im- 
poflible. 

The  French  troops  have  at  length  entered  Arnfterdarn, 
whereby  the  whole  of  the  province  of  Holland  was  brought 
immediately  under  the  power  of  this  Republic,  as,  indeed, 
the  whole  of  the  Seven  United  Provinces  moft  probably  foon 
will  be.  This  was  announced  a  few  days  paft  to  tiie  convention, 
by  a  letter  from  the  deputies  in  that  quarter;  two  of  whom,  it 
is  faid,  are  on  their  way  to  render  an  account  in  detail  of  this 
very  important  acquifition.  It  is  reported,  that  Breda  and 
Bergen-op-zoom  have  furrendered :  Indeed  the  general  idea 
is,  that  no  further  oppofition  will  be  made  there  to  the  French 
arms,  and  of  courfe,  that  this  Republic  will  b?corn? 


feiTed  cf  the  fleet  and  immenfe  ftores  of  every  kind.  The 
Prince  of  Orange,  with  his  family,  accompanied  by  feveral 
members  of  the  States  General,  had  made  their  efcape  •,  but 
by  what  route, and  whether  for  London  or  Berlin,  is  unknown. 

After  the  entry  of  the  French  into  Amfterdam  was  certain, 
and,  in  confequence,  the  entire  conqueii  of  the  Seven  Provin- 
ces more  than  probable,  an  effort  was  made  by  the  States 
General  to  yield  the  fume  thing,  upon  terms ;  for  the  purpofe 
of  putting  the  Republic  in  pofiemon  of  the  country,  by  treaty 
inftead  of  conqueit  -,  and  with  this  view  an  agent,  who  arriv-. 
cd  here  about  a  fortnight  before  that  event,  was  difpatched  j 
and  who  oiTered,  as  I  am  well  affured,  to  furrender  all  the 
important  fortifications  of  the  country,  and  to  provide  at  their 
own  expenfe,  and  for  the  refidue  of  the  war,  quarters  and 
provisions  for  fuch  force  as  mould  be  deemed  adequate  to  hold 
them  :  To  yield  immediately  twenty-five  fail  of  the  line,  and 
-likewife  to  pay  at  Rated  times,  convenient  for  both  parties, 
the  fum  of  three  hundred  millions  of  florins.  But  it  was 
known  by  the  committee,  that  without  an  accident  as  much 
might  be  gained,  and  perhaps  more,  by  conqueft  :  Thac  the 
latter  mode,  which  knew  of  no  condition,  freed  them  from 
fetters,  and  of  courfe  from  the  pofiibility  of  any  future  im- 
putation of  breach  of  treaty,  and  of  violated  faith.  The  agent, 
however,  who  was  an  ancient  minifter  of  that  government 
here,"  was  fufrered  to  remain,  and  treated  with  refpecl:,  whilft 
orders  were  iflued  to  the  troops  to  advance,  and  which  were 
obeyed. 

There  arrived,  about  the  fame  time,  a  deputation  from  the 
patriots,  who  affociating  with  Mr.  Van  Staphorft,  arid  one  or 
two  others,  of  thofe  who  were  banifhed  from  their  country 
in  1787,  endeavoured  to  counteract  the  movements  of  the 
agent  from  the  States  General,  and  to  attract  to  the  patriotic 
body  the  attention  of  the  convention.  Before  the  entry  into 
Amilerdam,  they  wimed  admittance  to  the  bar,  as  well  for 
that  purpofe,  as  to  found  the  dif^ofition  of  the  convention  in 
regard  to  the  futurefate  of  Holland.  But  in  that  ftage  it  was  eva- 
ded, perhaps  from  policy;  perhaps  from  the  real  impropriety  of 
exprefling  any  opinion  upon  that  point,  in  the  then  (late  of 
affairs ;  or  perhaps  indeed  from  the  impoflibility  of  forming 
on~.  But,  fince  that  event,  they  were  admitted,  and  with  an 
addrefs  founded  on  it,  though  in  other  refpe&s  adapted  as 
was  before  intended.  The  anfwer  of  the  President  was  re- 
fpecl ul,  but  cautious  ;  for  whilft  it  breathed  a  fpirit  of  patri- 
otifm,  and  of  particular  regard  for  the  ancient  virtues  of  the 
lijlgic  Confederacy,  and  of  Courfe  left  them  no  caufe  of  com- 


L     "I     3 

plaint,  it  carefully  avoided  all  compromitment  of  the  govern- 
ment it  felt*. 

What  will  be  the  future  fate  of  thofe  provinces  is  altogether 
uncertain,  and  muft  be  in  a  great  meafure  dependant  on 
events.  At  prefent  I  am  fatisfied  there  is  no  fettled  plan  on 
th,it  head,  nor  indeed,  is  it  pofftble  there  ihouki  be,  within 
fo  ihort  a  fpace  of  time.  Many  members,  and  among  them 
fome  of  diflinguifhed  weight  in  the  convention,  feemed  dif- 
pofed  to  extend  the  future  boundary  of  the  Republic  to  the 
Rhine  ;  and,  of  courfe,  to  comprehend  within  its  limits  all 
that  part  of  thofe  provinces  lying  on  this  fide  of  that  river.. 
This  idea  was  lately  avowed  by  BoifTy  d'Anglas,  a  member  or 
the  committee  of  public  fafety,  in  a  fpeech  delivered  appa- 
rently by  authority  of  that  body,  and  for  the  purpofe  equally 
of  founding  the  convention  upon  the  conditions  of  peace,  to 
afcertain  what  terms  they  would  approve  of ;  as  to  announce 
in  that  informal,  and  of  courfe  not  obligatory,  manner,  to  the 
parties  concerned,  the  ultimata  upon  which  they  might  ex- 
peel:  it.  In  this  he  prcpofes  that  the  Republic  (hall  be  here- 
after bounded  only  ;  "  by  the  ocean,  the  mountains  and  the 
great  rivers."  Be  this  however  as  it  rnay,  I  think  it  certain, 
unlefs  the  fortune  of  the  war  ihould  infpire  other  councils, 
that  the  whole  of  thefe  provinces  will  be  retained  in  the  hands 
of  this  Republic  until  its  termination,  and  be  made,  in  the 
progrefs,  as  inftrumental  to  that  event,  in  its  favour,  as  cir- 
cumftances  will  admit  of. 

But  even  in  cafe  they  be  not  difmembered,  a  revolution  in 
their  government  feems  to  be  unavoidable.  Their  ibrorig  pods, 
their  harbours,  perhaps  their  fleet,  will  be  under  the  controul 
of  France,  and,  of  courfe,  their  councils  likewife  will  be  fo. 
Ancient  forms  may  for  awhile  remain,  but  it  is  not  pofliblcj 
under  circumftances  of  this  kind,  that  they  mould  be  more 
than  forms.  Half  the  political  regulations  c-r  the  country, 
perhaps  the  whole,  will  proceed  from  the  reprefentatives  of 
this  Republic  with  the  army  :  Nor  will  any  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, other  than  thofe  of  decided  patriotifm,  be  employed 
by  them,  in  any  office  of  truft  or  profit.  Thus  the  weight 
and  authority  of  the  government  will  be  gradually  transferred 
to  the  popular  fcale.  The  people  at  large  will  foon  take  the 
admonition,  and  from  that  moment  the  ancient  fabric, 
which  was  before  tottering,  will  be  levelled  with  the  ground. 
The  ordinary  allurements  of  freedom  are  fttfficiently  great 
to  the  mafs  of  mankind  to  require  no  additional  recommen- 
dation in  its  favour,  and  the  hand  of  power  mull  be  ftrorig 
where  it  is  net  purfued  with  efFecl: ;  but  in  the  prefent  in- 


itartce,  the  additional  inducement  will  be  great ;  for  as  it  is 
well  known,  that  this  Republic  can  repofe  no  confidence  in 
ihe  exifting  government,  and  efpecially  in  the  houfe  of 
Orange,  and  which  might  not  be  the  cafe  and  moft  probably 
would  not,  with  that  which  would  fucceed  a  revolution  -,  fo  it 
mull  be  equally  obvious  that  its  continuance  will  furnifh  a 
ftrong  argument  here  for  the  difmemberment.  This  confi- 
deration,  therefore,  will  add  a  new  ftimulus  to  all  thofe  who 
incline  rather  to  preferve  the  independence  of  their  country, 
than  become  reduced  into  a  few  departments  of  France. 

Before  this  great  atchievemcnt,  and  which  refembles  more 
an  exploit  of  the  ancient  Roman  empire,  than  thofe  of  mo- 
dern princes,  there  was  a  collection  of  diplomatic  characters, 
formal  and  informal,  from  feveral  of  the  powers  at  war,  and 
others  friendly  to  fome  of  them,  at  Bafle  in  Switzerland, 
and  who  expected  to  be  met  there  by  fome  agent  or  agents 
from  this  Republic,  to  commence  negociations  for  peace. 
But  as  foon  as  they  heard  of  this  event,  that  profpecl:  vanilh- 
ed,  and  it  is  faid  that  fome  of  them  have  retired  home,  and 
others  arrived  here  to  confer  more  directly  with  the  govern- 
ment itfelf.  Count  Carletti,  from  Florence,  and  Baron  Stael, 
from  Sweden,  men  faid  to  be  friendly  to  the  French  revolu- 
tion, are  thofe  only  who  are  known,  and  the  latter  is  fuppo- 
fed  rather  to  expedr,  than  to  have  brought,  his  credentials 
with  him. 

I  herewith  tranfmit  to  you  fome  communications  received 
from  Mr.  Skipwith,  and  which  will  mew  the  (late  of  the 
Bordeaux  and  St.  Domingo  claims  ,  and  I  beg  of  you  to  be 
affured  of  the  uriremitted  attention  which  I  mail  continue  to 
pay  to  thefe  concerns,  and  indeed  to  every  other  in  which 
my  countrymen  are  interefted. 


5th  February,  P.  S.  Since  the  above  was  written,  fome 
details  have  been  received  of  the  fuccefs  of  the  French  in  the 
United  Netherlands,  and  by  which  it  appears  that  every  thing 
which  was  predicted  in  that  refpecl:  has  been  verified.  Wil- 
liamftadc,  Breda,  Gorcum,  Bergen-op-zoom,  and  the  fleet,  held 
by  the  ice  in  the  Texel,  are  all  taken.  I  inclofe,  however, 
the  papers  containing  thofe  accounts. 


I    "3    3 

From  Mr.  Jay,  to  Mr.  Mtnroe* 
London,  November  2 


WITHIN  this  week  paft  I  have  written  to  you  two- 
letters,  to  inform  you  that  on  the  ipth  inftant,  a  treaty  between 
the  United  States  and  his  Britannic  maje'ty,  was  figned. 
The  defign  of  this  letter  is  chiefly  to  introduce  to  you  Mr, 
Pleaiants  of  Philadelphia,  whofe  connections  there  are  refpec- 
table.  I  have  not  the  pleafure  of  beu>£  perfonally  acquainted 
with  this  gentleman  ;  but  as  a  lellow-citizen,  I  wifti  to  do 
him  friendly  offices,  and  I  am  perfuaded  that  a  fimilar  diipo- 
Gtion  on  your  part  will  enfure  to  him  fudi  a  degree  or  atten- 
tion as  circumftances  may  render  proper.  As  Mr..Pmckney 
has  a  cypher  with  our  other  mini  tiers  in  Europe,  either  he  cr 
I  will  ihortly  ufe  it  in  communicating  to  you  the  principal 
heads  of  the  treaty  confidentially.  You  need  nothefitate  in  the 
mean  time  to  fay  explicitly,  that  it  contains  nothing  repug- 
nant to  onr  engagements  with  any  other  nation. 


from  Mr.  Monroe,  to  Mr.  Jay,  London. 

Paris,  January   l~th,    1795. 

EARLY  in  December  laft,  Englifh  papers  were  receiv- 
ed here,  containing  fuch  accounts  of  your  adjuftment  with 
the  Britifli  adminiftratian,  as  excited  much  uneafmefs  in  the 
councils  of  this  government,  and  I  had  it  in  contemplation  to 
difpatch  a  confidential  perfon  to  you,  for  fuch  information  of 
what  had  been  done,  as  would  enable  me  to  remove  it.  At 
that  moment,. however,  I  was  favoured  with  yours  of  the  25th 
November,  intimating,  that  the  contents  of  the  treaty  could 
not  be  made  known  until  it  was  ratified  ;  but  that  I  might 
fay  it  contained  nothing  derogatory  to  our  exifting  treaties 
with  other  powers.  Thus  advifed,  I  thought  it  improper  to 
make  the  application  ;  becaufe  I  concluded  the  arrangement 
was  mutual  and  not  to  be  departed  from.  I  proceeded,  there- 
fore, to  make  the  beft  ufe  in  my  power  of  the  information  al- 
ready given. 

To  day,  however,  I  was  favoured  with  yours  of  28th 
of  the  fame  month,  by  which  I  find  you  confider  your- 

O 

*  Received  oa  the  r  6th  of  January,  or  ^bout  thattime,  by  Mr  P!?aVits, 


felf  at  liberty  to  communicate  to  jme  the  contents  of  the  treaty, 
and  as  it  is  of  great  importance  to  our  affairs  here,  to  remove 
all  doubt  upon  this  point,  I  have  thought  it  proper  to  refume 
my  original  plan  offending  a  perfon  to  you  for  the  neceffary 
information,  and  have,  in  confequence,  difpatched  the  bearer, 
Mr.  John  Purviance,  for  that  purpofe.  I  have  been  the  more 
induced  to  this  from  the  further  consideration,  that  in  cafe 
I  mould  be  favoured  with  the  communication  promifed  in 
cypher,  it  would  be  impoflible  for  me  to  comprehend  it,  as 
Mr.  Morris  took  his  with  him.  —  Mr.  Purviance  is  from  Ma- 
ryland, a  gentleman  of  integrity  and  merit,  and  to  whom 
you  may  commit  whatever  you  may  think  proper  to  confide 
with  perfect  fafety.  It  is  neceffary,  however,  to  obferve,  that 
as  nothing  will  fatisfy  this  government  but  a  copy  of  the  in- 
ih-ument  itfelf,  and  which,  as  our  ally,  it  thinks  itfelf  enti- 
tled to,  fo  it  will  be  ufelefs  for  me  ,to  make  to  it  any  new 
communication  fhort  of  that.  I  mention  this,  that  you  may 
know  precifely  the  ftate  of  my  engagements  here,  and  how  I 
deemi  it  my  duty  to  act  under  them  in  relation  to  this  object. 
I  *beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  Mr.  Purviance,  for  whatever 
other  information  you  may  with  on  this  fubjecl,  or  the  affairs 
more  generally  of  this  Republic. 


From  the  Secretary  of  Slate  of  the  United  States  >  to  Mr. 

Philadelphia,  December  indy  1794. 
Six, 

ON  the  2yth  inftant,*  I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  the 
duplicate  of  your  letter,  No.  3,  of  the  1  5th  of  September  laft, 
being  the"  firfi  and  only  official  notification  of  your  having 
entered  upon  the  duties  of  your  million. 

Alexander  Duve,rnet,  who  was  appointed  vice-conful  of 
Paris,  during  the  laft  feffion  of  the  Senate,  loitered  here  fo 
long,  without  a  fufpicion  being  entertained  of  his  default, 
that  the  Frefident  has  fuperceded  him  by  commiilioning  Jo- 
feph  Pitcairn,  of  New-  York,  who  goes  off  for  his  refidcnce 
immediately. 

With  the  franknefs  of  my  friendmip,  I  mutf  difcharge  the 
obligation  of  my  office,  by  communicating  to  you  the  opinions 
which  we  .entertain  here  concerning  the  fpeech"  which  you 
made  on  -your  introduction  into  the  national  cbnvention, 

*  Injlani  in  thfe  original,  ultlmz  ncndoubt  intended. 


:.cn  you  iefc  us,  we  all  fuppofed,   that  your  reception-,, 
as  the  minifter  of  the  United  States,  would  take  place  i:i  th« 
private    chamber  of  .fome  committee.     Your  letter  of  cre- 
dence contained  the  degree  of  proiemon,  which  the  gc- 
ment  was  defirous  of  making -,  and  though  the  language  of 
it  would  not  have  been  cooled,  even  if  its  fubfcquc^i:  pubii- 
!.ad  been  forefeen;  ftill  it  was  natural  to  expect,  that  the 
remarks,   with   which   you    might   accompany   its    delivery, 
would  be  merely  oral,  and  therefore  not  expofed  to  the  ran- 
corous criticifm  of  nations  at  war  with  France. 

It  feems,  that  upon  your  arrival  the  downfall  of-  Robef- 
pierre,  and  the  fufpenfion  of  the  ufual  routine  of  bufmefs, 
combined  perhaps  with  an  anxiety  to  dernonftrate  an  affec- 
tion for  the  United  States,  had  {hut  up  for  a  time  the  di- 
plomatic cabinet,  and  rendered  the  hall  of  the  national  con- 
vention the  theatre  of  diplomatic  civilities.  We  mould  have 
fuppofed,  that  an  introduction  there  woujd  have  brought  to 
mind  thefe  ideas.  "  The  United  States  are  neutral  :  The  al- 
lied powers  jealous  :  With  England  we  are  now  in  treaty  : 
By  England  we  have  been  impeached  for  breaches' of  faith  in 
favor  of  France:  Our  citizens  are  notoriouily  gallican  in  their 
hearts:  It  will  be  wife  to  hazard  as  little  as  poffible  on  the  fcore 
of  good  humour :  And  therefore,  in  the  difclofure  of  my 
feelings,  fomething  is  due  to  the  poffibility  of  foftering  new 
fufpicions."  Under  the  influence  of  thefe  fentiments  we 
(hould  have  hoped,  that  your  addrefs  to  the  national  conven- 
tion would  have  been  fo  framed,  as  to  leave  heart-burning  no- 
where. If  private,  affe£tion  and  opinions  had  been  the  only 
points  to  be  confulted,  it  would  have  been  immaterial  where 
or  how  they  were  delivered.  But  the  range  of  a  public  minif- 
ter's  mind  will  go  to  all  the  relations  pf  our  country  with  the 
whole  world.  We  do  not  perceive,  that  your  inftrucjions  • 
have  impofed  upon  you  the  extreme  glow  of  fome  parts  of  your 
addrefs  ;  and  my  letter  in  behalf  of  the  houfe  of  Reprefenta- 
tivesj  which  has  been  confidered  by  fome  gentlemen  as  too 
ftrong,  was  not  to  be  viewed  in  any  other  light,  than  as  exe- 
cuting the  talk  affigned  by  that  body. 

After  thefe  remarks,  which  are  never  to  be  interpreted  into 
any  dereliction  of  the  French  caufe,  I  muft  obferve  to  you, 
that  they  are  made  principally  to  recommend  caution  ;  left  we 
mould  be  obliged,  at  fome  time  or  other,  to  explain  away  or 
difavow  an  excefs  of  fervor,  fo  as  to  reduce  it  down  to  the 
cool  fyftem  of  neutrality.  You  have  it  ftill  in  charge  to  cul- 
tivate the  French  Republic  with  zeal,  but  without  any  unne- 
ceflary  eclat  •,  becauff  the  dictates  of  &ncerity  do  nc:  demand, 


[     ri  6    ] 

f&at  T/C  ihould  render  notorious  ail  our  feelings  in  favour  of 
that  nation. 

In  your  letter  you  fay,  that  you  have  not  been  inftru&ed 
to  defire  a  repeal  of  the  decree,  which  violated  the  23d  and 
24th  articles  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  :  That  you  did  not 
know,  but  it  had  been  tolerated  from  the  foundeit  motives  of 
political  expedience — left  the  demand  for  the  refcinding  it 
might  produce  a  call  for  the  guarantee.  Indeed  you  have  gone 
farther  ;  having  declared  in  your  memorial,  that  you  were  un- 
der no  inftruclions  to  complain  of,  or  requeft  the  repeal  of,  the 
decree  authorizing  a  departure  from  thofe  articles  ;  and  that 
if,  upon  reconfideration,  after  the  experiment  made,  the  com- 
mittee of  public  fafety  mould  be  of  opinion,  that  it  produces 
any  folid  benefit  to  the  French  Republic,  the  American  go- 
vernment, and  your  countrymen  in  general,  would  not  only 
bear  the  departure  with  patience,  but  with  pleafure. 

The  fourth  head  of  injury,  dated  in  your  letter,  fhews  that 
you  were  poiTeiTed  of  cafes,  which  turned  entirely  upon  the 
impropriety  of  the  decree ;  and  fuch  too  was  certainly  the 
fa£t.  Now,  without  the  abrogation  of  the  decree,  fo  far  as 
at  refpedled  thcfe  cafes,  the  redrefs  which  you  were  inftru£t- 
ed  to  demand,  could  not  be  obtained.  In  truth,  there  was 
no  cauie  or  pretence  for  alking  relief,  but  upon  the  ground 
of  that  decree  having  violated  the  treaty.  Does  not  this  view 
lead  to  the  inevitable  conclusion,  that  the  decree,  if  operative 
in  future  inftances,  would  be  no  lefs  difagreeable  ;  and  confe- 
quently,  that  its  operation  in  future  inftances  ought  to  be 
prevented;  a  circumftance,  which  could  be  accomplifhed 
only  by  a  total  repeal.  The  papers  of  the  fhip  Lauren,s, 
contained  a  reference  to  one  or  more  reprefentations  of  Mr. 
Morris  againft  the  decree;  fo  that  the-bufmefs  had  been 
actually  broken  to  the  French  government. 

Neither  thefe  reprefentations,  nor  yet  your  application, 
appears  to  have  fuggefted  a  requifition  of  the  guarantee.  The 
omimon  to  demand  its  fulfilment  up  to  this  day,  is  a  proof, 
that  their  policy  did  not  approve  of  fuch  meafure  :  And  in 
this  they  were  wife;  fmce  we  mould  have  been  lefs  advanta- 
geous to  them  by  anociating  in  the  war,  than  we  have  been 
in  our  neutral  character.  If  I  am  not  miftaken,  this  fentiment 
has  been  delivered  often  by  Mr.  Fauchet.  Befides,  you  might 
have  very  readily  repelled  any  ferious  allufion  to  the  guarantee, 
by  faying,  as  your  inftru&ions  indicate,  that  you  were  directed 
to  fend  that  fubjecl:  on  this  fide  of  the  water.  I  muft  add  another 
observation;  that  I  do  not  fee  how,  if  you  are  to  be  deterred 
by  the  guarantee;  you  can  ever  claim  cornpenfatiory  for  an 


C  -115    3 

infra&ion  of  the  treaty  •,  fmce  you  will  always  be  in  danger 
of  having  it  brought  up  to  you. 

But,  my  good  Sir,  let  thefe  things  be  as  they  will,  was 
it  necefiary  to  intimate,  that  an  indifference  prevailed  in  our 
government  as  to  thefe  articles,  by  a  declaration,  that  you 
were  not  inftrucled  to  complain  of  the  decree  ?  I  confefs, 
that  I  am  unappriied  of  the  data  upon  which  fuch  an  opinion 
could  be  founded :  And  undoubtedly  the  Prefidcnt  himfelf 
would  not  undertake,  that  the  people  cf  the  United  States 
would  bear  with  patience  a  departure  from  ftipulations, 
which  are  generally  believed  to  be  important  to  us.  But 
if,  from  our  friendlhip  to  the  French  Republic,  we  might 
: fuftain  a  miichief  with  pleafure -,  ftiil  we  mould  not  choofe 
that  the  affumption  of  one  of  our  rights,  without  confult- 
ing.  us,  mould  become  a  precedent  for  the  affumption  of  any 
other. 

Let  me  therefore  intreat  you,  if  my  letter  of  July  3Oth, 
has  not  already  (Simulated  you  to  remonitrate  againft  the 
decree,  to  do  fo  without  delay.  We  do  not  v/iih  you  to 
fv/erve  from  the  line  of  conciliation,  which  -is  marked  out  in 
the  laft  paragraph  of  your  letter.  On  the  contrary,  concilia- 
tion which  does  not  detract  from  the  dignity  of  his  govern- 
ment, its  rights,  and  his  own  felf-refpect,  is  a  valuable  quali- 
ty in  a  minilter.  We  only  hope,  that  the  committee  (if  pub* 
lie  fafety  may  not  continue  in  the  belief,  that  the  Executive 
are  of  opinion,  that  it  will  be  fatisfactory  to  difpenfe  with 
the  articles. 

I  am  extremely  happy  in  afluring  you,  that  many  of  Mr. 
Fauchet's  difcontents  have  been  removed.  The  documents 
concerning  the  failure  to  falute  the  Semillante,  and  the  fup- 
pofed  infult  to  the  Favorite,  are  enclofed  to  you,  that  you 
may.be  able  to  evince  our  folicitude  to  cement  our  good  will 
on  every  occafion  which  is  offered. 

Colonel  Alexander  Anderfon  of  this  city,  who  has  a  claim 
for  compenfation,  and  whofe  age-nt  will  call  upon  you,  rc- 
quefts  me  to  forward  the  enclofed  papers.  I  alfo  tranfmit 
fome  imperfect  preparatory  information  in  the  cafe  of  Mr. 
A.  Grade. 

A  frefh  collection  of  fpoliation  papers  is  fent,  according  to 
the  lift  fu-bjoined.  The  newfpapers,  b"V,  accompany  this 
letter. 

I  am,    &c. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State. 


C    »8    3 

French  Spoliations*  December  2d}    ^794- 

1.  Ship  Commerce,  Enoch  Preble,  additional, 

2.  Schooner  Polly,  Price',  additional. 

3.  Sloop  Matfy, 

4.  Brig  Nancy,  Dunning. 

5.  Sloop  Jenny. 

0.  Danifli  ihip  Krageroe. 

7.  Brig  Heel  or,  .additional. 

.8.  Britifn  iliip  Mary  Ann,  and.  the  (hip  John  and  James. 


No.  X. 

FROM  MR.  MOXRQE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris  i  February   12th,   1795* 

SIR, 

I  WAS  honored  with  yours  of.  the  2nd  December,  three- 
days  fince,  and  by  which  I  rind  that  my  third  letter  only  had 
then  reached  you,  although  the  two  preceding,  with  duplicates, 
were  forwarded  according  to  their  reipe£tive  dates,  and  by 
opportunities  which  promifed  fecurity  and  difpatch. 

I  read,  with  equal  furprize  and  concern,  the  ftri£tures  you 
deemed  it  neceiTary  to  make  upon  fome  particulars  of  my  con- 
duct here ;  becaufe  I  think  it  did  not  merit  them,  and  truft, 
upon  a  further  view  of  all  circumstances,  you  will  entertain 
the  fame  opinion.  Of  thefe,  by  this  time,  you  will  ppflefs  a 
general  view  :  A  more  particular  detail,  however,  I  think  pro- 
per now  to  communicate. 

It  is  cbje£ted,  that  I  addreifed  the  convention  with  a  glow 
of  fentiment  not  warranted  by  my  inftru£tions.     Secondly  ; 
that  I  mads  public  what  was  intended,    and  policy' dictated, 
1  be  kept  private.     And  thirdly  ;  that  I  compromised 
,'vernme.nt,   by  faying,  that  it  was  willing  to  tolerate  in-, 
paries,  whicfi  it  was  not  difpofed  to  tolerate  j  whereby  an  im- 
portant intereft  to  our  country  was  flighted  or  given  up. 

"Whether  my  addrefs  contains  a  Tingle  fentiment  or  expref- 
fion  different  from  what  my  inftrucTiions  and  the  declarations 
of  the  legiflative  branches  contain,  is  to  be.  determined  by 
comparing  the  one  with  the  other.  I  had  them  before  me  at  the 
time,  and  drew  it  by  them  ;  of  courfe  I  thought  it  did  not,  and 
1  now  thtnk  fo.  The  force,  however,  of  this  objection  is, 
I  prefume,  comprized  in  the  fecond  ;  for  if  the  communica- 


[     H9     1 

tion  had  been  in  private  and  not  in  pubKc,  the  objection  moft 
probably  would  not  have  been  made.  Upon  this  point,  there- 
fore, a  more  thorough  explanation  is  neceffary,  and  for  this 
purpofe  a  full  view  of  the  circumftances  and  motives  which 
influenced  my  conduct,  equally  fo, 

Upon  my  arrival  here,  I  found  our  affairs,  as  it  was  known 
they  were  before  I  failed,  in  the  word  polllbie  fituation. 
The  treaty  between  the  two  Republics  was  viohied  :  Our 
commerce  was  harrafled  in  every  quarter,  and  in  every  article, 
even  that  of  tobacco  not  exceptsd.  Our  feamen  taken*  on 
board  our  vefiels  were  often  abufed,  generally  imprifoned  and 
treated  in  other  refpe&s  like  the  fubjects  of  the  powers  at  war 
with  them  :  Our  former  minifler  was  not  only  without  the 
confidence  of  the  government,  but  an  object  of  particular  jea- 
loufy  and  diftnift  :  In  addition  to  which  it  was  fufpecled, 
ttfiat  we  were  about  to  abandon  them  for  a  connection  with 
England,  and  for  which  purpofe  principally  it  was  believed 
that  Mr.  Jay  had  been  fent  there.  The  popular  prepofleffion 
too  in  our  favor  had  abated,  and  was  in  fome  meafure  at  a 
ft  and  ;  for.^the  officers  of  die  fleets  from  America  had  brought 
unfavourable  accounts  of  our  difpofitions  towards  them.  Thus 
the  connection  between  the  two  countries,  hung  as  it  were,  by 
a  thread;  and  I  am  convinced,  that  if  fome  peribn  poiTeffinT 
their  confidence  had  not  been  font,  it  would  have  been  broken. 

My  firft  reception  was  marked  with  circumftances  which 
fully  demcnftrated  thefe  facts,-  and  (hewed  how  critical  the 
ground  was  on  which  we  ftood ;  for  it  is  unqueftionably  true, 
that  notwithstanding  my  political  principles  \vere  fubfcribed 
to,  the  committee,  or  the  governing  party  in  it,  were  difpol- 
ed  to  delay  my  reception,  throw  me  entirety  cut  of  view,  a:»:d 
deftroy  altogether  the  effect,  of  my  miflion.  It  was  faid,  that 
as  my  principles  were  with  them,  I  ought  on  that  account 
to  be  the  more  avoided;  for  if  they  confided  in  me,  I  mould 
only  lull  them  afleep  as  to  their  true  intereft,  in  regard  to  the 
movements  on  foot  •,  and  under  this  imprefiion,  I  was  viewed 
with  a  jealous  eye,  and  kept  at  the  moft  awful  diilance.  Thii 
deportment  towards  me  was  fo  obfervable,  that  it  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  reprefentatives  of  other  powers  here,  and  was 
moft  probably  communicated  elfe where. 

Into  what  confequences  this  policy,  which  was  hoftile  to 
us,  might  lead,  I  could  not  readily  perceive  ;  but  I  was  alarm- 
ed on  that  head;  for  I  well  knew  that  an  avowed  enmky  by 
this  government,  againft  our  executive  adminiftration,  and 
in  which  (hape  it  threatened  to  break  out ,  purfued  with  paf- 
as  I  had  reafon  to  apprehend  it  would  be,  would  not 

-    .    _.     „  fj 


only  injure  our  national  character,  but  likewife  difturb  our 
internal  tranquility,  and  perhaps  involve  us  in  war.  The 
interval  between  fuch  a  ilep  and  the  exifting  ftate  of  things 
was  fmall,  and  in  the  tide  of  their  fortunes,  which  were  pro- 
fperous,  I  was  fearful  it  would  be  taken.  Thus  circum- 
ftancecl,  what  courfe  did  policy  dictate  that  I  ihould  purfue  ? 
Did  it  become  me  to  look  on  as  a  tranquil  fpe£tator  of  ma- 
chinations that  portended  fo  much  miichief  to  my  country  ; 
or  was  it  more  wife,  more  coniiilent  with  the  obligations  of 
the  truft  I  had  accepted,  to  make  a  decisive  effoxt  to  defeat 
them  ?  And,  adopting  the  latter  counfel,  in  what  line  fhould 
that  effort  be  directed,  or  by  what  means  enabled  to  fuc- 
cecd?  The  doors  of  the  committee,  as  already  mentioned, 
were  clofed  againft  me:  And  had  it  been  otherwife,  knowing  as 
I  did  the  difpofition  of  that  body  towards  us,  would  it 
have  been  prudent  to  have  dcpoftted  thofe  documents  under 
its  care,  fince  they  furnifhed  the  only  means  by  which  I  could 
counteract  its  views  ?  Or  was  it  to  be  prefumed,  that  the  de- 
clarations of  friendmip  which  they  contained,  would  produce 
in  the  councils  of  that  body  any  change  of  fentiment,  advifed 
as  it  had  been,  and  armed  as  it  was,  with  a  feries  of  contrary- 
evidence,  and  in  which  it  would  place  a  greater  confidence  ? 
I  can  aiTure  you,  and  with  great  fincerity,  that  after  taking 
in  my  mind,  fo  far  as  I  was  able,  and  with  perfect  calmnefs 
(for  the  imputations  again  It  me  were  not  of  a  nature  to  infpire 
zeal)  that  range  of  our  affairs  in  their  general  relation  to 
thofe  of  other  powers,  and  in  which  you  deem  my  conducl- 
defective^ — that  the  meafure  I  adopted  appeared  to  me 
not  only  the  moft  eligible  one}  but  that,  in  the  then  juncture 
of  affairs,  I  thought  it  my  indifpenfable  duty  to  adopt  it. 
Nor  was  I  difappointed  in  any  of  the  confequences  upon 
which  I  had  calculated  ;  for  by  this  public  demonftration  of 
our  regard  for  this  nation  and  its  revolution  (though  indeed  the 
word  was  not  ufed)  the  people  at  large  were  fettled  on  the 
right  fide  :  The  abettors  of  a  contrary  do6trine  were  in  a  great 
meafure  confqunded ;  and  as  foon  as  the  impreifion  upon 
the  public  mind  had  time  to  react  back  upon  the  public 
councils,  aided  by  the  little  incidents  I  caught  at  to  infpire 
confidence,  together  with  a  change  of  the  members  of  the 
committee,  was  the  obje£t,  even  in  that  body,  though  flow- 
]y,  yet  finally,  completely  accomplimed. 

But  you  intimate  that  I  ought  to  have  fhunned  this  publici- 
ty, from  the  fear  it  might  injure  our  depending  negociations 
with  Britain  and  Spain.  Had  I  feen  cauie  to  apprehend  that 
conference,  I  ihould  certainly  have  been  more  aveiic  to  the 


meafure :  But  that  there  was  none ;  on  the  contrary,  that  It 
would  produce  the  oppofite  effecl,  was  in  my  opinion  certain. 
In  demonftrating  this,  permit  me  to  develope,  according  to 
my  idea  of  it,  the  object  of  Mr.  Jay's  miflion,  and  the  con- 
tingencies upon  which  his  fuccefs  depended.  This  will  (hew 
the  relation  which  mine  had  to  his,  and  more  fatisfactorily 
than  I  can  otherwife  do,  the  motives  in  that  refpeft  of  my  con- 
duel. 

I  underftood  that  the  fole  object  of  Mr.  Jay's  miflion  was 
to  demand  the  furrender  of  the  ports,  and  comperifation  for 
injuries,  and  was  perfuaded  that  his  fuccefs  would  depend  up- 
on two  primary  confiderations  ;  the  fuccefs  of  the  French  ar- 
mies and  the  continuance  of  a  molt  perfect  good  underftand- 
ing  between  the  two  Republics.  If  we  \\  •  re  difappointed  in 
either  of  thefe  evens,  I  concluded  that  his  miflion  would  fail  ; 
for  we  knew  that  a  long  and  able  negociation  for  the  firft  ob- 
ject hard  already  proved  abortive,  and  we  faw  in  the  preceding 
year,  when  Toulon  was  taken,  and  fortune  feemed  to  frown 
upon  the  arms  of  this  Republic,  that  an  order  was  ifiiied  for 
thofe  fpoliations  of  which  we  fo  juftly  complain.  We  iike- 
wife  faw  afterwards,  when  the  fpirit  of  this  nation  was  roufed 
and  vy£tory  attended  its  efforts,  that  that  order  was  refcinded 
and  fome  refpecl:  (hewn  to  the  United  States.  Thus  it  ap- 
peared, that  our  fortune,  at  leafl  fo  far  as  depended  upon  Bri- 
tain, and  of  courfe  the  fuccefs  of  Mr.  Jay's  miflion,  depended 
upon  that  of  France. 

But  the  fuccefs  of  France  could  npt  redound  to  our  advan- 
tage, and  efpecially  in  the  negociation  with  Britain,  without  a 
good  underftanding  and  concert  with  the  French  government: 
For  without  which,  we  could  neither  count  upon  fuccefs  in 
negociation*  nor  in  cafe  it  failed,  upon  the  fortunate  iflue  of 
arms,  if  war  mould  be  appealed  to.  By  negociation  we  could 
not  hope  for  fuccefs  otherwise  than  from  the  apprehenfion  in 
the  Britifh  cabinet,  that  if  we  were  not  accommodated,  we 
would  join  in  the  war  againft  them  :  We  could  not  accept  it 
at  the  price  of  an  equivalent,  and  thus  pay  again  for  what  was 
already  our  due :  Nor  could  we  expect  it  from  the  affeclion,  the 
juftice  or  the  liberality  of  that  court ;  for  we  well  knew  that 
if  it  had  polTefled  thofe  virtues,  we  fhoujd  have  had  no  caufe 
of  complaint.  But  we  could  not  join  in  the  war,  nor  even 
avail  ourfelves  of  that  argument  in  negcciation,  without  a 
concert  with  France ;  for  without  fuch  concert,  we  might 
commence  at  the  moment  flie  was  about  to  conclude ; 
whereby  we  ihould  be  left  alone  to  contend  with  that  power; 
would  probably  be  fupported  by  Spain.  If  then  our  good 
R 


undcfftanding  with  France  was  broken,  or  the  necefTary  concert 
between  us  incomplet-,  Britain  would  only  have  to  amufe  us 
'till  the  ciifis  had  parTed,  and  then  defy  us. 

If  this  doctrine  is  true,  and  it  is  admitted,  that  the  fuccefs 
of  Mr.  Jay's  million  depended  upon  a  good  underftanding  with 
the  French  Republic,  it  follows,  that  the  more  cordial  it  was, 
and  the  more  generally  known,  the  happier  the  effect  would 
be  ;  and  of  courfe  that,  by  exhibiting  this  public  proof  of  it, 
infleadof  retarding,  I  forwarded  eflentially  the  object  of  that 
negociution  :  And  fuch,  indeed,  was  my  idea  at  the  timej  for 
I  knew  that  the  movement  would  be  ib  underilood  on  the 
other  Tide  of  the  channel ;  and  in  confequence,  believed  it 
would  produce  a  g-ood  effect,  and  in  which  I  was  the  more 
con  firmed  by  the  information  of  feveral  of  my  countrymen, 
who  were  in  England  when  the  embargo  was  impofed,  and 
who  allured  me  that  if  it  had  been  continued,  Mr.  Jay's  fuc- 
cefs would  have  been  immediate. 

That  the  Englifh  adminiftration  would  complain  of  this 
movement,  and  of  me,  was  what  I  expected ;  but  I  knew  that  I 
was  fent  here  not  to  fubferve  the  views  of  that  adminiftration, 
and  trufted  that  whilft  I  refted  on  my  inftructions,  and  per- 
formed my  duty  with  integrity,  although  my  judgment  might 
occafionly  err,  as  thofe  of  moil  men  fometimes  do,  that  no 
conccffion  would  be  made  to  my  difcredit,  in  favour  of  that 
adminiftration :  On  the  contrary,  that  I  mould  be  firmly 
fupported  againft  its  attacks  by  thofe  who  fent  me  here. 
I  truit  that  this  has  been  the  cafe  in  the  prefent  inftance, 
and  upon  which  point  I  am  more  Anxious,  upon  pmblic  than 
private  confederations  •,  becaufe  I  well  know,  that  if  any  fuch 
concerTion  h?.s  been  made,  it  was  immediately  communica- 
ted by  its  inftruments  here,  and  for  the  purpofe  of  weakening 
ilic  confidence  of  thrs  government  in  our  own  ;  a  practice 
fyihernatically  purfued  heretofore,  and  with  the  hope  offepa- 
i\iting,  or  at  leaft  of  preventing  any  kind  of  concert  between 
the  two  countries. 

Had  the  fortunes  of  France  been  unprofperous  upon  my 
arrival  here,  the  motive  for  greater  caution  would  have  been 
ilror.ger.  But  the  cafe  was  in  every  refpect  otherwife.  Her 
fortunes  were  at  the  height  of  profperity,  and  thofe  of  her 
:  ii-mies  decifively  on  the  decline.  It  was  obvious  that  no- 
thing was.  wanting  to  preferve  tranquillity  at  home,  and  to 
en  lure  fucctfs  in  our  foreign  negociations,  but  the  good 
wiihes  and  the  good  offices  of  this  republic  towards  us. 
By  the  meafure,  therefpre,  I  thought  that  every  thing  was 
to  be  gained  and  nothing  to  be  loft. 


C    "3.3 

Upon  the  third  point  but  little  need  be  faid.  I  have 
feme  time  fince  tranfmitted  to  you  a  decree  which  carried 
the  treaty  into  effect,  and  yielded  the  point  in  question.  Sa- 
tisfied I  am,  too,  it  was  greatly  forwarded,  if  net  abfolute- 
ly  obtained,  by  the  manner  in  which  it  was  urged :  For  a 
generous  policy  is  better  calculated  to  produce  a  good  effect 
here,  than  a  ftrict  one:  And  other  than  in  tins  light  my 
declaration  cannot  be  confidered.  Surely  I  did  not  concede 
the  point,  nor  intimate  an  indifference  upon  it :  On  the  con- 
trary, I  laboured,  with  the  greateft  force  of  which  I  was  ca- 
pable, to  demonstrate  the  intereit  we  had  in  it  as  wcii  as 
themfelves :  Nor  did  I  condefcend  in  that  or  any  other 
tranfaction.  In  general  I  know  I  am  more  apt  to  err  on 
the  other  fide ;  and  I  am  perfuaded,  that  in  the  pr.k 
fiance  you  will  find,  upon  a  perufal  of  the  paper  in  qutition, 
that  although  it  contains  expreilions  of  friendihip,  it  certainly 
betrays  none  of  condefcenfion. 

I  have  thus  anfwered  the  objections  contained  in  your 
ftridtures  upon  my  conduct,  by  Hating  the  circumftances 
under  which  I  ached,  with  my  motives  of  action  ;  and  I  pre- 
fume  fatisfied'you,  that  I  did  not  merit  them.  But  I  cannot 
difmifs  the  fubjett  without  obferving ;  that,  when  I  review 
the  fcenes  through  which  1  have  patted,  recollect  the  difficul- 
ties I  had  to  encounter,  the  fource  from  whence  they  proceed- 
ed, and  my  efforts  to  infpire  confidence  in  our  adminiHration, 
without  which  nothing  could  be  done,  and  much  miichief 
was  to  be  apprehended, — I  cannot  but  feel  mortiiied  to  find, 
that,  for  Jthis  very  fervice,  I  am  cenfured  by  that  adminillra- 
tion. 

You  have  already  feen  by  the  courfe  of  my  correfpondence, 
that  however  difficult  it  was  to  fucceed,  -yet  at  certain  times, 
we  were  completely  pofiefled  of  the  confidence  of  this  go- 
vernment ;  and  that,  at  thefe  times,  I  had  the  good  fortune  to 
accomplim  fome  objects  of  importance  to  us.  But  it  is  likcwife 
my  duty  to  inform  you,  that  I  was  at  the  fame  time  enabhd 
to  penetrate  more  accurately  into  what  would  moft  probably 
be  its  policy  towards  us,  in  cafe  we  continued  to  poflefs  that 
confidence  unimpaired :  And  I  now  declare,  that  I  am  of 
opinion,  if  we  ftood  firmly  upon  that  ground,  there  is  no 
fervice  within  the  power  of  this  republic  to  render,  that  it 
would  not  render  us,  and  upon  the  flighteft  intimation.  In 
the  interval  between  the  period  of  thofe  communications 
which  were  made  by  me  to  the  committee,  explanatory  of 
our  fituation  with  Britain,  Spain,  &c.  and  the  arrival  oi  the 


C     "4     ] 

intelligence  of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  the  indications  of  this  difpc>- 
fition  were  extremely  ftrong  :  For  at  that  time  I  had  reafon 
to  believe,  that  it  contemplated  to  take  under  its  care,  and 
to  provide  for,  our  protection  againft  Algiers  ;  for  the  expuU 
fion  of  the  Britim  from  the  weftern  pofls,  and  the  eftablifh- 
ment  of  our  right  with  Spain  to  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Miflifippi,  to  be  executed  in  the  mode  we  fhould  prefer,  and 
upon  terms  perfectly  eafy  to  us  j  terms,  in  fhort,  which  fought 
only  the  aid  of  our  credit  to  obtain  a  loan  from  our  own 
banks  for  an  inconfiderable  fum,  to  be  laid  out  in  the  pur- 
chafe  of  provifions,  within  our  own  country,  and  to  be  re- 
imburfed,  if  poflible,  by  themfelves.  But  by  that  intelli- 
gence, this  difpofition  was  checked,  but  not  changed ;  for 
it  is  with  the  courfe  of  opinions  as  with  that  of  bodies,  and 
which  are  not  eafily  to  be  forced  in  an  oppofite  direction, 
after  they  have  decifively  taken  a  particular  one.  I  mention 
this  for  your  information,  not  indeed,  in  relation  to  the  paft, 
but  future  meafures  of  the  executive  ;  for  I  am  flill  inclined  to 
believe,  that  if  the  arrangement  with  England,  or  the  nego- 
ciation  with  Spain  mould  fail,  it  is  poflible,  provided  a  fuita- 
ble  attempt  be  made  here  before  a  peace  is  clofed  with  thofe 
powers  refpe&ively,  to  accompliih  the  whole  through  the 
means  of  this  government,  and  upon  terms  which  would 
perhaps  require  no  offenfive  movement,  or  other  aft  which 
would  rightfully  fubjetl  us  to  the  imputation  of  a  breach  of 
neutrality.  Well  fatisfied  I  am,  that  the  full  weight  of  its 
fortunes  might  be  thrown  with  decifion  into  our  fcale,  and 
in  a  manner  that  would  enable  us  to  turn  thofe  fortunes  to 
the  beft  account  in  negociation. 

I  am  happy  to  inform  you,  that  Mrs.  La  Fayfctte  was  lately 
fet  at  liberty  •,  and  although  I  could  not  make  a  formal  appli- 
cation in  her  favor,  yet  it  was  done  in  accommodation  with 
that  which  was  informally  made.  She  attended  immediately 
at  my  houfe,  to  declare  the  obligation  fhe  owed  to  our  coun- 
try, and  of  which  fhe  manifeiled  the  highefl  fenfibility.  Un- 
fortunately fhe  is  and  has  been  for  fome  time  paft  deftitute 
of  refource,  and  in  confequence  required  aid,  not  only  for 
prefent  fupport,  but  to  discharge  the  debts  that  were  already 
due,  and  for  which  fhe  applied  to  me;  and  was  thereupon  fur- 
nifhed  with  a  fum  in  aflignats,  equivalent  to  about  one  thou- 
fand  dollars  in  fpecie.  I  made  this  advance  upon  the  princi- 
ple it  was  my  .duty  to  make  it,  as  the  'reprefentative  of  the 
United  States,  and  in  the  expectation  that  the  like  fum,  which 
would  be  paid  to  my  order  by  our  bankers  in  Amfterdam, 


C    '«*    1 

would  be  taken  from  the  fund  appropriated  to  the  ufe  of  her 
hufband  by  the  congrtfs  in  the  courie  of  the  I  ail  year.  Is 
this  approved,  and  may  I  upon  that  fund  make  future  advances 
adequate  to  her  fupport,  and  for  which  the  intereit  will  per- 
haps iuffice? 

A  treaty  of  peace,  or  rather  of  amity,  with  Tufcany,  with 
the  progrefs  of  a  revolution  in  Holland,  which  has  been  more 
rapid  than  I  expected  it  would  be,  are  the  only  events  wor- 
thy notice,  that  have  taken  place  fmce  my  lait,  and  for  more 
particular  details  refpecling  which  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to 
Mr.  Adet,  to  whofe  care  the  prefent  is  committed. 

P.  S.  I  herewith  inclofe  you  a  report  from  Mr.  Skipwith, 
upon  fome  cafes  that  were  noticed  in  your  laft  difpatch ;  as 
likewife  upon  fome  others  upon  which  application  will  moll 
probably  be  made  to  you,  and  whereby  you  will  be  enabled  to 
give  fatisfa&ory  information  to  the  parties  concerned. 


From  the  Secretary  cf  State  of  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  Mcuroe. 
Philadelphia)  December  $th,  1794. 

SIR, 

SINCE  my  letter  of  the  3cth  ultimo,  which  will  be 
conveyed  by  the  fame  veflel  with  this,  I  have  had  the  honor 
of  receiving  your  very  interetting  letters  of  Augufl  i5th  and 
25th.  They  are  the  more  acceptable,  as  affording  an  earned 
of  your  attention  to  the  kind  of  intelligence,  which  is  to  us 
very  important. 

We  are  fully  fenfible  of  the  importance  of  the  friendmip  of 
the  French  Republic.  Cultivate  it  with  zeal,  proportioned 
to  the  value  which  we  fet  upon  it.  Remember  to  remove 
every  fufpicion  of  our  preferring  a  connection  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, or  in  any  manner  weakening  our  old  attachment  to 
France.  The  caution  fuggefted  in  my  letter  of  the  3cth  ul- 
timo arifes  folely  from  an  honorable  wifh  to  fuftain  our  cha- 
rader  of  neutrality,  in  a  ftyle  which  may  be  a  pattern  for  the 
morality  of  nations.  The  Republic,  while  they  approve  of  the 
purity  of  your  conduct,  cannot  but  be  perfuaded  of  the  puri- 
ty of  our  affe&ion. 

The  Prefident  approves  your  conduft  as  to  the  national 
houfe,  offered  for  your  refidence.  Your  interpretation  of  the 
conftitution  is  correct.  But  you  are  charged,  to  make  known 
his  fenfe  of  this  evidence  of  refpedl. 


C    w«    1 

conful 
I  am, 


The  affair  of  theconful  is  noticed  in  my  letter  of  the  30th 
ultimo. 


EDM.  RANDOLPH. 

Secretary  of  State. 


[  No.  XI.  ] 
FROM  MR.  MONROE,    TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  February  i%th,   1795- 
SIR, 

I  HAVE  juft  been  honored  -^rith  your  favor  of  the  5th 
December,  and  am  much  gratified  by  its  contents.  The  pre- 
ceding one  of  the  2nd  had  given  me  great  uneafmefs,  but 
this  has  removed  it.  I  fincerely  wifh  my  two  firft  letters  had 
reached  you  in  the  order  they  were  written,  as  they  would 
have  prevented  yours  of  the  2nd  December,  by  preventing 
the  imprcffion  which  gave  birth  to  it. 

Be  aflured  I  mall  continue  to  forward,  by  all  the  means  in 
my  power,  the  oojefts  of  my  mi.flion,  and  I  amperfuaded 
with  the  fuccefs  which  might  be  expected  from  tnofe  erforts, 
addreffed  to  the  councils  of  a  nation  well  difpofed  favourably 
to  receive  them.  The  object  of  this  is  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  laft  letter,  and  in  the  expectation  that  it  will 
accompany,  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Adet,  my  lafb  difpatch* 
which  was  in  anfwer  to  the  preceding  one. 

[  No.  XII    ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  March  6th  >   1795. 


I  AVAIL  myfelf  of  the  opportunity  by  Mr.  Adet,  who 
leaves  this  to  fucceed  Mr.  Fauchet,  of  tranfmitting  herewith 
fome  communications  which  have  lately  pafled  between  the 
committee  of  public  fafety  and  myfelf,  upon  the  fubject  of 
our  interfering  claims  with  Spain  ;  and  which  will  ferve  not 
only  ftill  further  to  illuflrate  my  former  difpatches  upon  that 


[  '127    3 

point,  but  likewife  to  mew  the  precife  ground  upon  which 
it  now  refts.  1  had  thoughts  of  declining  any  further  effort 
upon  that  head,  until  I  was  enabled  to  lay  before  the  com- 
mittee the  project  of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty  with  the  Englifh  go- 
vernment, and  which  was  and  dill  is  daily  expected  by  the 
return  of  Mr.  Purviance  ;  but  from  this  I  was  fwerved  by  a 
report,  that  the  outlines  of  a  fteaty  were  nearly  adjufled  be- 
tween the  reprefentatives  of  this  Republic  with  the  army, 
and  fome  agent  of  Spain  on  the  frontier  j  from  the  fear  thac 
the  peace  would  be  clofed  with  that  power  before  our  differ- 
ences were  compromifed.  Thus  circumftanced,  I  deemed 
it  my  duty,  in  conformity  with  my  inftruclicns  (and  the  more 
efpecially,  as  they  had  no  right  to  make  any  inference  with 
refpe&  to  that  project  other  than  I  had  dated)  to  bring 
the  fubjeft  more  fully  before  them  than  I  had  before  done. 
Among  the  papers  inclofed,  which  comprize  the  \vhole  of  whar. 
pafled  between  us  upon  this  fubjecl:,  you  will  obferve  a  note 
of  Merlin  de  Douay,  and  which,  though  given  by  a  fingle 
member,  and  in  reply  to  an  informal  application, — yet,  as  it 
marks  a  remaining  folicitude  upon  the  tranfa£lion  to  which  it 
refers,  I  have  thought  it  equally  my  duty  to  tranfmit  for  your 
information. 

No  peace  is  yet  made  with  Spain,  nor  indeed  with  any 
other  power,  Tufcany  excepted,  which  was  before  commu- 
nicated j  but  it  is  dill  probable  that  one  will  be  made  with  that 
power  and  likewife  with  Pruffia.  It  is,  however,  well  known, 
that  England  is  againft  it ;  and  that  me  exerts  ail  the  addrefs 
which  ingenuity,  prompted  by  intereft,  can  fugged  to  pre- 
vent it  5  and  it  is  poflible  that  thofe  arguments  which  are  ufed 
by  the  minifter  in  the  houfe  of  commons,  to  forward  the 
preparations  for  war,  may  have  weight  in  the  cabinets  of 
other  powers,  and  incline  them  to  protract  any  definitive  ar- 
rangement with  this  Republic,  until  jufl  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  campaign  j  in  the  hopes  of  profiting  in  the 
interim  by  fuch  events  as  the  chapter  of  accidents  may  throw 
in  their  way.  But  I  cannot  think,  if  the  tranquillity  which 
now  reigns  here,  mould  remain  undifturbed,  and  the  inci- 
dents of  the  interval,  in  other  refpecb  prove  favourable  to 
the  revolution,  that  either  of  them,  and  efpeciaily  Spain,  will 
hazard  the  probable  evils  of  another  campaign,  for  any  bene- 
fit the  can  poffibly  expect  from  it.  In  truth,  the  objects  of 
the  war,  fo  far  as  they  were  ever  underdood,  are  now  entire- 
ly changed  :  If  a  difmemberment  of  the  Republic  was  among 
them,  that  rnuft  of  courfe  be  conlidered  as  abandoned  :  Or  if 
the  reiteration  of  the  ancient  monarchy  was  the  fole  one,  the 


[       128      ] 

hope  of  accomplifhing  it  by  arms  muil  now  likevvife  be  confi- 
tiered  as  gone.  Nations  acting  entirely  on  the  defenfive,  ne- 
ver dream  of  conquefts.  The  only  remaining  fource,  from 
whence  the  coalefced  powers  can  derive  the  leaft  hope  of  fuc- 
cds,  is  founded  in  the  poiTibiiity  of  fome  internal  commotion 
being  excited  by  the  fcarcity  of  provifion;  the  derangement  of 
their  finances,  or  the  divifions  of  their  councils  :  Calamities> 
it  is  true,  or  either  of  them  fmgly,  provided  it  attained  to  a 
certain  height,  which  it  is  admitted  would  b.3  fuificient  to 
detlroy  any  government.  But  whether  France  is  threatened 
with  real  danger  from  this  fource,  in  either  of  thofe  views,  is 
the  problem  to  be  folved.  Upon  the  two  firft  points  I  do 
not  pretend  at  prefent  to  be  able  to  decide  with  certainty:  In- 
deed the  beft  informed  can  only  conjecture.  Bread  I  know 
is  fcarce  in  fome  parts ;  and  it  is  pomble  much  diftrefs 
may  be  experienced  in  thofe  quarters,  if  foreign  fupplies  are 
not  obtained,  and  in  great  amount :  But  thefe  are  expected 
from  the  north  and  from  America.  It  is.  probable  too,  that 
this  fcarcity  has  been  encreafed  by  the  fpecuiation  of  individu- 
als, and  in  which  cafe  it  will  diminilh  as  the  exigency  prefTes- 
.  Nor  am  I  (killed  in  their  financial  policy.  When  I  arrived, 
the  allignats  were  depreciated  in  comparifon  with  fpecie,  as 
three  to  one,  and  now  they  have  declined  to  about  five  and 
a  half  for  one.  The  amount  in  circulation,  and  the  fums 
occafionally  emitted,  are  wonderfully  great,  and  the  depreci- 
ation muil  follow  as  a  thing  of  courfe.  What  meafures  will 
be  taken  with  the  paper  is  yet  doubtful.  Formerly,  it  had 
depreciated  in  equal  or  greater  degree,  and  then  it  was  eleva- 
ted to  par,  by  (Inking  out  of  circulation  all  the  bills  of  a 
certain  defcription  ;  fecuring  the  payment  of  the  liquida£e$l 
amount  by  the  mortgage  of  the  national  property,  a-ided  by 
the  maximum  law  which  regulated  the  price  of  every  thing. 
Whether  fome  meafures  of  the  like  kind  will  be  again  adopt- 
ed, or  whether  any  attempt  will  be  nude  to  appreciate  the 
paper,  is  equally  uncertain.  Many  confider  the  appreciation 
as  an  evil  to  be  avoided,  preferring  a  gradual  decline  till  it 
{hall  finally  expire,  and  adopting  then  a  fcale  fuited  progref- 
fively  to  private  contracts,  and  redeeming  the  whole  at  the 
rate  it  purled  in  the  hit  flage  of  circulation.  I  think  if  pro- 
bable this  latter  policy  will  finally  prevail,  as  it  is  advocated 
with  ability  and  zeal  by  fome  who  were  tutored  in  our  fchool. 
The  fubje'ct,  however,  is  dill  under  difcuflion,  and  nothing 
ablblutely  decided  on  it.  If  this  latter  plan  mould  be  pre- 
ferred, although  no  flep  be  taken  to  appreciate  the  paper,  or 
eveu  prevent  its  decline,  a  confiderable  time  will  probably 


rTapfe,  before  the  final  fufpcnficn ;  and  a  ACT  this,  the  Re* 
public  will  ftand  nearly  upon  the  fame  ground  cr*  v.v 
commenced.     Its  debt  will  be  but  irnall,   and  it  v 
be&les  the  ordinary  refource  of  taxati<  i  ::t:icn?.I  tiurnsirss 

to  an  immenfe  amount  ;  equal,  by  cftimsticr.,  to  at  ieait  two 
hundred  millions  fleriing,  in  fpccie  ;  fuppcrt?cl  in  its  credit 
by  Holland  (from  whence  too,  other  aids  are  to  be  expected) 
snd  by  the  reputation  of  its  arms.  I  will,  howr 
more  accurate  furvey  of  this  fubjc£t,  and  give  yen  the  rcfuit 
as  foon  as  poSble. 

And  upon  the  fubjc-cl  of  vihofe  dangers  v/hich  are  prefu- 
med  to  menace  the  fafcty  of  this  Republic  from  the  divifiony 
ef  its  councils,  I  have  but  little  to  add  at  prdtnt  to  the  de- 
tails already  furnifned.  The  pzpers,  herewith  forwarded,  coi:~ 
tain  the  report  of  the  commifiion  of  twenty-one,  upon  the 
denunciation  of  Barrcrc,  £s~V.  and  which  finds  cauie  of  sc- 
cufation.  As  fcon  as  the  report  is  printed,  the  denounced 
will  be  heard  before  the  convection,  who  will  decide,  by 
what  is  called  the  appd  nimln.i!)  for  their  acquittii  cf  tri- 
al;  and  in  the  latter  cafe,  they  will,  -nient  time,  be 
fent  to  the  revolutionary  tribunal,  and  in  rny  cpinion,  finaK 
iy,  to  the  guillotine,  unlefs  dicy  (hxx.ild  pitvicidly  abfcond^ 
as  one  of  them  (Vadier)  hns  already  t'one,  and  which  it.  is 
wrmed,  even  by  thofe  mod  acTtive  in  the  prcfjcution,,  the/, 
all  may  do*  This  particular  incident  xvill  net  be  new  to  yew* 
and  in  ether  refpects  the  councils  of  the  country  bear  th-s- 
fame  afpecl:  they  have  done  from  the  tirrre  of  my  aririval. 

In  contemplating  the  pofSble  cffe£l-5  of  this  profecutior^ 
er  what  may  be  called  a  divifccn  of  the  public  councils,  the 
friends  of  the  revolution  have  caufe  to  regret,  that  firrce  a  dc* 
cifion  upon,  the  conduct  of  th«fe  members  was  to  be  taken,. 
it  was  not  focner  taken.  If  it  had  followed  immediately 
lifter  the  execution  of  Robcfpierre,  it  would  have  occafo  * 
<sd  lefs  noife,  and  borne  lefs  the  afpccl:  of  party  coliifion.  Its 
protraction  too  has  expoled  the  government  to  dartgers  which 
would  not  otherwife  have  exiiled  :  For  by  the  delay,  the  two* 
fold  criiis  of  the  trial,  and  of  famine,  or  rather  the  fcarcitr 
of  provifions,  will  taks  pla,ce  preclfely  at  trs  fame  moment; 
than  which  there  certainly  could  not  be  a  coincidence  of 
events  mote  favorable  to  the  views  of  the  caafcfced  powers, . 
or  unfavourable  to  thofe  of  the  Republic.  But  you  hare  al* 
ready  feeii  by  the  courfe  of  this  tranlattion^  that  although 
the  preponderating  party  has  denounced,  and  may  finally  ex* 
ecute,  thefe  members,  it  hai^  norwithft^nding,  a&ed  rathcf 
upon  the  defienfivc  than  otherwise,  Ji«i 


undertaken  with  that  degree  of  zeal  and  vigor,  of  which 
fo  decided  a  majority  is  always  capable,  they  muft  long  fince 
have  been  earned  to  the  fcaffold.  On  this  fide,  then,  there 
•was  obvioufly  no  plan ;  nor  indeed  is  it  probable  there  was 
any  on  the  other  :  For  I  am  convinced,  that  the  real  objedl  of 
at  leaft  four  out  of  rive,  on  both  fides,  has  been  to  complete 
the  revolution.  The  coincidence,  therefore,  muft  be  deem- 
ed one  of  thofe  unlucky,  but  fortuitous  arrangements,  forced 
by  the  courfe  of  events,  not  to  be  controuled,  and  under 
which  the  friends  of  republican  government  muft  confole 
tfoemfelves  with  the  reflection,  that  although,  in  a  pofiible 
view,  it  may  prove  injurious  to  their  caufe,  yet  if  it  glides 
fmoothly  by,  it  will  produce  a  correfpondent  benefit,  by  de- 
mon it  rating  to  the  world,  how  deeply  rooted  the  principles 
of  the  revolution  are  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

But  does  no  danger  threaten  the  Republic  from  this  fource? 
In  my  opinion  (I  fpeakof  the  prefent  moment  more  particu- 
larly) none:  For,  from  all  thofe  circumftances  which  have  pail- 
cd  under  my  view  fmce  my  arrival,  I  am  fatisfied  that  whilft 
the  majority  of  the  convention  is  on  the  fide  of  the  revolution 
it  will  be  fupported  by  the  people,  and  I  am  even  perfuaded, 
that  if  the  majority  was  againft  it,  although,  in  confequence,  it 
would  be  able  to  occafion  great  confufion  and  do  in  other  re- 
fpecls  much  injury  ;  yet  it  would  not  be  able  to  reftore  the 
ancient  monarchy.  In  advancing  this  pofition,  I  reafon  not 
only  from  recent  incidents,  but  from  paft  events ;  and  by 
which  !  fee  that  the  great  mafs  of  the  French  nation,  through 
all  the  viciflitudes  of  the  war,  and  fuceeflion  of  parties,  was 
always  on  the  fide  of  the  revolution  *,  fupporting  the  conven- 
tion with  an  undeviating  perfeverancej  notbecaufe  it  pofleiTed 
their  unbounded  confidence,  but  bccaufe  they  believed  it  to 
be  true  to  the  main  object,  and  v/as,  of  courfe,  the  only  folid 
rock  upon  which  they  could  reft  with  fafety.  A  variety  of 
circumftances,  marked  in  ftrc:ig  characters  and  by  great  events 
in  the  courfe  of  the  revolution  (heretofore  communicated 
and  which  on  that  account  1  forbear  to  repeat)  tend  to  de- 
monftrate  the  truth  of  this  pofition.  Nor  have  the  citizens 
of  this  Republic  merited,  in  other  refpefts,  the  reputation 
for  turbulence  and  licentioufne(s,  often  afcribed  to  them  in 
foreign  countries  :  For  it  is  unqueftionably  true,  that  the  great 
atrocities  which  have  framed  the  different  ftages  of  the  revo- 
lution, and  particularly  the  maflacres  of  the  2nd  and  3d  Sep- 
tember, 1 792,  -and  tke  invafion  of  the  convention  on  the  3  ift 
May,  1/93,  which  terminated  in  the  arrcftation  and  deftruc- 
tion  of  the  Girondine  party,  did  net  proceed  from  a  liceuu* 


C     '3'     1 

*us  commotion  of  the  people.  On  the  contrary,  k  is  b 
ed,  that  many  of  the  immediate  agents  in  the  firft  were  not 
inhabitants  of  Paris ;  but  brought  from  a  confidernble  dif* 
tance,  and  ibme  even  from  Italy,  put  in  motion  by  fome  fecret 
caufe  not  yet  fully  underftood;  It  is  alfo  affirmed,  that  the 
great  mafs  of  the  people  of  Paris  were  ignorant  of  what  w^ 
perpetrating  at  the  time  of  the  tranfaclion,  aifd  that  thofe  wha 
knew  of  it  were  (truck  with  the  fame  horror  that  we  were 
when  we  heard  of  it  on  the  other  fide  of  the  Atlantic.  And 
fche  movement  of  the  3 1  ft  of  May,  when  they  were  embodied 
and  arranged  againft  the  convention,  was  a  movement  en  their 
part,  in  obedience  to  the  law,  and  for  which  they  were  regu- 
larly fummoned,  and  commanded  by  the  ordinary  officers.  Ir 
is  faid  that  the  great  mafs  knew  nothing  of  the  object  to  which 
they  were  to  be  made  initrumental :  That  the  fecret  wns  de*- 
pofited  with  a  few  only  in  the  convention ;  fuch  as  Robef- 
pierre,  Danton,  &c.  who  governed  the  operation,  and  the 
Mayor  of  the  city  j  the  general  and  fome  principal  officers  of 
the  guards,  and  who  marflialled  the  citizens  out  as  upon  an 
ordinary  parade.  The  party  in  the  houfe,  which  controuled 
the  movement,  knew  how  to  turn  it  to  good  account.  The 
Mayor,  a  partizan  of  Robefpierre,  f*fc.  had  a  few  days  be- 
fore prefented  a  petition,  demanding  the  arreftation  of  the 
twenty-two  members,  and  it  was  now  urged  in  the  houfe  by 
Couthon,  a  leading  member  of  the  fame  party,  that  the  pre- 
ient  difcontents,  and  which  he  faid  occaiiorved  the  movement 
in  queftion,  and  threatened  the  annihilation  of  the  convention,^ 
could  not  be  fatisfied,  unlefs  thofe  cbnoxious  members  were  ar- 
refled.  And  as  the  Girondine  party  did  not  controul  the 
movement,  or  know  any  thing  about  it,  otherwife  than  as  ap- 
pearances announced,  and  which  were  tremendous;  for  Hen- 
riot  was  then  alfo  at  the  head  of  the  guards, — the  declarations 
of  the  other  party  were  believed  to  be  true,  and  the  members 
in  confequence  arrefted.  Thus  by  mere  fmefle,  and  under 
a  dexterous  management,  the  Girondine  party  was  completely 
overwhelmed,  and  the  mountain  party  as  completely  efta- 
bliflied  on  its  ruins,  and  by  means  of  the  people  5  who  bein'g 
exhibited  in  dumb-fhew  by  the  latter  were  the  object  of 
terror,  and  the  caufe  of  the  overthrow  of  the  former,  notwith- 
Handing  it  was,  at  the  time,  the  preponderating  party  in  the 
convention,  and  equally  fo  in  the  public  eftimation. 

Thefe  latter  details  may  perhaps  appear  inapplicable  to  th? 
fubjeft  :  But  as  I  confider  them  of  fome  importance,  as  wefi 
to  enable  you  to  judge  of  the  future  fortune  of  the  revolution, 
as  of  thofe  dangers  which  are  fuppofed  by  many,  more  irume^ 


E    '32    3 

lately  t$  ihrMt«n  the  welfare  cj'thc  Republic,  I  have  thought 
proper  to  com:.  th  :m  to  you.  The  fuccefs  of  the  re- 

VQiution  depends  upon  the  people :  Whatever,  therefore,  uii-* 
folds  the  character  and  difpciition  of  the  people,  and  cfpecii 
ally  in  relation  to  that  object,  mull  of  courfe  be  ufeful. 

L  *.vss  sdvifsd  by  your  favor  of  the  and  December,  that  Mr. 
J.  Fitcsirn  of  New-York  was  appointed  conful  for  this  city^ 
$nd  iipcn  v/hich  appointment  feme  considerations  have  occur-? 
rt:d  which  I  have  thought  it  my  duty  to  fuggeil.  Permit  m$ 
to  afk*.  Is  he  *n  American  citizen,  and  if  fp,  whether  by 
birth  or  naturalization  •,  and,  in  the  latter  cafe,  whether  he  be-. 
came  fuch  fince  the  revolution  ?  If  of  the  laft  defcripticn,  hisr 
Arrival  will  fubje£t  me  to  great  embarrafTment,  and  for  rca- 
fors  given  in  my  fourth  letter  of  the  1 8th  October  laft;  and  to 
which,  with  thofe  from  the  ccmmiflary  of  foreign  affairs  to  me, 
tr&nfmitted  at  the  lame  time,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you.  I  can- 
didly think,  if  his  fituation  •  3  known,  being  a  perfon  deemed 
\>y  the  Engh'fh  lav/  z.  fubjecl  of  that  croru-n,  he  will  not  be  re- 
cognized, or  if  recognized,  not  without  great  reluctance.  Shall. 
I  announce  him  then,  withholding  a  communication  of  thefacl, 
Admitting  it  to  be  a  fa 61  ?  In  cafe  I  do,  and  it  is  afterwards 
Ciicovered,  what  will  be  the  impreiTipn  of  this  government 
towards  myfdf,  and  efpecially  after  what  has  pafied  between. 
ViS-cn  the  fame  fubjecl: ;  finding  that  I  had  placed  without 
their  knowledge  in  office,  and  immediately  in  the  prefence- 
of  the  public  councils,  a  perfon  of  a  defcription  againit  which 
they  had  particularly  objedted  ?  And  that  it  will  be  difcovered, 
a  -.d  immediately,  is  moil  certain;  for  there  are  already  letters 
for  him  here  from  England,  and  thefe  will  me  ft  probably  be 
multiplied  tenfold  after  his  arrival :  Befides,  the  character, 
&c.  cf  every  foreign  agent,  and  of  every  grade,  being  a.n  ob- 
ject: of  fyfternatic  political  enquiry,  is  always  well  known.  But 
Admitting  the  acquiffcence  of  this  government  in  his  favour, 
in  ether  views  this  fubjecl  merits  attention.  It  is  to  be  ob* 
ferved,  that  a  great  proportion  of  the  buJmefs  of  our  coun- 
tryrnen  here  is  tranfacted-v/Uh  the  government :  The  adjuft- 
an  en  t  frequently  requires  my  official  fuppprt :  If  then  he  does 
i}c«t  poife:f^  the,  confidence  qf  the  gqvernrnent,  he  will  pot  only 
h^  unable  to  render  that  fervire  to  our  countrymen  which 
n^ight  be  expected  from  one  in  hi*  ilaticn  ;  but  as,  he  will  be 
brought  officially  into  frequent  and  familiar  communication 
tijith  rne,  it  will  follow,  that  precifely  that  portion  of  diftruft 
to  which  he  i>  fubjecl  will  attach  itfelf  to  me  and  produce  a, 
rcrrefpond^jit  eft'sct,  to  a  certain  degree,  upon  every  fu" 
f!^ri{iinghfrc?  in  which  we  arc  iiutrcltcd,  I  kavw 


f  I»  ) 

that  if  my  fourth  letter  had  been  received,  I  fhould  not  have- 
been  placed  in  this  dilemma  :  But  how  to  a£t  in  cafe  he  ar- 
rives, I  do  not  know.  I  confole  rnyfelf  under  the  hope  lie 
will  not  arrive  j  but,  by  delaying  his  departure  until  that  letter 
was  Feceived,  put  it  in  your  power  to  reconfider  the  appoint- 
ment. 

P.  S.  March  9.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  been  ex- 
plicitly afTured  by  Mr.  Pelet,  a  member  of  tht  diplomatic  fec- 
tion  of  the-  committee  of  public  fafety  ;  that  in  confidence 
Mr.  Jay's  treaty  contained  nothing  which  would  give  uneafi- 
nefs  here,  they  had  exprefsly  infbrufted  their  agent,  now 
neggciating  with  Spain,  to  ufe  his  utmoit  efforts  to  fecure 
for  us  the  points  in  controverfy  between  the  United  States 
and  that  pov/er.  In  coniequence,  I  thought  proper  to  fend 
in  a  fhort  fupplementa!  note,  explanatory  of  the  feveral  ob- 
jects of  that  controverfy,  and  which  I  likewife  inclofe  with 
the  report  of  Mr.  Mouatflorence,  by  whom  it  was  delivered. 
What  the  fuccefs  of  their  endeavours  in  our  behalf  may  be,  is 
uncertain  ;  but  we  cannot  expect  the  concluiion  of  their  own 
treaty  will  be  long  delayed  on  that  account. 

I  had  forgotten  to  notify  you  officially  the  prefent  I  had 
made  to  the  convention  of  our  flag.  It  was  done  in  ccnfc- 
quence  of  the  order  of  that  body,  for  its  fufpenfion  in  its  hall, 
and  an  intimation  from  the  Prefident  himfejf,  that  they  had 
none,  and  were  ignorant  of  the  model.  I  herewith  fend  you 
a  copy  of  iny  note  to  him  accompanying  it. 


tie  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  A 
rlcat  to  the   Committee  of  Public  Safety. 

Paris9  January  ^^tht    1795. 


I  HAVE  thought  proper  to  prefent  to  your  view,  in  the 
fnclofed  paper,  the  fituation  of  the  United  States  in  relation 
tp  tha  river  Miflifippi,  and  refpefting  which  a  negocbtion 
is  now  depending  with  the  court  of  Spain,  This  paper  opens 
fully  this  interesting  fubjedt  in  its  relation  to  both  republics, 
and  which  it  is  proper  you  ihould  be  correctly  informed  of, 
at  the  prefent  time.  France  can  only  aflift  in  opening  the  ri- 
ver, by  inviting  tbe  American  minifter,  Mr.  Short,  to  atl:  in 
concert  with  her,  when  me  (hall  conclude  her  treaty  with 
that  power,  and  which,  by  her  permi&Qn,  I  can  eafily  accom- 

or  by  wjnpri&ig  it  iah£i  osya-tregty.  ihave  no  po.w-. 


(     134    ) 

ertoT  treat  upon  this  fubjetl,  otherwife  than  by  bringing  it  thus 
before  you,  for  the  purpofe  of  afcertaining  what  your  difpofi- 
tion  is  upon  it ;  and  which,  with  any  comments  you  may  be 
pleafed  to  make,  I  (hall  be  happy  immediately  to  communi- 
cate to  the  American  government. 

Notes  re/peeing  the  River  M't/ljjlppi  ;  communicated  to  the  Com* 

mitteecf  Public  Safety. 

Paris,   January  25^,    1795- 

TIIE  river  Miflifippi  extends  from  about  the  forty-eighth 
degree  of  north  latitude  to  the  twenty-ninth,  where  it  emp- 
ties into  the  gulph  of  Mexico,  running  nearly  a  north  and 
fouth  courfe.  and  through  a  tra£l  of  the  moil  feytile  country 
in  the  world. 

It  bounds  the  United  States  to  the  weft,  from  latitude  thir- 
ty-one, "to  its  fource  ;  an  extent,  purfuing  the  courfe  of  the  ri-. 
ver,  of  about  two  thoufand  miles. 

Many  rivers  empty  Into  the  MimTippi  on  the  eaft  ;  the  prin- 
cipal of  which  are  the  Illinois  and  the  Ohio,  and  which, 
with  their  branches,  fpread  through  the  whole  of  the  weft- 
ern  interior  of  the  United  States,  and  make  it  a  moil 
delightful  region.  Other  rivers  empty  into  it  from  the  weft, 
of  which  the  MifTouri  is  the  moft  important.  This  latter 
lias  never  been  traced  to  its  fource ;  although  voyagers  have 
pafie.d  up  it  above  one  thoufand  five  hundred  miles :  It  is 
however  believed,  that  it  penetrates  further  into  the  bofom 
of  the  continent  than  the  Miffifippi  itfelf. 
•  The  whole  of  that  portion  of  the  United  States  lying  weft- 
ward  of  the  Alleghany  mountains,  and  which  comprizes  about 
one  half  the  territory  within  the  faid  ftates,  depends  upon 
this  river  for  the  export  of  its  productions  to  foreign  markets. 
It  comprehends  a  portion  of  the  territory  of  feveral  of  the 
exifting frames:  Perhaps  one  third  of  Pennfylvania,  Virginia, 
North-Carolina,  and  Georgia  ;  the  whole  of  Kentucky,  and 
an  immenfe  trad  of  vacant  territory,  lying  between  the  Ohio, 
nnd  the  MiiTifippi,  which  has  already  been  laid  out  into  five 
Separate  ftates,  and  which  are  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union 
xvith  the  fame  rights  as  the  old  ftates,  when  they  mall  re- 
fpe£Hvely  attain  a  certain  number  of  inhabitants.  Of  thefe> 
it  is  propofed  to  fettle  one  only  at  a  time,  and  of  which  the 
/Vft  has  already  been  commenced. 

When  we  examine  the  extent  of  this  territory-,  its  fertility, 
iaperior  to  that,  of  tjae  old  ftates ;  the  felicity  of  its  climate,  ly- 


Hig  all  within  the  temperate  zone  ;  the  kind  arul  quality  of 
its  productions,  fuch  as  hemp,  flour,  corn  in,  Ihcu  every 
thing  neceflary  in  human  life ;  protected  in  its  infant  fettle- 
mcnts  by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  adn:i 
as  foon  as  it  {hall  attain  a  certain  degree  of  maturity  to  equal 
memberfhip  with  them, — we  are  compelled  to  appreciate  it 
more  highly  than  any  other  vacant  tract  known  upon  the 
globe. 

Its  fettlement  is  of  importance  to  all  thofe  European  coun- 
tries, whofe  inhabitants  are  engaged  in  manufactures;  becaufe 
it  will  furniih,  in  abundance,  rude  materials  fer  every  fpecies 
of  manufacture :  To  thofe  which  have  occasion  at  times  for 
the  fupply  of  provifions  j  becaufe  it  will  furnifh  an  exhauil- 
kfs  fource  of  every  fpecies  of  provifion :  But  it  is  of  pecu- 
liar importance  to  thofe  which  have  iilands  in  the  Weil- 
Indies  5  becaufe  it  lies  in  the  neighbourhood  cf  thofe  iilands, 
the  mouth  of  the  Miflifippi  being  nearly  in  the  fame  latitude; 
and  will  furniih  every  tiling  in  demand  there,  fuch  as  lumber, 
provifions,  CSV. 

But  the  commerce  of  this  country,  when  fettled,  will  de- 
pend upon  the  navigation  of  the  Miflifippi,  and  of  courfe 
the  fettlement  itfelf  will  depend  upon  the  fame  caufe.  This 
was  fecured  by  a  treaty  of  peace  between  tke  United  States 
and  Great-Britain  in  1783,  but  has  hitherto  been  prevented 
by  Spain,  from  motives  equally  unjufl  and  illiberal.  A  ne> 
gociation,  the  object:  of  which,  on  cur  part,  is  to  open  it> 
is  and  has  been  depending  with  that  power  fince  thac 
time. 

At  the  time  our  peace  was  made  with  England,  the  impor- 
tance of  rhis  country  was  little  known  in  her  councils :  It  is 
faid,  that  her  negociators  did  not  even  know  on  which  fide  of 
the  lakes,  and  of  courfe  within  whofc  jurifdiction3  the  forts 
which  have  fince  been  the  fubject  of  contention,  lay :  But 
its  importance  was  foon  afterwards  underftocd,  and  from 
which  time  it  is  certain,  that  Britain  has  regarded  it  with 
particular  attention,  fo  hopes  either  of  gaining  it  to  herfelf, 
or  otherwife  making  it  fubtervient  to  her  fchemes  of  policy  > 
With  this  view  {he  refufed  to  furrender  the  pofts,  excited  the 
Indians  to  make  war  on  our  frontiers,  encouraged  Spain  to 
refufe  our  right  to  the  navigation  of  the  Miflifippi,  and  did 
us  other  injuries  of  the  fame  kind. 

It  is  certain  that  the  weftern  people  will  fooner  or  later  o~ 
pen  this  river,  either  by  negociation  or  by  force,  and  more  than 
probable  that  England,  retaining,  as  me  (till  does,  her  refent- 
ioi.the  9ld  ftates,  for  their  indepcnd^ice,  suid  againft 


France  for  the  aid  given  in  that  war,— --will  watch  the  uneafj- 
neis  of  the  Weftern  people,  on  account  of  the  obflfn&ed  na- 
vigation of  the  river,  and  improve  it  into  an  opportunity  of 
feparating  the  new  from  the  old  ftates,  and  connecting  them 
With  her  intereft  in  Canada,  by  undertaking  to  open  the  M1& 
fifippi  to  both  countries  :  And  with  which  view  it  is  faid  that 
ftie  has  long  had  agents  there  to  treat  upon  this  fubje&  \  and 
that  nothing  has  prevented  her  fuccefs,  but  the  attachment 
the  people  have  to  their  brethren  in  the  old  ftates  •,  their  re- 
pugnance to  become  the  fport  of  foreign  politics,  and  which 
would  follow  their  reparation-;  and  the  particular  enmity  they 
bear  to  that  power.  Next  to  conqueft,  feparation  would  be 
the  moil  advantageous  arrangement  for  Britain  •,  for  in  con- 
iequenccj  and  efpccially  if  opened  under  her  aufpiccs,  ihe 
would  become  the  ally  of  the  weftern  dates,  and  play  them 
off  againfl  the  eafturn  ;  whereby  their  importance  and  weight 
iii  the  fcale  of  nations  would  be  diminiihed,  if  not  deftroy- 
ed.  Many  believe,  and  with  this  view,  that  fhe  was  at  the 
bottom  of  the  late  infurreclion  on  the  frontier,  and  which 
grew-  out  of  the  difcontents  proceeding  from  the  occlufion  cf 
the  river. 

But  the  fame  mfctive  which  inclines  England  to  promote  the 
iepafation  of  the  new  from  the  old  ftates,  mould  difpofe 
s  to  prevent  it.  As  they  now  Hand,  the  whole  are  the 
allies  and  the  friends  of  France,  and  whilft  they  remain  unit* 
eJ  they  will  continue  fo:  By  the  feparation,  therefore,  Britain 
might  gain,  but  France  could  not. 

It  is  then  the  intereft  of  France  to  keep  the  whole  of  this 
territory  under  the  fame  government:  But  this  cnnnot  be  done 
unlefs  the  intrigues  of  England  be  defeated,  and  the  MiiTifip- 
pi  be  opened  under  the  patronage  of  the  United  States.  It  is, 
therefore,  the  intereft  cf  France  to  yield  her  aid  to  her  ally, 
to  open  this  river,  and  which  at  the  prefent  crifis  would  moil 
probably  produce  a  decifive  effetl:.  Nor  would  her  retribu- 
tion be  limited  to  thofe  confiderations  only,  v/hich  have  been 
already  mentioned,  Experience  has  {hewn,  that  thofe  allian- 
ces are  not  only  the  moft  ^beneficial,  but  hkewife  moil  dii^ 
rable,  which  are  founded  equally  in  the  affection  and  the  in- 
tereft of  the  parties,  and  by  this  a£t  of  friendship,  France 
would  eftablifh  a  claim  to  the  gratitude  of  the  American  peo- 
ple ;  which  by  pervading  every  quarter  would  reach  the  heart 
of  every  citizen.  It  would  be  known  to  the  prefent  race  and 
remembered  by  pofterity,  that,  by  the  aid  of  France,  the  old 
ftates  were  enabled  to  gain  their  independence,  and  that  iike- 
wife  by  her  aid  tlie  new  ftites  commenced  their  fettlemcnt^. 


C    137    ] 

grew  up  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  and  attained  their 
maturity. 

In  the  prefent  ftate  of  the  war  with  Spain,  it  is  prefumed, 
that  France  may  obtain  what  is  here  propofed  -,  and  indeed, 
infinitely  more,  either  in  the  iflands  or  even  in  South  America, 
and  without  the  leatt  difficulty.  Her  iyftem  is  a  iyilem  of  free- 
dom to  the  world,  as  well  in  refpeft  to  the  rights  of  nations 
as  of  men  :  It  is  therefore  hoped  the  will  avail  herfelf  of  the 
prjfent  opportunity,  not  only  to  verify  that  fact  ;  but  to  ma^ 
nifeft,  at  the  fame  time,  the  pleafure  with  which  me  embraces 
every  opportunity  that  occurs  to  promote  the  intereil  of 'her  ally. 

From  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  to  the  Minlfter  Plenipotentiary 
of  tte  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  i~jth  Pluviofc,   ^d  Tear  of  'the  Republic. 

(February  8//;>,  1795.^ 
CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

WE  have  received,  with  your  letter  of  pth  Pluviofe,  a 
note  explanatory  of  the  fituation  of  the  United  States  in  re- 
gard to  the  river  Mifnfippi. 

We  acknowledge,  by  the  folicitude  which  you  mew  in  the 
negociation  of  this  affair,  that  nothing  which  can  tend  to  con- 
firm the  bonds  of  friendfhip  and  harmony  between  the  two  firft 
republics  in  the  world,  is  it  range  or  indifferent  to  you. 

We  thank  you  for  the  ideas  you  have  communicated  to  us : 
We  will  examine  them  profoundly,  and  we  will  communicate 
to  you  without  delay  our  obfervations  upon  your  note.  But 
we  appreciate  before  hand  the  motives  of  this  loyal  commu- 
nication. 

(Signed) 

C AMB  ACERES,         INIERLIN,  &V. 
PELET, 

from  the  Committee  of  Public    Safety,  to  the  Minifter  Plenipo- 
tentiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   i6th  Pluviofe,  ^d  Tear  cf  the  Republic. 

(February  $th,    1795>J 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

THE  citizen  Bourgoin,  formerly  minider  of  France  at 
Madrid,  infprms  us,  that  he  hasaik.ed  of  you  to  tranimit  into 

T 


[     138    ] 

Spain,  uiuler  your  cover,  two  letters  which  he  wifhes.  t> 
fend  there  upon  his  own  affairs.  He  alfo  informs  us,  that 
you  are  willing  to  render  him  this  fervice,  provided  it  is  de- 
ilred  by  the  committee  of  public  fafety.  We  have  in  confe- 
quence  examined  the  letters  in  queflion,  and  are  fatisfied  that 
they  contain  nothing  contrary  to  the  interefl  either  of  the 
French  or  American  people.  It  therefore  appears  to  us,  that 
you  may  .without  difficulty  tranfmit  under  your  cover  thefe 
letters  of  the  "citizen  Bourgoin,  and  which  we  now  fend  you. 
We  undertake  to  forward  them  to  the  frontiers  with  your 
difpatches  by  the  firfl  courier  extraordinary  which  we  fhall 
expedite  to  the  army  of  the  Weftern  Pyrenees. 

(Signed) 

CAMBACERES,  PELET,  fcV. 

MERLIN, 

Note.    This  was  the   commencement    of  the  negociation 
between  France  and  Spain. 


From  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica,  to  the   Committee  of  Public  Safety. 

Paris ,  February  *]th,    1795. 

I  ACCEPT  with  great  pleafure  the  opportunity  offered, 
of  writing  to  the  American  minifter  at  Madrid,  and  with 
equal  pleafure  tranfmit  the  letters,  inclofed  me  in  your  lak,  to 
his  care ;  never  doubting  that  whatever  comes  from  you  to 
me  will  equally  promote  the  intereft  of  both  republics. 

From  Merlin  de  Douay,  Reprefentative  of  the  People,  to  Citizen 
Skipvuith,  Conful  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  ^d  Ventofe,  ^d  year  of  the  Republic. 

(February  22ci,   *795-/ 

I  HAVE  received,  citizen,  the  obfervations  you  have 
addrefled  to  me,  upon  the  navigation  of  the  Miflifippi.  The 
ideas  which  they   prefent  are  not  new. to  me,  nor  the  com-^ 
mittee  of  public  fafety ;  and  I  have  reafon  to  think  they  will 
be  taken  into  profound  configuration,  in  fuitable  time  and 


I  139.] 

-place.  I  ought  not  to  difiemble,  however,  that  this  may  de- 
pend much  upon  the  conduct  which  the  American  govern- 
ment will  obferve  in  regard  to  the  treaty,  which  its  minifter, 
'Jay,  has  concluded  with  England.  You  know,  in  effect, 
that  there  ought  to  be  a  reciprocity  of  fervices  and  of  obliga- 
tions between  nations,  as  between  individuals.  J  fpeak, 
however,  here  as  an  individual. 

from  Mr.  Monroe ',  to  the  Prefident  of  the  National  Convention. 
^  Paris,  September  yth,   1 794. 

CITIZEN, 

THE  convention  having  decreed,  that  the  flag  of  the 
American  and  French  Republics  mould  be  united  together, 
and  fufpended  in  its  own  hall,  in  teftimony  of  eternal  union 
and  friendfhip  between  the  two  people ;  I  have  thought  I 
could  not  better  evince  the  impreflion  this  a£  has  made  on  my 
mind,  or  the  grateful  fenfe  of  my  conftituents,  than-  by  prefent- 
ing,  in  their  behalf,  that  of  the  United  States  to  the  reprefenta- 
tives  of  the  French  people.  Having  caufed  it,  therefore,  to  be  ex- 
ecuted, according  to  the  model  prefcribed  by  a  late  a£tof  Con- 
grefs,  I  now  commit  it  to  the  care  of  captain  Barney,  an  officer 
of  merit  in  our  own  revolution,  and  who  will  attend  for  the 
-purpofe  of  depofiting  it  wherever  you  will  be  pleafed  to 
direcl:.  I  pray  you,  therefore,  to  accept  it,  as  a  proof  of  the 
fenfibility  with  which  my  country  receives  every  a6l  of  friend- 
fhip from  our  ally,  and  of  the  pleafure  with  which  it  clieriflies 
•every  incident  which  tends  to  cement  and  confolidate  the 
union  between  the  two  nations. 


No.  XIII. 
FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECHET.-.RY  OF  STATE. 

Paris ,   March  l^th,    1795. 
SIR, 

I  HAVE  juft  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  of  the 
jth  of  February,  in  anfwer  to  mine  of  the  1 7th  January  pre- 
<:eding,  and  by  which  he  declines  to  communicate  to  me  the 
purport  of  his  treaty  with  the  Englifn  government ;  although 
hs  had  previoully  promifed  it.  As  he  has  explicitly  declared 


C     MO     ] 

himfelf  to  this  efFe&,  I  confider  the  bufmefs  of  C6urfe  clofM 
between  him  and  me  >--nor  fhould  I  make  a  further  comment 
on  it,  were  I  not  otherwife  impelled  by  the  ftyle  of  his  reply  j 
which  is  obvioufly  addrefTed  more  for  your  confi.ieration  than 
mine.  To  you,  therefore,  my  comments  upon  that  reply 
fhall  alfo  be  fubmitted. 

Mr.  Jay  fays  :  That  he  has  no  right  to  communicate  the 
treaty  fmce  it  belongs  exclufively  to  the  governments  which 
form  them  ;  and  by  which  I  underftand  that  the  minifies  has  no- 
difcrction  on  the  iubjeft,  being  bound  to  communicate  with 
his  government  only.  If  this  propofition  is  true,  which  (ef- 
pecially  if  no  latitude  is  given  him  by  his  inftru£tions)  I  am 
willing  to  admit,  it  follows,  that  as  the  injunction  of  fecrecy 
applies  to  the  whole  inftrument,  it  muft  of  courfe  to  every 
part.  It  were  abfurd  to  fay,  that  in  the  grofs  or  as  an  entire 
thing  it  muft  be  kept  fecret,  but  yet  in  the  detail  it  may  be 
divulged.  How  then  does  his  conduct  correfpond  with  his 
own  doctrine  ;  having  in  his  three  feveral  letters  communi- 
cated a  particular  article,  and  promifed  in  the  fecond  the 
whole. 

But  he  likewife  fays,  that  the  communication  was  intend- 
ed to  be  confidential^  or  in  other  words  to  be  fecret ;  for  fuch 
is  the  ordinary  import  of  the  word.  But  will  his  letters  bear 
that  conftru£Hon  ?  Does  it  appear  as  if  the  communication 
was  intended  merely  to  gratify,  on  my  part,  private  curiofityj 
or  for  the  benevolent  purpofe  only  of  announcing  to  me  an 
event  favourable  to  our  country  ?  On  the  contrary ;  does  it 
not  appear  from  each  of  his  letters,  that  he  had  anticipated  the 
difquietude  of  this  government  upon  the  fubjecl:  of  the  treaty, 
and  wifhed  to  remove  it ;  and  that  the  communication  pro- 
rrdfed  was  intended  for  me  in  a  public  capacity,  and  to  be 
ufcd  for  public  purpofes  ?  In  (hort,  had  I  been  in  a  private 
flation,  is  it  probable  he  would  have  written  or  communicated 
any  thing  to  me  on  the  fubjecT:  ?  Certain,  however,  it  is, 
that  in  no  view  was  it  poflible  for  me  to  confider  the  commu- 
nication promifed,  though  termed  a  confidential  one,  as  im- 
pofing  on  me  any  ether  reftraint  than  that  of  caution  ;  whilft 
it  exonerated  him,  and  made  me  refponfible  for  the  blame  of  a 
difclofure,  in  cafe  it  was  made  and  produced  any  inconveni- 
ence. 

As  I  really  believed,  at  the  time  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Jay,  that 
he  intended  to  make  the  communication  in  queftion,  and 
likewife  concluded  from  his  own  afTurances, ,  as  well  as  from 
other  circumfbmces,  that  the  treaty  comprized  in  it  nothing 
that  could  give  juft  caufc  of  complaint  here, — I  thought  I 


not  better  forward  his  own  views,  or  the  intereft  of  OUT 
country  (efpecially  as  Mr.  Morris  had  taken  his  copy  of  the 
Cypher  with  him)  than  by  fending  a  confidential  peribn  for  it. 
You  will,  therefore,  judge  of  my  furprize,  when  inftead  of 
the  communication  expected,  I  received  his  letter  of  the  51)1 
of  February,  containing  an  abfolute  refufal  to  make  it. 

But  in  reviewing  now  his  feveral  letters,  it  is  difficult  to  af- 
certain  what  he  intended  to  do,  or  what  his  real  obj  eel:  was  in 
writing  them  :  For  he  fnys  in  thefe,  that  he  is  not  at  liberty  to 
difclofe  the  purport  of  his  treaty,  andyctpromifes  it:  That  lie 
will  give  me  the  contents  or  principal  heads,  to  enable  n:  j  tu 
fatisfy  this  government  ;  but  yet  will  give  them  only  in  con- 
fidence,  and  of  courfe  under  an  injunction,  that  will  put  it 
out  of  my  power  to  give  the  fatisfattion  intended  :  And,  fi- 
nally, when  application  is  made,  upon  the  bafis  of  his  own 
letters,  for  the  information  in  queftion,  and  for  the  purpofe 
fey  him  contemplated,  he  not  only  refufes  to  comply  with 
what  he  had  promifed,  but  criminates  this  government  for  en- 
tertaining any  uneafmefs  or  making  any  enquiry  on  the  fub- 


When  one  party  offers  a  thing  upon  the  principle  the  other 
has  a  right  to  it,  as  was  the  cafe  in  the  prefent  inftance,  the 
juftice  of  the  demand,  on  the  part  of  the  latter,  is  of  courfe 
admitted.  There  may,  indeed,  be  fome  merit  in  ottering  it 
before  the  demand  is  made  ;  but  to  make  the  offer  and  then 
recede  from  it,  fubjects  the  party  thus  acting  to  an  additional 
proportional  reproach.  Had  Mr.  Jay,  however,  chofen  to 
jplace  himfelf  in  this  dilemma,  from  me  he  would  have  heard 
nothing  more  on  the  fubjett  :  I  fhould  have  lamented,  it  is 
true,  as  I  now  do,  that  I  was  not  poflerTeJ  of  information  that 
might  be  ufeful  to  our  affairs  here  ;  but  there  the  bufinefs 
would  have  ended,  for  both  his  promife  and  my  application 
were,  and  ilill  are,  unknown  to  this  government.  But  to  re- 
cede in  the  manner  he  has  done,  putting  his  refufal  upon  the 
ground  of  national  dignity,  &c.  is  neither  confident  with  can- 
dour, nor  the  true  ftate  of  things. 

Had  Mr.  Jay  confided  to  me  the  information  in  queftion, 
and  in  due  time,  and  which,  it  is  obvious,  he  thought  him- 
felf in  duty  bound  to  do,  I  fhould  then  have  become  refpon- 
fible  for  a  proper  ufe  of  it  :  And,  I  am  fatisfied,  admitting  it 
to  be  as  by  him  reprefented,  good  ufe  might  have  been  made 
of  it:  For  I  mould  not  only  have  been  enabled  thereby  to 
quic:  their  fears,  and  whofe  legitimacy  he  acknowledges  by 
his  efforts  to  remove  them  ;  and  filence  a  thoufand  unfavoura- 
ble infmuations  whifpered  about  by  th?  enemies  of  both 


countries  ;  but  by  the  franknefs  of  the  communication,  have 
mod  probably  made  the  incident  the  means  of  conciliating, 
inftead  of  weakening,  the  friendly  difpofition  of  this  govern- 
ment towards  us.  I  am  likewife  perfuaded,  that  if  I  had 
been  authorifed  to  declare,  generally,  from  my  own  know- 
ledge (being  the  minifter  on  the  ground,  and  refponfible  for 
the  truth  of  the  declaration)  that  the  treaty  did  not  interfere 
with  our  engagements  with  this  republic,  but  that  being  a 
mere  project,  fubjecl:  to  rejection,  &c.  it  ought  not  to  be 
pub  limed, — it  would  have  been  fatisfac~lory.  And  had  the 
communication  been  fent  to  me,  even  in  this  laft  ftage,  fuch 
would  have  been  my  conduct,  and  moil  certainly  fuch  the 
effect  :  In  any  event,  had  I  gone  further  againti  his  requeft, 
upon  me  and'not  upon  him,  would  the  refponfibility  have  reft- 
ed.  But  this  was  not  Mr.  Jay's  object  :  On  the  contrary,  it 
is  obvious,  that  he  wiflied  me  to  compromit  my  character, 
and  through  me  that  of  the  United  States  with  this  nation, 
upon  the  contents  of  this  treaty,  without  letting  me  fee  it ; 
or  placing  in  this  government  or  myfelf  the  leaft  confidence 
in  regard  to  it ;  and  which  I  would  not  do,  nor,,  in  my  opinion, 
ought  I  to  have  done. 

Whether  this  government  acted  with  propriety,  in  afking 
for  information  upon  the  point  in  queftion,  is  a  fubject  with 
which  I  have  nothing  do.  I  am  refponfible  only  for  the 
anfwers  given,  and  which  you  have.  My  application  to  Mr. 
Jay  was  certainly  not  founded  upon  theirs  to  me;  for  I  had 
contemplated  it  before  theirs  was  received.  I  had  then  gain- 
ed fuch  an  infight  into  their  councils,  as  to  fatisfy  me  ;  that 
ail  our  great  national  objects,  fo  far  as  they  were  connected 
with  this  Republic,  were  more  eafily  to  be  fecured  by  a  frank 
and  liberal  deportment,  than  a  cool  and  referved  one  :  That 
if  we  wifhed  to  preferve  our  neutrality  with  ftrict  integrity, 
and  avail  ourfelves  at  the  fame  time  of  its  fortunes,  and  with- 
out the  leaft  hazard  on  our  part,  in  the  negociation  with 
Spain,  as  likewife  in  that  with  England  (in  cafe  Mr.  Jay's 
treaty  was  rejected)  that  this  was  the  way  to  do  it :  In  fliort, 
that  if  it  was  neceffary  to  gain  the  approbation  of  this  govern- 
ment to  any  thing  in  that  treaty,  which  it  would  otherwife 
difapprove,  that  this  was  the  way  to  do  it.  Nor  can  I  fee 
any  eondefcenfion  in  fuch  a  line  of  conduct  j  on  the  contra- 
ry, between  nations  allied  as  we  are,  and  efpecially,  when 
pail  and  recent  circumft|ricc8  are  confidcred,  I  deem  it  the 
moil  magnanimous  as  well  as  the  founcleft  policy.  Mr.'  Jay, 
however,  is  nsiv  of  a  different  opinion,  and  for  the  future 
I  fiull  ii'jt  difturb  him  in  the  enjoyment  of  it. 


r  143  i 

You  intimated  to  me  in  your  laft,  that  Mr.  Pinckney 
was  cominiflioned  as  envoy  extraordinary  for  Spain,  upon 
the  fubjeft  of  the  MifTifippi  ;  and  you  have  feen  by  my  lad, 
how  far  I  had  fucceeded  in  calling  the  attention  of  this  go- 
vernment to  that  object.  It  is  probable  Mr.  Pinckney  will 
pafs  through  France,  and  of  courfe  by  Paris,  on  his  million: 
In  cafe  he  does,  I  will  mofl  certainly  open  to  him  every  thing 
that  has  taken  place  here  on  that  fubjed ,  and  endeavour,  ac- 
cording to  the  plan  he  mail  prefcribe,  to  reuder  him,  in 
every  refpecl:,  all  the  fervices  in  my  power.  I  have  already 
intimated  to  Mr  Short,  by  a  confidential  mefTenger  from 
Lifb'on,  the  good  underftanding ,  which  fubfifts  between  this 
government  and  our  own,  upon  that  point;  fo  that  there  is  in 
every  view  the  moft  favourable  profpecl:  of  a  fuccefsful  ter- 
mination of  this  interefling  bufinefs,  the  completion  of  which 
will  reflect  fo  much  honor  upon  the  adminiftration  by  which 
it  may  be  accomplifhed. 

The  Vendee  war  is  confidered  as  completed  :  Charette,  the 
commanding  general,  has  furrendered  with  ail  the  forces 
immediately  under  his  command ;.  and  likewife  undertaken 
to  quell  a  fmall  remaining  body  of  about  one  thoufand, 
which  yet  holds  out.  It  is  laid,  the  liberty  of  religion  grant- 
ed by  a  late  decree,  terminated  this  war.  A  ihort  time,  how- 
ever, will  now  difclofe  whether  this  compromife,  or  the 
general  favourable  afpecl:  of  the  prefent  moment,  is  real  or 
delufive ;  fince,  if  there  is  a  force  in  the  nation  oppofed  to  the 
revolution  of  fufficient  ftrength  to  make  head  againft  it,  and 
which  I  do  not  think  there  is,  I  doubt  not  it  will  foon  fhew 
itfelf. 


From  Mr.  Jay,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

London,  February  $th>    1795. 


I  HAVE  received  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honor  te 
write  on  the  jyth  of  laft  month,  by  Mr.  Purvyance. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted,  that  any  unauthcrifed  accounts 
in  Englifh  newfpapers,  of  my  "  Adjuftment  with  the  Britifh 
adminiftration,"  mould  have  excited  much  uneafmefs  in  the 
councils  of  the  French  government  :  —  and  the  more  fo,  as  it 
does  not  imply  that  confidence  in  the  honor  and  good  faith 
of  the  United  States  which  they  certainly  merit. 


[     144     ] 

You  mui't  be  fenfible  that  the  United  States,  as  a  free  and 
independent  nation,  have  an  unqueilionable  right  to  make  any 
pacific  arrangements  with  other  powers,  which  mutual  con- 
venient may  dictate ; — provided  thofe  arrangements  do  not 
contradict  or  oppugn  their  prior  engagements  with  other 
ftates. 

"Whether  this  adjustment  was  confident  with  our  treaty 
with  France,  {truck  me  as  being  the  only  queftion  which  could 
demand  or  receive  the  consideration  of  that  Republic ;  and  I 
though:  it  due  to  the  friendship  fubfiiling  between  the  two 
countries,  that  the  French  government  mould  have,  without 
delay,  the  moft  perfect  fat  isf act  ion  on  that  head. — I  there- 
fore, by  three  letters,  viz.  of  the  24th,  25th  and  28th  of 
November,  1 794,  gave  you  what  I  hoped  would  be  very  ac- 
ceptable and  fatisfactory  information  on  that  point : — I  am 
happy  in  this  opportunity  of  giving  you  an  exact  and  literal 
extract  from  the  treaty; — it  is  in  thefe  words — viz. 

"  Nothing  in  this  treaty  contained,  mall,  however,  be 
conftrued  or  operate  contrary  to  former  and  exifting  public 
treaties,  with  other  fovereigns  or  ftates." 

Confidering  that  events  favourable  to  our  country  could  not 
fail  to  give  you  pleafure,  I  did  intend  to  communicate  to 
you  concifely  fome  of  the  moft  interefting  particulars  of  this 
treaty,  but  in  the  &n&perfe3  confidence : — As  that  instrument 
has  not  yet  been  ratified,  nor  received  the  ultimate  forms  ne- 
ceflary  to  give  it  validity  •, — as  further  queftions  refpecting 
parts  of  it  may  yet  arife,  and  give  occafion  to  further  difcuf- 
iions  and  negotiations,  fo  that  if  finally  concluded  at  all,  it- 
may  then  be  different  from  what  it  now  is,  the  impropriety  of 
making  it  public  at  prefent  is  palpable  and  obvious. — Sucn 
a  proceeding  would  be  inconvenient  and  unprecedented  : — It 
does  not  belong  to  minifters  who  negociate  treaties,  to  publifh 
them  even  when  perfected,  much  kfs  treaties  not  yet  com- 
pleted, and  remaining  open  to  alteration  or  rejection  : — Such 
acts  belong  exclulively  to  the  governments  who  form  them. 

I  cannot  but  ilatter  myfelf,  that  the  French  government  is 
too  enlightened  and  reasonable  to  expect  that  any  confidera- 
tion  ought  to  induce  me  to  overleap  the  bounds  of  my  autho- 
rity, or  to  be  negligent  of  the  refpect  which  is  due  to  the 
United  States  : — That  refpect,  and  my  obligations  to  obfervc 
it,  will  not  permit  me  to  give,  without  the  permifiion  of  their 
government,  a  copy  of  the  inftrument  in  queltion  to  any  per- 
foil,  or  for  any  purpofe  ;  and  by  no  means  for  the  purpofe  of 
being  fubmitted  to  the  confideration  and  judgment  of  the 
councils  of  a  foreign  nation,  however  friendly. 


L     MS     J 

1  will,  Sir,  take  the  carlieft  opportunity  of  tranfmittlng 
c  copy  of  your  letter  to  me,  and  of  this  anfwer  to  it,  to  the 
fecretary  of  State  ; — and  will  immediately,  and  punctually, 
execute  fuch  orders  and  inftructions  as  I  may  receive  on  the 
fubject. 


[  No.  XIV.  ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROS,  To  THE  SECRETARY  cr  STATS. 

Paris,  April  l^tk,    179,5. 

SIR, 

I  WAS  lately  favoured  with  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  of  the 
tpth  of  February  ;  by  which  I  was  informed  that  the  bearer^ 
Colonel  Trumbull,  who  had  copied  and  knew  the  contents  of 
his  treaty  with  the  £nglifh  government,  was  inftructed  to  com- 
municate the  fame  to  me,  becaufe  I  xvas  an  American  M:nifter9 
and  in  which  character  it  might  be  tifeful  to  me;  but  that  I  muPt 
receive  it  injlrifi  confidence,  and  under  an  injunction  to  impart 
it  to  no  othef  perfon  whatever.  As  I  had  explicitly  ftated  to 
Mr.  Jay,  in  my  letter  by  Mr.  Purv lance,  the  only  terms  up- 
on which  I  could  receive  the  communication;  and  which  I 
had  done,  as  well  for  the  purpofe  of  covering  my  engage- 
ment with  the  committee,  formed  after  the  receipt  of  his  firft 
letter,  and  when  I  expected  no  further  information  from  him 
on  the  fubject,  as  of  preventing  the  tranfmifficn  of  it,  in  cafe 
it  contained  the  flighted  circumftance  which  might  be  objec- 
tionable here, — I  could  not  otherwife  than  be  furprized  by  the 
contents  of  this  letter.  To  withhold  the  communication  at 
the  moment  when  it  was  prefumable  the  report  of  the  contents 
of  that  treaty  would  excite  a  ferment  here,  and  offer  it,  af- 
ter the  expiration  of  fome  months,  and  when  it  was  expected 
from  America,  and  upon  terms  upon  which  I  had  afiured 
him  I  could  not  receive  it,  to  fay  nothing  of  the  impoffibility 
of  comprehending  how  it  could  be  ufeful  to  me,  if  it  Was  to 
be  kept  a  profound  fecret,  was  unexpected  :  It  was  the  more 
fo,  fmce  it  was  obvious,  that  whilft  the  condition'  infifted,  on 
precluded  the  poflibility  of  enabling  me  to  promote  thereby  the 
public  intereft ,  it  would  unavoidably  tend,  in  fen^  refpect?, 
to  fubjeft  me  to  additional  embarraflTment  in  my  fituation 
here. 

U 


3 

I  was  likewise  foon  apprized,  that  Colonel  Trumbull   did 
not  confider  himfelf  at  liberty  to  make  the  communication  in 
qucftion,  unlefs  Talked  for  it ;  and  by  which  it  was  under- 
itood,  that  I  bound  myfelf  to  accept  it  on  the  terms  propofed, 
adding  thereby  to  the  injunctions  of  Mr.  Jay,  the   additional 
obligation  of  private   Itipubtion.     The  dilemma,  therefore, 
with  which  I  was  threatened,  was  of  a  peculiar  kind  :  For  if 
I  accepted  and  withheld  the  communication  from  the  commit- 
tee, .  I  mould  violate  my  engagement  with  that  body  ;  and  if  I 
gave  it,  I  fubjected  myfeif  not  only  to  the  probable   imputa- 
tion of  indifcretion,  but  likewife  certainly  to  that  of  breach  of 
promife.     The  line  of  propriety,  however,  appeared  to  me 
to  be  a  plain  one.     I  was  bound  to  ufe   fuch   information  as 
Mr.  Jay  might  think  fit  to  give  me  in  the  belt  manner  poffible, 
according  to  my  difcretion,  to  promote  the  public  intereft:  But 
I  was  not  bound  to  ufe  any  artifice  in  obtaining  that  informa- 
tion, or  to  violate  any  engagement  by  the  ufe  of  it.  My  duty  to 
the  public  did  not  require  this  of  me,  and  I  had  no  other  ob- 
ject to  an  fwer.     As  foon,  therefore,  as  I  had  made  a  decifion 
on  the  fubjecl:,  I  apprized  Colonel  Trumbull,  that  I  could  not 
receive   the  communication    propofed,    upon  the  terms   ou 
which  it  was  offered. 

l^ut  the  million  of  this  gentleman  here,  though  according 
to  my  information  of  him,  a  worthy  and  a  prudent  man,  pro- 
duced an  effecl:  of  a  more  ferious  kind.  I  was  foon  advifed 
by  a  perfon  friendly  to  the  United  States,  and  heretofore 
friendly  and  ufeful  to  me ;  that  his  arrival  had  excited 
uneafmefs  in  the  public  councils,  and  would  probably  eventu- 
ally injure  my  Handing  with  the  government,  efpecially  if  I 
ihould  be  able  to  give  the  committee,  in  confequence,  no  ac- 
count of  the  contents  of  that  treaty  :  For  it  would  hardly  be 
credited  after  this,  considering  the  relation  between  Mr.  Jay 
and  myfelf,  that,  I  knew  nothing  of  thofe  contents.  Upon 
what  other  motive,  it  would  be  aflced,  could  the  fecretary  of 
Mr.  Jay  come  here  ;  fincethe  pretence  of  private  bufinefs  in 
Germany,  which  lay  in  another  direction,  would  be  deemed 
a  fallacious  one  ?  He  added,  that  the  wifeft  precautions  were 
neceffary  on. my  part,  to  guard  me  againft  any  unjuft  impu- 
tation •,;  fince  through  that  the  intereils  of  my  country  might 
at  the  preferit  crifis  be  efientially  wounded.  As  I  had  antici- 
pated in  fome  meafure  the  effecl:,  I  was  mortified  but  not  fur- 
prized  by  the  intimation.  It  became  me,  however,  to  profit 
by  it,  and  as  well  from  the  delicate  regard  which  was  clue  to 
my  private  as  my  public  character,  to  place  the  integrity  of 
iny  own  conduct  upon  ground  which  could  not  be  queftioned. 


There  appeared  to  me  to  be  but  one  mode  by  which  this 
could  be  done,  and  which  was  by  making  known  to  the  com- 
mittee what  had  patted  between  Mr.  Jay  and  myfelf  $  to  (late 
the  terms  upon  which  he  had  offered  the  communication, 
and  my  refafal  to  accept  it  on  thof  j  terms  ;  with  my  real" 
fuch  refufal.  This  you  will  readily  conceive  was  a  painful 
tafk  :  But  as  I  had  no  other  alternative  left,  but  that  of  ex- 
pofing  myfelf  to  the  fufpicion  of  having  known  from  the  be- 
ginning the  purport  of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  and  uniting  with  him 
in  withholding  it  from  them,  whilft  I  was  ufmg  all  the  means 
in  my  power  to  imprefs  them  with  a  contrary  belief,— ^-1  was 
forced  to  undertake  it.  In  confequence  I  waited  on  the  di- 
plomatic feclion  of  the  committee,  and  made  the  reprefenta- 
tion  as  above,  repeating  Mr.  Jay's  motive  for  withholding  the 
communication,  as  urged  by  himfelf :  "  That  it  belonged  to 
the  fovereign  power  alone  to  make  it,  &c.*'  It  was  replied  that 
it  could  not  otherwife  than  excite  uneafinefs  in  the  councils 
of  this  government,  when  it  was  obferved  that  in  the  height 
of  their  war  with  the  coalefced  powers,  and  with  England  in 
particular,  America  had  ftept  forward  and  made  a  treaty  with 
that  power,  the  contents  of  which  were  fo  carefully  and  ftri£t- 
]y  withheld  from  this  government :  For  if  the  treaty  was  not 
injurious  to  France,  why  was  it  withheld  from  her  ?  Was  it 
prudent  for  one  ally  to  a£t  in  fuch  manner  in  regard  to  another, 
and  efpecially  under  the  prefent  circumftances,  and  at  the 
prefent  time,  as  to  excite  fufpicions  of  the  kind  in  queftion  ? 
I  affured  them  generally,  as  I  had  done  before,  that  I  was  fa- 
tisfied  the  treaty  contained  in  it  nothing  which  could  give 
them  uneafinefs  ;  but  if  it  did,  and  efpecially  if  it  weakened 
our  connection  with  France*  it  would  certainly  be  difapprov- 
ed  in  America.  They  thanked  me  for  the  communication  5 
allured  me  they  wifhed  me  to  put  myfelf  in  no  dilemma  which 
would  be  embarrafling,  and  thus  the  conference  ended. 

A  few*  days  after  this,  I  was  favoured  with  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Hitchborn,  an  American  gentleman  of  character  here 
( from  MaiTachufetts)  of  which  I  inclofe  you  a  copy,  ftating 
the  contents  or  outlines  of  the  treaty  in  queftion  ;  as  commu- 
nicated to  him  by  Colonel  Trumball,  and  v/ith  a  view  that  he 
might  communicate  the  fame  to  me,  for  the  information  of 
this  government.  I  was  furprized  at  the  incident ;  becaufe  I 
could  not  fuppofe  that  Colonel  Trumbull  would  take  this  ftep, 
or  any  other,  without  the  inflruclions  of  Mr.  Jay,  and  it  feem- 
ed  to  me  extraordinary,  that  Mr.  Jay  mould  give  fuch  art 
inftruclion,  or  mark  to  him  fuch  a  line  of  conduct.  I  was 
not  furprized  that  Colonel  Trumbull  (hould  confide  the  pur- 


I  148  1 

port  of  the  treaty  to  Mr.  Hitchborn,  for  he  merited  the  confi^ 
efence  j  but  I  was  furprized  that  Mr«  Jay  fhould  write  me  it 
was  to  be  communicated  to  me  only  as  a  public  minift?rt  &c. 
to  be  imparted  to  no  one  elfe,  and  that  Colonel  Trumbull, 
however  deeply  imprefTed  he  might  be  after  his  arrival  here 
with  the  propriety  of  removing  the  doubts  of  this  government 
upon  that  point,  fhould  confider  hiftifelf  at  liberty  to  commu- 
Tiicate  the  fame  to  a  third  perfon,  to  be  communicated  to  me, 
under  no  injunction  whatever.  I  was,  however,  poflefled  of 
the  paper  in  queflion  ;  and  it  was  my  duty  to  turn  it  to  the 
befr  account  for  the  public  intereft,  that  circumflances  would 
rjow  admit  of.  It  was,  it  is  true,  the  moil  informal  of  all  in- 
formal communications,  and  one  of  courfe  upon  which  no 
official  meafure  could  be  taken  ;  yet  the  character  of  the  pas- 
ties entitled  it  to  attention.  Upon  mature  reflection  there- 
fore, and  the  more  efpecially  as  I  did  not  wifh  to  meet  the 
committee  again  on  that  point,  until  I  heard  from  you,  left  I 
mould  be  queflioned  why  this  new  mode  of  diplomatic  pro- 
ceeding was  adopted,  I  thought  it  beft  to  fend  the  paper  in 
by  my  fecretary,  Mr.  Gauvain  (a  young  gentleman  who  a6led 
with  me,  fmce  the  provifional  nomination  of  Mr.  Skipwitl^ 
to  the  confulate)  inftru&ing  him  to  allure  the  members,  on  my 
part,  that  they  might  confide  in  the  credibility  of  the  parties. 
The  paper  was  prefented  to  Merlin  de  Douay,  with  the  com- 
ments fuggefted  ;  and  fince  which  I  have  neither  heard  from 
the  committee,  Colonel  Trumbull,  nor  Mr.  Jay  on  the  fub- 


I  intimated  to  you  in  my  laft,  that  I  was  perfuaded  if  there 
was  a  force  here  able  and  willing  to  make  head  again  ft  the  re- 
volution, it  would  foon  (hew  itfelf  ;  but  that  I  was  of  opinion 
none  fuch  exiiled.  This  prefage  has  been  fmce  verified  by  a 
great  and  interefting  example.  The  florm  which  I  thought  I 
then  faw  gathering,  after  rifing  to  its  height  and  expending 
its  force,  has  paft,  and  without  doing  any  mifchief.  On  the 
contrary,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  from  prefent  appearances^ 
it  will  be  productive  of  good. 

It  was  natural  to  expe6t,  that  the  trial  of  Barrere,  Collot 
d'Heibois,  and  Billaud  de  Varennes  ;  three  men,  who  were 
in  the  early  ilages,  the  aflcciates,  and  in  the  latter,  in  fome 
degree,  the  rivals  of  Robefpierre's  power,  and  who  were,  af- 
ter his  fall,  unqueftionabJy  at  the  head  of  the  mountain  par- 
ty, would  excite;  fome  ferment.  It  was  equally  fo,  to  prefume, 
that  if  that  party  was  not  fo  completely  cruihed,  as  to  pre- 
clude all  hope  of  fuccefs,  it  would  in  feme  ftage  of  the  pro- 
eeeding,  make  an  extraordinary  effort  to  preferye  them.  The 


epoch  of  this  trial  was,  therefore,  deemed  by  all  sn  impor- 
tant one  to  France ;  and  its  feveral  ftages  were  marked  by 
circumftances,  which  tended  rather  to  encreafe,  than  diminifli, 
the  general  folicitude. 

Under  the  banner  of  this  party,  and  apparently  in  favour 
of  the  acquittal  of  thefe  members,  the  difcontented  of  every 
ddcription  were  feen  rallying;  forming  in  the  whole  an  extra- 
ordinary afiemblage  ;  being  gathered  from  the  various,  and 
heretofore  oppofite,  claiTes  of  fociety,  but  united  now  for 
the  common  purpofe  of  difturbing  the  public  tranquillity. 
The  prifons,  which  were  filled  in  the  time  of  Robefpierre, 
and  opened  under  the  more  humane  adminiflration  of  the 
prefent  day,  had  difcharged  upon  the  city  an  immenfe 
croud  of  the  ancient  ariilocracy,  and  who  foon  gave  proofs, 
that  the  fevere  difcipline  they  had  undergone  had  not  eradi- 
cated the  propenfities  that  were  acquired  under  the  reign  o*f 
the  ancient  court.  As  the  prefent  administration  had  refcucd 
them  from  the  guillotine,  and  to  which  they  were  otherwife 
inevitably  doomed,  it  was  at  leafl  entitled  to  their  gratitude. 
This  flight  tribute,  however,  was  not  paid  for  that  important 
£ervice.  On  the  contrary,  thefe  were  among  the  moft  active 
ip  fomenting  the  prefent  difcontents.  Another  group,  not 
lefs  numerous,  or  turbulent ;  compofed  of  the  refufe  of  the 
lately  disfranchifed,  or  rather  routed,  Jacobins  and  their  ad- 
herents were  feen  marOialied  by  its  fide,  and  a£ting  in  har- 
mony with  it.  Thefe  two  clafles  of  people,  and  who  were 
heretofore  at  endlefs  war  with  each  other,  now  combined, 
formed  a  force  of  fome  flrength,  and  excited  in  the  minds  of 
many  well  difpofed  perfons,  ferious  apprehenfions  for  the 
public  fafety. 

The  increafing  fcarcity  of  bread,  and  which  menaced  an 
unavoidable  diminution  of  the  ordinary  allowance,  contribu- 
ted much  to  increafe  the  apprehenfion  of  danger.  A  defici- 
ency in  this  article  in  Paris,  under  the  ancient  government, 
generally  excited  a  tumult.  It  was,  therefore,  a  primary  ob- 
ject in  every  reign,  and  with  every  adminiftration,  to 
guard  againft  fuch  deficiency,  as  the  greateft  of  public  cala- 
mities. Abundant  fcores  were,  in  confequence,  always  pro- 
vided, when  it  was  poflible  to  provide  them;  and  let  the 
fcarcity  or  price  be  what  it  might,  in  other  quarters,  the 
ordinary  allowance,  and  nearly  at  the  ordinary  price,  was  dif- 
tributed,  as  in  times  of  greateft  plenty,  among  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  city.  Such,  likewife,  had  been  the  practice  fince 
the  change  of  the  government ;  fo  that  a  ftate  of  affairs  which 
announced  the  approach  of  a  deficiency,  announced- likewife 


C    i*°    3 

that  of  a  crifis  extremely  important  in  the  hlftory  of  the  re- 
volution. The  moft  firm  knew  it  was  an  experiment  yet  to 
be  made  ;  and  from  which,  whilft  they  counted  upon  no  pof- 
fible  benefit,  they  had  many  reafons  to  apprehend  fome  real 
inconvenience. 

"  It  was  forefeen,  that  if  any  movement  was  fet  on  foot,  the 
deficiency  of  bread,  if  that  was  the  fact,  would  be  made  the 
pretext ;  and  as  the  complaint,  being  addreffed  to  the  wants 
of  all,  would  excite  a  general  fympathy,  it  was  feared  that 
finch  deficiency  would  tend  -much  to  encreafe  the  ftrength  of 
trie  infurgent  party.  In  every  view,  therefore,  the  crifis 
which  approached  was  an  interefting  one :  It  was,  however, 
at  hand,  and  no  other  alternative  remained,  for  thofe  whofe 
Uuty  it  was  to  fuftain  it,  than  that  of  yielding  under,  or 
meeting  it  with  firmnefs,  and  paiTmg  through  it  as  well  as 
poffible. 

As  fcon  as  it  was  known  that  a  diminution  of  the  ordinary 
allowance  was  unavoidable,  it  was  refolved  to  make  it  known 
3  ike  wife  to  the  people,  that  they  might  not  be  taken  by  fur- 
prife  j  and  for  this  purpofe  Boify  d'Anglas,  of  the  fection  of 
iubfiilence  in  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  appeared  at 
the  tribune,  "fome  days  before  it  took  e.Tecl.  His  difcourfe, 
which  was  fhort,  but  explicit,  began  by  expo  (ing  freely  the 
enormities  and  vicious  arrangements  of  the  ancient  commit- 
tees j  whereby,  he  faid,  France  had  already  been  vifited  with 
many  great  calamities,  and  was  ftill  threatened  with  others ; 
and  concluded  by  obferving,  that  even  famine  was  likewife 
one  proceeding  from  that  fource  ;  which  neither  the  wifdom 
nor  the  induftry  of  the  prefent  councils  had  been  able  alto- 
gether to  avert :  That  he  was  happy,  however,  to  aflure  the 
convention,  that  as  the  moft  prudent  meafures  were  long 
fince  taken  to  correct  the  abufes  of  that  adminiftration,  the 
ftiftrefs  of  Paris  vi^ould  be  for  a  fhort  term  only.  The 
communication  was  received  by  Barrere,  Billaud  de  Varennes, 
£sV.  and  by  the  members  of  the  mountain  party  in  general, 
with  a  fmile  of  approbation.  It  was  obvious  they  confidered 
Boify,  as  a  welcome  mefienger,  announcing  to  them  joyful  ti- 
dings. A  few  days  afterwards,  the  deficiency  fo  much  dread- 
ed took  place,  and,  at  the  fame  time,  the  intrigues  of  the 
difcontented  began  more  fully  to  unfold  themfelves. 

The  movement  was  commenced  by  about  four  hundred 
citizens,  from  a  fedion  heretofore  noted  forits  turbulence  ; 
and  who,  appearing  without  the  hall,  demanded  admiflion  to 
the  bar  of  the  convention.  A  deputation  from  the  party, 
confiding  of  twenty  piembers,  was.  admitted,  :and  who  ad- 


C     '5*    1 

dreiTed  tli.it  body  in  a  ftyie  unufualj  complaining  of  the  want 
of  bread,  and  declaring  alfo,  that  they  were  upon  the  point  of 
regretting  the  facrifkes  they  had  made  to  the  revolution.  The 
anfwer  of  the  Prefident  (Thibeaudaut)  was  firm  and  decifive. 
To  that  part  of  the  addrefs  which  complained  of  the  fcarcity  of 
brea-d,  he  replied,  by  dating  the meafi ires  of  the  government  to 
remedy  it :  And  to  that  which  expofed  the  temper  of  the  par- 
ty in  regard  to  the  revolution,  he  anfwered  explicitly,  that  he 
knew  the  difaffecled  were  at  work  to  excite  trouble,  but 
that  their  efforts  would  be  fruitleis ;  for,  enlightened  by  ex- 
:\ce,  and  flrong  in  the  power  of  the  whole  nation,  the 
convention  would  be  able  to  controul  their  movements ;  and 
in  clofmg,  he  addreffed  himfelf  more  particularly  to  the  me- 
morialifts,  faying,  that  the  efforts  of  the  people  to  recover 
their  liberty  would  not  be  loft,  whilft  gocd  citizens  feconded 
the  labours  of  their  reprefentatives ;  that  defpair  belonged 
only  to  Haves  ;  freemen  never  regretted  the  facrifices  they 
had  made  in  fuch  a  caufe.  The  anfwer,  which  was  received 
with  general  applaufe,  checked  for  awhile  the  turbulent, 
fpirit  of  the  difaffeclied. 

But  this  party  had  too  much  at  flake,  and  its  meafures 
were  probably  too  far  advanced,  to  be  abandor.?d  in  this  (lage. 
About  a  month  after  this,  and  which  was  on  the  ift  of  A- 
pril  (12  Germinal)  a  more  numerous  body,  confiding  princi- 
pally of  workmen  from  the  Faubourg  of  St.  Antoine,  prefent- 
ed  itfelf  likewife  before  the  hail,  demanding  admiffion  to  the 
bar  of  the  convention  5  and  upon  fome  pretext,  and  in  viola- 
tion of  the  ufual  forms,  immediately  forced  its  way  into  the 
hall  of  that  affembly.  The  croud  increafed,  fo  that  in  the 
courfe  of  a  few  hours,  there  were  in  the  hall,  perhaps,  three 
or  four  thcufand;  and  in  the  vacant  external  fpace  around 
it,  as  many  more.  The  proceedings  of  the  convention  were 
fufpended :  The  Prefident,  however,  and  the  members  kept 
their  feats,  declaring,  that  as  their  fitting  was  violated,  they 
would  do  no  bufinefs  :  Indeed  it  was  now  impoffibie  to  do 
any  had  they  been  fo  difpofed;  for  the  general  and  tumultuous 
cries  that  were  raifed  by  the  invaders  for  "  bread"  for  "  li- 
berty to  the  patriots,"  meaning  fome  of  the  accomplices  of 
Robefpierre,  could  alone  be  heard.  They  continued  thus  in 
the  hall  about  four  hours,  from  two  to  fix  in  the  evening, 
offering  in  the  interim  no  violence  to  any  of  the  members  ; 
but  behaving,  in  other  refpech,  with  the  utmoft  poffible  inde- 
corum. When  they  firft  entered,  fome  circumftances  were 
feen  which  caufed  a  fufpicion,  that  a  good  underftanding  ful> 
between  the  leaders  of  the.  mob  and  feme  members  of 


r  is*  3 

tlie  mountain  party :  And  it  was  likewife  obferved,  that  their 
final  retreat  was  made  upon  a  fuggeftion  from  that  quarter^ 
for  as  foon  as  an  admonitioii  to  that  effect  was  given  from 
that  quarter  it  was  obeyed.  Many  believed  it  was  intended 
ro  lay  violent  hands  upon  all  the  leading  members  of  the  pre- 
ponderating party,  and  either  murder  them  in  their  places,  or 
iend  them  to  prifon,  to  be  murdered  afterwards,  under  the 
form  of  a  trial;  as  was  tlie  cafe  in  the  time  of  Robefpierre; 
v/herebv  the  preponderating  fcale  would  be  (hifted  to  the 
other  fide,  nnd  the  reign  of  terror  revived  again  for  awhile. 
Be  the  plan,  however,  what  it  might,  it  was  foon  fruftrated  ; 
for,  as  the  movement  was  that  of  a  mob  againft  the  civil  autho* 
rity,  its  operations  were  irregular  and  diforderly  :  It  had  no 
chief  to  lead  it  on.  to  acls  of  violence  :  The  time  was  there- 
fore, v/hiied  away  infenfelefs  uproar,  till  at  length  the  putative 
authors  of  the  movement  were  as  uneafy  about  the  iflue,  and 
as  anxious  to  get  rid  of  it,  as  thofe  at  whom  it  was  fuppofed 
to  be  pointed.  In  the  interim  too,  the  means  that  were  adopt- 
ed without,  tended  not  only  to  fecure  the  general  tranquillity 
of  the  city ;  but  moft  probably  to  influence  in  a  great  meafurc 
the  proceedings  within.  By  order  of  the  committees  the  toe- 
fin  was  found;.*!,  and  the  citizens  in  every  fection  called  to 
arms;  fo  that  the  appeal  was  fairly  made  to  the  people  of  Pa- 
ris, whether  they  would  fupport  the  Republic,  or  rally  un^er 
the  ftandard  of  thofe  who  were  for  a  change.  Nor  was  the 
queftion  long  undecided  ;  for  as  foon  as  the  government  acted 
in  its  various  functions  it  was  obeyed :  The  lapfe  of  a  few 
hours  gave  it  the  preponderance,  and  the  lapfe  of  a  few  more, 
not  only  freed  the  hall  of  the  convention  from  the  invafion 
with  which  it  had  been  feized,  but  difperfed  the  croud  from 
its  vicinity. 

At  fix  in  the  evening  the  convention  refumed  its  delibera- 
tions ;  beginning  by  declaring  its  fitting  permanent,  and  pro- 
grefling  by  a  review  of  the  movements  of  the  day,  which  were 
well  underftood  and  freely  difcufTed.  By  this  time  too,  it 
was  fortified  by  accounts  from  every  quarter,  that  the  fenfe  of 
the  city  was  decifively  pronounced  in  its  favor,  and  againft 
the  rioters,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  thofe  fections,  whence 
the  diforder  proceeded,  were  returning  to  their  duty.  The 
fitting  continued  until  fix  in  the  morning ;  in  the  courfc 
whereof  a  decree  of  banimment  was  paifed  againft  the  accuf- 
ed  members,  and  of  arreftation  againft  eight  or  nine  of  the 
mountain  party ,  which  latter  lift  was  afterwards  increafed  to 
about  eighteen  ;  and  both  of  which  decrees  have  fince  been 
carried  into  effect,  by  fending  the  former  ft?  the  ilk  of 


[     '53    1 

Oleron  ,  and  the  latter  to  the  caftle  of  Ham,  in  the  de- 
partment of  Somme ;  and  thus  ended  the  commotion  which 
was  fo  long  gathering  and  which  menaced  at  one  time,  not  to 
arreft  the  progrefs  of  the  revolution  (at  lead  fuch  was  my 
opinion)  but  to  occafion  much  trouble  and  (lain  its  page  with 
new  atrocitirs. 

In  the  courfe  of  this  day,  the  fervices  of  General  Pichegru, 
vho  happened  to  be  in  Paris,  and  was  appointed  command- 
ant of  the  national  guard,  were  of  great  importance  to  his 
country.  His  activity  was  great,  for  he  w«.s  always  on  horfe, 
and  palFing  from  one  quarter  of  the  city  to  another ;  and  his 
arrangements  in  difpofing  of  the  cannon  and  military  force 
were  wife  :  His  name  too  was  of  great  utility,  for  it  tended 
equally  to  elevate  the  hopes  of  the  friends,  and  deprefs  tl-cfc 
of  the  enemies  of  the  public  tranquillity.  I  do  not  think  if 
he  had  been  abfent,  the  event  would -have  been  different; 
but  I  am  fatisfied,  that  his  prefence  contributed  much  to  ha- 
ften  the  reiteration  of  order,  and  to  preferve  it  afterwards. 

By  this  event,  which  is  called  the  complement  of  the  pth 
of  Thermidor,  and  which  forms  the  catafhrophe  of  the  moun- 
tain party,  tranquillity  appears  to  be  eflablimed,  not  only  in 
this  city,  but  throughout  the  Republic  in  general.  The  fear- 
city  of  bread,,  it  is  true,  itill  continues,  but  yet,  no  mur- 
muring has  been  fince  heard  on  that  fubjech  The  mode- 
rate party,  and  which,  in  principle,  I  deem  the  fame  with 
that  which  was  overwhelmed  on  the  31  Pi  of  May,  will  there- 
fore commence  its  career  under  aufpices  extremely  favourable 
to  its  own  reputation,  and  to  the  liberty  and  profperity  of 
France.  The  fat-2  of  its  late  antagonift,  if  there  was  no 
ether  motive,  and  which  was  precipitated  by  the  general 
wifh  of  France,  and  of  all  other  nations,  not  in  league  againft 
the  French  Republic,  mult  furnifli  a  folemn  and  lading  ad- 
monition to  (hun  its  example.  The  oppotlte  principles  too, 
upon  which  it  is  founded,  bsing  the  avowed  patron  of  huma- 
nity, juftice  and  law,  and  equally  at  variance  with  the  oppo- 
fite  extremes  of  aiiftocracy  and  anarchy,  whofe  partifans 
were  lately  combined  in  an  effort  to  cruih  it,  p'-ornifes  to 
fccure  in  its  meafures  fome  (lability  in  the  observance  of  thofe 
juft  and  honourable  principles  which  it  profeiles. 

For  fome  time  paft,  the  views  of  this  party  have  been  di- 
rected towards  the  eitablifnment  of  the  conftitution,  and 
fome  motions  to  that  effect  are  now  depending  before  felect 
committees  appointed  to  prepare  the  ieveral  organic  laws 
rseceffary  to  introduce  it.  An  opinion  is  likcwife  entertained 
by  many,  tbnt  the  conftitution  in.  queilion  is  very 

X 


(     '54    ) 

jine  ought  to  be  amended  before  it  is  put  in  force.  A  difcourie 
to  this  cffeft  was  lately  delivered  by  Pelet,  a  reipe&able  and 
veil  informed  member,  and  the  fame  fentiment  was  then 
;-.vowed  by  others.  But  whether  an  attempt  of  this  kind, 
(mould  it  be  formally  made,  will  fucceed)  or  whether  the 
general  folicitnde  to  put  the  cpnftitutkm  in  force,  however 
defective  it  may  be,  in  the  hope  of  amending  it  afterwards, 
will  prevail,  is  yet  uncertain. 

Since  the  fortunate  iffue  of  the  late  commotion,  a  treaty  of 
peace' was  concluded  with  Pruflia,  at  Bafle,  in  Switzerland, 
of  which  I  inclofe  you  a  copy.  The  import  of  the  fourth  and 
fifth  articles,  give  caufe  to  fufpeft,  that  fome  ftipulations 
cxifl  which  have  not  been  communicated,  and  it  is  believed 
by  many,  that  it  is  agreed  between  the  parties,  that  France 
lhall  retain  the  Pruffian  territory  on  the  left  of  the  Rhine,  in 
lieu  whereof,  fhe  is  to  take  and  cede  Hanover.  Should  this 
be  the  cafe,  it  is  probable,  if  the  war  continues  another  cam- 
paign, that  Pruilia  will  be  feen  arranged  as  a  party  on  the 
fide  of  France.  The  latter  confiders  the  old  connection 
witrh  Auftria  as  broken,  and  wifhes  to  fupply  it  by  one  with 
Pruflia ;  and  provided  fatisfadtory  arrangements  are  or  {hall 
be  hereafter  formed  for  that  purpofe,  will  become  interefted 
in  raifmg  the  latter  power  at  the  expence  of  the  former,  as 
well  as  that  of  England.  The  negociation  with  Spain  is  alfo 
faid  to  be  far  advanced,  and  will  rnoft  probably  foon  be 
clofcd.  It  is  like  wife  reported,  that  a  perfon,  or  more  than 
one  from  England  is  now  in  Paris,  upon  the  pretext  of  treat- 
ing for  an  exchange  of  prifoners,  but  in  truth,  for  the  more 
fubftantial  one  of  treating,  or  at  leaft  of  founding  the  difpo- 
fjtion  of  this  government  for  peace.  Upon  this  point,  how- 
ever, I  hope  to  be  able  to  give  you  in  the  courfe  of  a  few 
days  more  correct  information  than  I  now  can. 


From  Mr.  Jay.,  to  Mr.  Monroe, 

London ,  February   l()th>   1 795- 
SIR,  • 

ON  the  5th  of  this  month,  I  had  the  honor  of  writing 
to  you  a  letter  in  anfvver  to  yours  of  the  lyth  ultimo,  by  Mr. 
Pmviance  ;  who  is  flill  here  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  re. 
turn,  andwho  will  be  the  bearer  of  that  letter. 

You  will  receive  this  by  Colonel  Trumbull,  who,  for  fome 
time  pad  has  been  waiting  lor  an  opportunity  to  go  through 


c  «  i  -s" 

^x^^V  *  ^ 

Paris'to  Stutgard,  on  private  bufinefs  of  his  own.  Ke  unl 
me  the  favour  to  accompany  me  to  this  country  as  my  fccrSs-  „  .•** 
tary.  He  has  been  privy  to  the  negociation  of  the  treaty  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  which  I  have 
figned  j  and  having  copied  it,  is  perfectly  acquainted  with 
its  contents.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  honor,  underftanding  and 
accuracy,  and  able  to  give  you  fatifactory  information  rela- 
tive to  it.  I  have  thought  it  more  advifeable  to  authorife  and 
requeft  him  to  give  you  this  information  perfonally,  than  to 
fend  you  written  extracts  from  the  treaty,  which  might  not 
be  fo  Satisfactory.  But  he  is  to  give  you  this  information  in 
perfect  confidence,  that  you  will  not  impart  it  to  any  perfon 
whatever  ;  for  as  the  treaty  is  not  yet  ratified,  and  may  not 
be  finally  concluded  in  its  prefent  form  and  tenor,  the  in- 
conveniences which  a  premature  publication  cf  its  contents 
might  produce,  can  only  be  obviated  by  fecrecy  in  the  mean 
time.  I  think  myfelf  juilifiable  in  giving  you  the  informa- 
tion in  queftion,  becaufe  you  are  an  American  miniiler,  and 
becaufe  it  may  not  only  be  agreeable,  but  perhaps  ufeful. 


From  Mr.  Benjamin  Hicbborn,  to  the  Minifter  plenipotentiary 
cf  tJ:s  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   March  3  ijl,    179-. 

to?, 

IN  fome  free  converfation  with  Colonel  Trumbull*  on 
the  fubjeft  of  the  late  treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  Ame- 
rica, I  could  not  avoid  expreffing  the  uneafmefs  I  felt  at  the 
difagreeable  ettefts,  which  had  already  (hewn  themfelves, 
and  the  ftill  more  ferious  confequences  which  might  refult 
from  that  negociation.  And  I  rnuft  confeis,  I  experienced  a 
very  agreeable  furprize,  when  he  aflured  me  upon  his  honor, 
that  the  treaty  had  for  its  object,  merely  the  adjuftmcnt  of 

iome  matters  in  difpute  between  the  two  nations, that  it  fe- 

cured  to  the  Americans  fome  rights  in  commerce  which  might 
have  been  doubtful  by  the  laws  of  nations,  and  by  which  their 
intercourfe  with  this  country  would  be  facilitated  during  the 
war, — that  it  provided  a  compensation  with  thofe  of  either 
nation  who  had  been  injured,— and  finally  fettled  all  con- 
troverfy  refpeding  the  boundary  line  and  the  weftern  pods. 
He  further  declared.— That  the  treaty  did  not  contain  any 
feparate  or  reciprocal  guarrantee,  of  any  rights,  privileges  or 
territory,  or  an  engagement  on  either  part  to  afford  aid  or 


J 

f applies  of  any  kind  to  the  other,  under  any  eircumftances 
whatever.  The  treaty,  he  fays,  (imply  declares, — That  the 
parties  fhall  remain  at  peace,  and  points  out  the  mode,  in 
which  the  matters  of  ccntroverfy  between  them  (hall  be  final- 
ly fettled. 

If  this  information  can  be  of  any  fervice  to  you  in  your 
public  capacity,  you  may  make  ufe  of  it  in  any  manner  you 
may  think  fit.  I  prefume  the  authenticity  of  its  contents  will 
not  be  called  in  queftion. 

I  am,  £sV. 
(Signed) 

BENJAMIN  HIGHBORN* 


From  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

Philadelphia,  March  %th,  1795-* 


ON  the  1  5th  ultimo,  I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to 
you  at  large  ;  and  on  the  2oth  of  the  fame  month,  I  received 
your  letters  of  October  i6th;  November  'jth  and  2oth,  1794. 

Being  uncertain  whether  1  may  not  be  required  at  the  »ext 
cut  to  clofe  this  letter,  I   fhall  not  undertake  to  anfwer 
your  difpatches  fully  ;  though  I  will  proceed  as  far  as  the  hur- 
ry of  the  opportunity  will  permit. 

I  have  the  pleafure  to  inform  you,  that  the  Prefident  much 
approves  your  attention  to  our  commerce  ;  and  the  merchants 
v/ho  are  immediately  interefted,  and  to  whom  I  have  com- 
municated your  meafures,  think  them  judicious. 

The  temporary  appointment  of  Mr.  Skipwith,  and  his  re- 
port have  been  alfo  well  received.  But  the  circumftance  of 
nis  being  your  fecretary  ;  the  want  of  emolument  to  our  con- 
fulates,  and  an  ignorance  of  what  you  had  done,  caufed  a 
Mr.  Pitcairn  to  be  named  conful  for  Paris,  pretty  early  in 
the  late  feffion  of  the  fenate.  I  fhall  fend  a  general  instruc- 
tion to  the  confv.ls  to  obey  the  directions  of  the  minifters  of 
the  United  States.  Should  fuch  a  power  be  neceflary  before 
my  general  letter  reaches  them,  you  may  ufe  this  as  your  au- 
thority upon  the  fubjecL 

Your  cbfcrvations  as  to  pafTports  have  for  fome  time  oc- 
curred to  me.  Thofe  which  have  been  ifiued  from  this  de- 
partment latdy,  have  been  governed  by  flricl:  rules  ;  and  great 
rcpfoaeh  and  calumny  have  fallen  upon  the  chief  officer,  from 
the  moutJ"  s  of  foreign  ariftccrats,  who  are  a  kind  of  half- 


fledged  citizens  of  the  United  States,  by  having  refided  there- 
in a  few  months. 

Your  hiftory  of  the  Jacobin  Societies,  was  fo  appropriate 
to  the  prefent  times  in  our  own  country,  that  it  was  conceived 
proper  to  furnim  the  public  with  thole  ufeful  leflbns ;  and 
extracts  were  publifhed  as  from  a  letter  of  a  gentleman  in 
Paris  to  his  friend  in  this  city. 

Laft  night  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  arrived.  It  will 
remain  undivulged  by  the  executive,  until  the  8th  of  June 
next  5  when  the  fenate  will  aflemble  to  deliberate  on  its  rati- 
fication. I  perceive  that  Mr.  Fauchet  is  very  uneafy ;  but 
upon  what  grounds,  which  are  juftifiable,  I  knov/  not.  Th? 
pofts,  and  the  fpoliations  of  commerce  will  never  furely  be 
mentioned,  as  requiring  war  inftead  of  negociation  ;  and  if 
they  do  require  war,  we  and  no  other  naticn  are  the  judges. 
Our  trade  may  alfo  be  regulated  by  any  treaties  which  we 
pleafe ;  and  no  other  government  can  find  caufc  of  offence, 
unlefs  we  derogate  from  its  rights.  You  are  acquainted  witli 
the  reflections  on  Mr.  Jay,  againft  the  weakening  of  our  en- 
gagements with  France  ;  and  as  far  as  a  curfory  perufal  of  the 
treaty  will  enable  me  to  fpeak,  I  have  not  difcovered  any  re?.- 
fonable  ground  for  difTatisf action  in  the  French  Republic. 
For  it  cannot  be  fuppofed,  that  the  French  nation  would  be 
difpleafed  that  our  difputes  with  other  nations  mould  be  con- 
cluded. But  you  will  not  judge  from  what  I  fay,  that  my 
opinion  is  formed,  whether  the  treaty  will  or  not  be  ratified. 
However,  your  idea  as  to  Denmark  and  Sweden,  though  it 
was  always  attended  to,  grows  of  lefs  importance.  I  mail  no'; 
now  anfwer  your  propofition,  or  rather  intimation,  relative  to 
a  certain  concert^  until  a  future  opportunity  ;  and  after  hear- 
ing farther  from  you  concerning  it.  You  will  have  conclud- 
ed from  one  of  my  late  letters,  that  the  flep  is  viewed  here  as 
a  very  ftrong  one. 

Your  obfervations  on  our  commercial  relation  to  France, 
and  your  conduct  as  to  Mr.  Guardoqui's  letter,  prove  your 
judgment  and  afliduity.  Nor  are  your  meafures  as  to  Mr. 
Paine,  and  the  lady  of  our  friend  lefs  approved. 

Colonel  Humphreys  is  here  arranging  the  affair  of  Algiers. 
Be  fo  good  as  to  bring  to  the  earliefl  iffue  the  points,  which 
you  have  preffed  upon  the  French  Republic  ;  and  particularly 
the  fifteen  thoufand  dollars,  advanced  to  the  people  of  St.  Do- 
mingo. You  have  generally  called  them  fifty  thoufand  by 
miftake. 


c  ts»  r 

My  nest  letter  will  be  devoted  to  die  two  important  pafTa- 
ges  in  your  letters,  conveying  intelligence  of  your  movements 
refpecung  Spain  and  Great  Britain. 

The  inelofed  papers  from  Mr.  Vincent,  muft  be  fubmitted 
to  your  difcretion,  to  do  with  them  what  may  be  beft  and  pro- 
per. Thofe  of  Mr.  King  relative  to  the  ihip  Andrew,  make 
a  part  of  the  bufmefs  already  in  your  hands. 

Mr.  Taylor  will  prepare  for  this  conveyance,  your  newfpa- 
pers,  CSV. 

I  am,  £*fY. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 

Secretary  of  State. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  received  the  inclofed 
letter  of  the,  yth  inftant,  from  Mr.  Fitzfimons,  which  I  beg 
leave  to  confign  to  your  particular  attention. 


[  No.  XV.  ] 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,    TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  May   i*]th,    1795. 


I  WAS  ycflerday  honoured  with  yours  of  the  8th  of 
March,  the  only  one  received  fmce  that  of  the  5th  of  De- 
cember, and  was  at  the  fame  moment  favored  with  the  com- 
pany of  Mr.  Pitcairn,  who  having  juft  arrived,  had  called 
to  prefent  his  com  million  of  vice-conful  for  this  city,  to  be 
recognized  as  fuch. 

I  informed  you  in  my  letter  of  the  6th  of  March,  and  for 
reafons  that  were  in  part  before  explained,  that  the  arrival  of 
this  gentleman  would  fubjecl:  me  to  an  unpleafant  dilemma, 
for  if  it  was  known  that  he  was  a  Britim  fubjecl:,  although  he 
had  likcwifc  become  an  American  citizen,  I  doubted  much 
whether  he  would  be  received  :  That  in  ftncl:  propriety  I  ought 
to  communicate  the  fact  if  it  was  fo,  for  after  what  had  patted 
between  us,  upon  ;i  fubjecl:  analogous  to  this,  if  I  announced 
him  withholding  the  fact,  and  it  was  difcovered  afterwards, 
I  mould  cxpofe  myfelf  to  the  imputation  of  the  want  of  can- 
dour, and  that  in  any  event,  if  he  were  eflablifhed,  however 
correctly  I  might  peribnalJy  acl,  the  circumflance  of  his  being 


a  Bvitifli  lubjecV,  would  not  only  leffen  his  weight  anrl  ro  tl.e 
prejudice  of  our  commercial  affairs  here,  but  to  a  certain  de- 
gree, and  from  caufes  that  are  obvious,  leffen  mine  likc\vil>, 
the  ill  effects  of  which  might  be  felt,  and  efpecially  at  the 
prefent  moment  upon  concerns  of  more  general  importance. 
By  his  arrival,  therefore,  this  embarrafsment  \v:.s  realized: 
The  commiffion  of  the  Prefident  is  the  law  to  me,  and  upon 
every  principle  it  is  difagreeable  to  fufpend  its  force  ;  but 
yet  the  nature  of  the  truft  repofed  in  a  public  niniflcr,  fcems 
to  imply  in  him  a  difcretionary  power,  to  ccntroul  according 
to  his  judgment,  incidents  of  this  kind,  wherever  it  appears 
that  thereby  he  may  promote  the  public  intered,  and  which 
becomes  of  courfe  the  ftronger,  when  neccilary  to  prevent  a 
public  detriment.  Upon  mature  confideraticn,  therefore, 
I  have  thought  it  beft  to  with-hold  the  official  communication 
of  his  appointment  from  the  government,  until  I  mould  hear 
from  you  in  reply  to  that  letter  ;  and  the  more  efpecially,  as 
it  might  now  be  expected  in  the  courfe  of  a  few  weeks.  In 
confequence,  I  communicated  this  decifion  to  Mr.  Pitcairn, 
with  the  motives  upon  which  it  was  founded,  and  v/as  pleafed 
to  obferve,  that  he  appeared  to  be  perfectly  fatisned  with 
the  propriety  of  it. 

I  obferve  by  this  letter,  that  the  treaty  concluded  by  Mr. 
Jay  with  Great-Britain,  did  not  arrive  before  the  5th  of 
March,  and  in  confequence  would  not  be  fubmitted  to  the 
Senate  before  the  8th  of  June,  and  in  the  interim  would 
be  kept  fecret.  I  regret  equally  this  delay  and  fecrecy  ;  the 
delay  becaufe  if  it  is  not  approved,  it  may  become  more  diffi- 
cult in  the  probable  courfe  of  events  on  this  fide  the  Atlantic, 
to  obtain  a  remodification  of  it :  and  the  fecrecy  becaufe  the 
jealoufy  that  was  at  firft  imbibed  by  this  government  of  its 
contents  will  of  courfe  remain  for  the  fame  fpace  cf  time, 
and  which  cannot  otherwife  than  be  fomewhat  hurtful  in  the 
interim  to  our  affairs  depending  here.  Having  too  explained 
the  object  of  that  mifliori,  whilft  its  iflue  was  uncertain,  they 
think  itftrange  that  the  refult  fliould  be  now  withheld.  Up- 
on this  point,  however,  I  have  nothing  new  to  add.  I  h:r,  c 
already  communicated  to  you  whatever  I  had  to  communicate 
upon  it,  and  waiting  the  iffue,  I  ftiall  continue  by  my  affu- 
rances  to  endeavour  to  infpire  this  government  with  a  confi- 
dence, cither  that  the  treaty  in  queinon  contains  in  k  nothing 
improper,  or  that  it  will  not  be  ratified  in  cafe  it  does. 

Your  laft  letter  gave  me  the  iiift  intelligence  upon  which  I 
could  rely,  that  Colonel  Humphreys  was  in  America.  He 
will  of  courfe  return  fully  poffriitd  ef  yovr .view?  wfih  ; 


r 


1 60     ] 


to  the  piratical  powers  on  the  African  coaft.  I  allured  you 
long  fince  that  it  would  be  eafy  to  obtain  from  this  government 
its  aid  upon  that  point,  and  it  is  certain  that  its  aid  with  each, 
and  efpscially  Algiers,  with  which  regency  the  republic  is  in 
the  ftri£teli  amity,  would  be  of  good  effect..  Thofe  powers 
Ke?.r  that  France  is  at  war  againlt.  Auflria,  Spain,  England, 
Portugal,  £c.  and  defeats  them  all,  and  in  confequence  con- 
clude that  (he  is  more  powerful  than  all  united,  and  refpe& 
h^r  accordingly.  I  have  frequently  been  told  in  private  con- 
verfation  by  the  members  of  the  committee,  that  they  were 
ready  to  render  us  ail  the  fervice  in  their  power  in  that  refpe£l, 
r.nd  I  fhould  long  fince  have  requeiled  the  government  to  make 
our  peace  there  in  purfuit  of  the  plan  commenced  by  Mr. 
Morris,  had  I  not  been  mftru£led  that  the  bufmefs  was  in  the 
hands  of  Colonel  Humphreys,  and  feared  by  fuch  interference 
I  fhould  embarrafs  the  views  and  meafures  of  our  government. 
I  fhall  be  ready  however,  to  aft  in  whatever  line  you  may  think 
proper  to  direct,  and  fhall  endeavour,  and  without  any  par- 
ticular compromitmenton  our  part,  to  keep  the  committee  in 
the  fame  ilate  of  preparation. 

In  general  our  commercial  affairs  progrefs  as  well,  all  things 
confidered,  as  could  be  expected.  Tranfaclions  of  old  (land- 
ing, I  have  not  lately  formally  prefled,  becaufe  I  knew  that  the 
government  was  embarrafTed  on  the  fcore  of  finance,  and  be- 
caufe I  thought  it  would  be  better  to  wait  the  irTue  of  the  bu- 
fmefs depending  with  you  in  June  next.  Mr.  Skipwith,  how- 
ever, does  every  thing  in  his  power  to  forward  thofe  objects, 
and  perhaps  with  as  much  t  r7e6t>  as  would  be  polfible  under 
any  preflure  that  could  now  be  made.  But  in  the  direct  or 
current  commerce,our  countrymen  enjoy  all  the  privileges  that 
the  government  can  give  them;  and  though  delays  are  fome- 
times  experienced,  and  efpecially  in  the  payment  of  contracts, 
that  were  formed  in  America,  yet  the  tranfa£tions  are  gene- 
rally clofed  in  a  manner  fatisfa&ory  to  the  parties.  The  pro- 
fits which  fome  of  them  have  made,  and  continue  to  make, 
recording  to  report,  are  great,  beyond  example.  In  truth  our 
countrymen  are  gradually  planting  themfelves  in  commercial 
houies  throughout  the  Republic,  and  engaging  in  the  com- 
merce of  France  to  an  extent  which,  whilft  it  promifes  to  be 
profitable  to  themfelves,  will  likewife  be  of  great  and  perma- 
nent utility  to  both  nations:  for  by  means  thereof  not  only  per- 
fonal  acquaintance  and  connections  are  formed  by  the  citizens 
of  each  with  thofe  of  the  other  refpe£Hvely,  but  their  common 
wants  afid  common  capacities  will  be  better  underftood. 


The  claim  of  15,000  dollars  I  mentioned  long  fmce  would 
be  admitted  without  a  word,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  fo  under- 
ftood  at  the  treifury.  I  omitted  it  in  my  more  early  appli- 
cations to  this  government,  becaufe  I  wiihed  to  proofs  with 
the  greater  objects  firit,  and  more  latterly ;  for  the  rcafons 
above  fuggeiled.  I  conferred,  however,  on  the  fubjetl  with 
Mr.  Adet,  and  prefume  he  will  allow  it  as  a  thing  of  courfe  > 
but  if  he  does  not,  upon  notification  thereof  to  the;  cemaiittse, 
and  which  I  will  immediately  make  when  ib  advifed  by  you, 
he  will  certainly  be  inftru&ed  to  do  it. 

Since  my  laft,  Park,  and  the  Republic  in  general,  have  enjoy- 
ed a  ftate  of  perfect  tranquillity.  Every  little  difturb.mce  which 
enfaedforatimethe  movement  of  the  2d  April  ( 1 2th  Germinal) 
and  there  was  one  or  two  of  the  fmaller  kind  which  did  enfue, 
fubfiJed  almoft  of  itielf,  and  in  each  inilance  without  force, 
and  of  courfe  without  blooclflied.  Thus  the  authority  of  the 
convention  prevails,  although  it  is  fupported  by  the  common 
ienfe,  and  the  common  inrereft  of  the  citizens  of  Paris  only  j 
.;g  deemed  heretofore  imprafric..  ;T  cxifting  em- 

barraiTments.  Certain  it  is,  that  if  the  government  had  been 
in  the  hands  of  a  king,  or  any  other  defcription  01  (  rrfons  than 
that  of  the  people  themfelves,  we  fliould  have  feen  i;i  the  courfe 
of  a  few  weeks  paft,  a  fucceilion  of  many  revolutions 
minifterial  kind,  and  which  woula  have  perhaps  dethro. 
ventually  any  king  that  ever  reigned  here.  The  diftreis  of 
die  people  on  account  of  the  fcarcky  of  bread,  fince  that 
time,  has  been  like  that  of  a  befieged  tovrn.  They  have  been 
conilantly  upon  allowance,  and  which  was  irjtcrly  reduced  to 
two  ounces  and  fometimes  lefs  per  day.  My  family  which 
coniifts  of  14  perfons  is  allowed  two  pounds  of  br^ad  per  day. 
I  mention  this  thut  you  rnay  have  a  juit  idea  of  the  dilirefs  of 
others,  and  particularly  the  poor;  for  at  a  great  c: 
(nearly  40  dollars  fpecie  per  barrel)  I  am  fupplicd*  The  ac- 
counts which  we  have  of  the  diftrefs  of  the  aged,  the  intinn, 
and  even  of  children  are  moll  afflicting;  yet  calmnefs  and  fe-. 
renity  are  feen  every  where  ;  complaints  diminifh,  and  that 
ferocity  which  was  obfeivable  on  the  I2th  of  Germinal,  on 
the  part  of  thofe  v  ho  forcibly  entered  the  convention,  and 
which  was  excited  by  the  animofity  of  contending  parties,  and 
molt  probably  cncreafed  by  foreign  influence,  has  entirely  dif- 
appeared*  In  this  moment  they  ail  look  to  America  for  bread, 
and  moft  fervently  do  I  join  them  in  prayer,  that  our  country- 
men may  fpeedily  bring  it  to  them.  If  they  can  make  out  for 
f  x  waeks  they  are  fafe;  for  by  that  time  the  rye  will  ripen,  and 
from  preferit  profpefts  they  may  be  in  a  better  fituation  in  th£ 


C  :i<«    ]  1 

interim  than  they  now  are,  and  moft  probably  not  in  a  worTe. 

In  the  line  of  negcciation,  nothing  has  been  concluded 
fmce  the  treaty  wi*h  Fruitta*  and  which  was  ratified  by  both 
panics  foon  after  it  was  figned.  Sir  F.  Eden  came  to  Roche- 
fort,  from  whence  he  notified  his  arrival  to  the  committee  and 
requefted  pcrmifuon  to  come  to  Paris.  They  had  him  con- 
ducted to  Dieppe,  where  he  was  kept  under  guard  until  the 
arrival  of  an  agent  from  the  committee,  who  was  inftru&ed 
to  receive  and  report  his  propofitions  to  that  body,  provided 
they  embraced  any  ether  object  than  an  exchange  of  prifon- 
ers  •,  but  in  cafe  they  did  not,  to  requeft  his  departure  in 
twenty-four  hours.  The  agent  attended,  afked  his  bufinefs, 
and  v  as  anfwered,  he  came  to  treat  for  an  exchange  of  pri- 
for.ers.  Have  you  no  other  power  ?  Let  us  fettle  this  point 
iirit;  we  .{hall  be  together,  and  may  afterwards  talk  on  what 
we  pleafe.  But  have  you  no  other  power  ?  Your  anfwer  to 
this  cucftion  may  fettle  this  and  every  ether  point  in  a  word  : 
If  you  have  I  will  receive  what  you  will  be  pleafed  to  commu- 
nicate-, if  you  have  not,  our  bufinefs  is  at  an  end.  Mr. 
Eden  replied,  'he  had  none  ;  and  thus  they  parted,  the  agent 
for  Paris,,  and  Mr.  Eden  for  London,  the  latter  being  appriz- 
ed what  the  wifh  of  the  committee  was  in  that  refpecl:. 

It  is.nud  that  a  treaty  is  lately  concluded  with  the  commif- 
fioners  from  Holland,  by  which  the  independence  of  that 
country  is  acknowledged,  and  an  alliance  offenfive  and  defen- 
fjye  formed,  upon  terms  which  promife  to  be  fatisfa&ory  to  the 
parties-  I  will  inclofe  a  fketch of  thefe which  hasbeen  publifhed. 

General  Pichegru  has  croiTed  the  Rhine  and  with  a  confi- 
'<ler able  force;  but  probably  at  prefent  for  the  purpofe  only  of 
"quartering  his  army  in  the  enemies'  country.  He  is  now  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Mayence,  which  is  ftill  befieged.  The 
campaign,  however,  cannot  be  confidered  as  fairly  opened : 
Perhaps  it  is  not  definitively  fettled,  againft  whom  in  the  Em- 
pire, the  forces  of  the  Republic  will  be  directed;  for  the 
door  which  was  opened  to  receive  propofitions  from  the  prin- 
ces of  the  Germanic  bcdy,  through  the  king  of  Pruffia,  was 
not  an  idle  provifion.  Advantage,  I  am  told,  has  already 
been  taken  of  it,  and  that  it  will  moft  probably  prove  the 
means,  and  to  the  credit  and  intereft  of  the  king  of  Pruflia, 
of  promoting  in  the  Empire  the  views  of  France. 
•  The  negociation  with  Spain  is  ftill  at  a  ftand.  The  Spanifh 
court  is  ftrongly  inclined  to  connect  itfelf  with  this  Republic; 
but  in  fo  doing  it  forefees  the  neceflity  of  an  accommodation 
with  us  in  refnecl:  to  the  boundaries  and  the  Mimfippi ;  and 
againft  which  it  thinks  itfelf  fecure  by  adhering  to  England, 


who  it  is  believed  gives  afiurances  to  that  eiTecr.  Of  tlie  vie\rs 
of  England,  however,  Spain  is  and  always  was  jealous,  ib 
that  it  is  not  improbable  an  accommodation  may  icon  take 
place.  It  is  faid  that  the  king  of  Spain  makes  a  provifion  for 
the  children  of  the  htc  king,  the  object  of  his  care  :  That  lie 
withes  to  have  them  delivered  up  to  him,  with  the  view  of 
giving  them  an  eftablifhment  in  property  fomewhere  i:i  his 
dominions,  with  the  title  of  duke  to  the  boy,  and  that  this 
point  in  fome  form  or  other  will  probably  be  agreed. 

At  fea,  in  tfye  excurfions  which  were  made  in  the  courfe 
of  the  winter,  by  tempefl  ~reat  lofs  was  fuftaincd,  and  con- 
fidering  that  the  war  will  hereafter  be  directed  principally  a- 
gainft  England,  lefs  attention  was  for  fome  time  paid  to  the 
navy  than  ought  to  have  been  expected.  At  prefent,  howe- 
ver, the  attention  of  the  executive  branch  feems  to  be  turned 
more  towards  that  object  than  heretofore  ;  fo  that  it  is  proba- 
ble the  wade  of  the  winter  will  foon  be  repaired. 

The  afiignats  continue  to  depreciate,  and  the  fre- 
quent difcuflions  which  take  place  upon  the  various  propofl- 
tions  made  to  raife  their  credit,  always  produce  the  cppoiitc 
effect  of  depreffing  them.  Many  think,  however,  the  de- 
preciation a  blefling  to  the  counrry,  and  that  their  total  fall 
would  be  among  the  happieil  of  political  events  ;  efpccially  if 
they  can  be  kept  up  through  the  fummer.  At  prefent  their 
depreciation  is  by  the  ftandard  of  gold,  or  foreign  exchange, 
as  fourteen  to  one. 

The  mafs  of  wealth  in  national  domains,  is  affirmed  by 
thofe  who  ought  to  know,  more  than  double  what  I  funpofed; 
being,  after  reftoring  the  property  of  thofe  who  were  illegal- 
ly condemned,  according  to  a  late  decree,  about  four  hun- 
dred millions  fterling.  A  deputation  was  lately  fent  to  Holr 
and,  of  Sieyes  and  Reubell,  to  prefs  for  money,  and  it  is 
expected  they  will  fuccecd,  at  leaft  in  fuch  degree  as  to  an- 
fwer  prefent  exigencies. 

I  am  happy  to  hear  that  the  Prefident  approves  my  conduct 
in  the  initance  mentioned,  and  I  beg  you  to  allure  him  that 
for  the  future  I  (hail  continue  to  be  neither  lefs  attentive  nor 
affiduous  in  the  difcharge  of  the  duties  of  the  trufl  repofed  in 
ine,  to  all  its  objects,  than  I  have  heretofore  been. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  was  informed  perfonally 
by  one  of  the  agents  who  attended  Mr.  Eden  at  Dieppe  (for 
there  were  two)  that  he  (Mr.  Zden)  had  power  to  treat  0:1 
fcther  fubjects  than  that  of  an  exchange  of  prifoners,  and  that 
he  net  only  comnuiiVkated  this,  but  like  wife 


and  which  v/ere  fent  to  the  committee  and  peremptorily  re- 
je£r.ecl.  That  the  treatment  given  Mr.  Eden,  was  polite  and 
rcfpeclful,  and  with  which  he  appeared  to  be  perfectly  fatis- 
fi .  :,  What  the  proportions  were  I  know  not ;  but  that  they 
contemplated  peace  cannot  l>e  doubted. 


From  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 
Philadelphia,  February   15/^,1705. 

DEAR  SIR, 

THE  lift  date,  which  I  have  received  from  you  is  of 
the  15111  of  September,  1794?  and  it  has  been  duly  acknow- 
ledged by  duplicates.  It  occafioned  no  fmall  anxiety  as  to  the 
ifiue  ol  many  points,  which  you  had  brought  before  the  French 
republic.  That  anxiety  has  been  confiderr-bly  encreaftd,  by 
.obien'ing  in  the  newfpaper  a  decree  rescinding  the  ftipulation 
between  the  United  States  and  France,  making  goods  free, 
•which  are  found  in  free  fhips.  It  has  appeared  only  in  a 
tranflation  ;  and  there  is  ambiguity  enough  in  its  prelent  drefs 
to  lead  us  to  hope,  that  the  treaty,  having  been  declared  at 
the  beginning  of  the  decree  to  be  in  full  force,  may  poflibly  be 
?m  exception  (till  to  the  general  provifion  for  condemning  hof- 
tile  property  in  neutral  bottoms, 

"We  do  not  dqubt,  that  we  fhoukl  have  obtained  the  mod 
ample  explanation  of  this  and  every  other  of  our  relations  to 
France,  had  not  the  advice-boat,  which  was  lately  difpatch- 
cd  from  thence,  been  captured  by  a  Britifh  frigate. 

Acceptable  aa  Mr,  Fauchet  has  hitherto  been,  we  read  with 
great  fenfibility,  that  Mr.  Oudard  formerly,  and  Mr.  Adet  re- 
cently, have  been  appointed  in  his  place.  If  this  mould  be 
true,  ami  Mr.  Fauchet  is,  as  we  fuppofe,  uncontaminated  to- 
wards the  French  interefl,  it  is  rather  an  unpleafant  circum- 
ilance,  that  upon  a  change  of  party,  v/e  are  to  expect  a  change  of 
minifter.  However,  the  only  thing  which  efientially  concerns 
us,  is,  that  the  reprefentative  of  the  French  republic  in  the  Uni- 
ted States,  ihould  Jay  afide  all  intrigue,  and  imitate  ourfelves  in 
a  courfe  of  plain  and  fair  dealing. 

We  confide,  that  you  have  loft  no  opportunity  of  fixing  the 
friendship  of  the  two  countries  upon  folid  grounds.  On  our 
part  we  really  do  all  that  we  can  j  and  as  one  inftance,  I  will 
mention  the  legillative  acl,  which  has,  within  thefe  few  weeks, 
enabled  Mr.  Fauchet  to  ufe,  by  anticipation,  the  inftalments  of 
the  French  deb*,  due  in  September  and  November  nextj 


C     ««S     J 

amounting  to  two  millions  and  an  half  of  livres.     But  I  am 

af  -id,  that  Mr.  Fauchet,  and  probably  the  French  nation,  have 

b        ur^ed  to  believe,  that  the  treaty,  fa'id  to  have  been  con- 

c.       d  by  Mr.  Jay  with  Great  Britain,  interferes  with  our  en- 

'  s  and  attachments  to  France.  It  has  not  come  to  hand 

erefore  I  can  deliver  no  decided  opinion  on  it.    But 

fo  far  is  this  from  any  instruction  to  Mr.  Jay,  that  I  am  per- 

ul  !  not  think  of  a  treaty,  having  fuch  an  object.. 

In  the  principal  heads  of  the  negociation;  the  furrender  of  the 

pods,  the  vexations  and  fppliations  of  our  commerce,  and  the 

payment  of  Britifh  debts,  France  can  have  no  poflible  concern. 

If  we  choofe  to  modify  them  ever  fo  capriciously,  we  are  the 

true  and  only  arbiters  of  the  queftion.     It  is  probable,  indeed, 

that  our  commercial  intercourfe  has  been  alto  regulated.    Say, 

if  you  pleafe,  that  a  treaty  has  been  concluded  for  commerce 

alfo  ;    France  will  enjoy  all  the  advantages  of  the  moft  fa- 

voured nation  ;  and  we  have  been  long  ready  to  difcufs  and 

fettle  new  commercial  arrangements  with  France  ;  but  none 

have  been  ever  propofed  during  my  connection  with  the  ad- 

miniftration.     It  may  well  be  fuppofed,  that  the  accefs  to  the 

Weft  Indies,  with  as  fexv  restrictions  as  poflible,  muft  be  defira- 

ble  to  us.     But  let  the  pofleflion  of  them  ultimately  center  in 

France  or  England,  we  (hall,  I  prefume,  be  unfettered  by  our 

contracts  with  the  one,  fo  as  to  be  at  perfect  liberty  to  contract 

with  the  other. 

I  mail  give  you  no  comments  u*^on  the  proceedings  of  con- 
grefs,  until  they  rife.,  which  will  be  in  a  fortnight  hence.  At 
prefent  you  will  receive  by  the  French  fhip,  which  Mr.  Fau- 
chet difpatches,  your  quota  of  newfpapers. 

The  conduct  of  Spain  towards  us  is  unaccountable  and  in* 
jurious.  Mr.  Pinckney  is  by  this  time  gone  over  to  Madrid, 
as  our  envoy  extraordinary,  to  bring  matters  to  a  conclufion 
fome  way  or  other.  But  you  will  feize  any  favorable  mo- 
ment to  execute  what  has  been  intrufted  to  you,  refpe&ing  the 
Miflifippi. 

Colonel  Humphreys,  our  minifter  for  Lifbon,  being  difap- 
pointed  in  the  loan,  which  was  to  be  opened  for  the  relief  of 
our  captive  brethren  in  Algiers,  has  come  over  to  prefs  the  fub- 
jec~r..  He  will  return,  in  a  few  days,  full  handed;  and  although 
we  have  heard  nothing  of  late  concerning  the  friendly  interpo- 
fition  of  France  with  the  Dey,  we  beg  that  the  influence  of 
our  ally  may  be  exerted  in  this  great  caufe  of  humanity. 


EDM.  RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State. 
f 


[     166    3 

from  tie  Secretary  ef  State  of  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

Philadelphia)  April  jrt}   1795. 
S/Je, 

MY  laft  letter  of  March  8th,  1795*  has  been  forward- 
ed to  you  by  duplicates.  It  will  have  anticipated  the  fubje£l 
of  your  private  letter  of  December  i8th,  1795  ;  though  it  is 
by  no  means  fo  extenfive  as  one,  which 'I  ihould  have  con*- 
cluded  before  this  time,  but  for  a  conilant  round  of  interrup- 
tions, which  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  repel.  I  am  refolved, 
however,  to  feclude  myfelf  from  all,  except  the  moll  indif- 
penfable  bufinefs,  that  I  may  devote  my  attention  to  fuch  a 
review  of  our  relation  to  France,  as  may  afccrtain  the  fact, 
which  is  fo  firmly  impvefled  upon  me,  that  we  have  behaved  to 
her  fairly  and  honorably.  For  the  prefent  I  mail  fay  no 
more  refpe&ing  the  fource  of  difcontent,  the  treaty  made  by 
Mr.  Jay>  than  this  :  That,  as  far  as  I  have  any  definite  ideas  of 
treaties  ofFenfive  and  cefenfive,  there  is  no  ground  for  charging 
that  treaty,  es  being  ofFenfive  or  defenfive  ;  that  the  obligation 
of  all  prior  treaties  is  exprefily  faved  ;  that  France,  from  the 
circumilance  of  being  the  moil  favored  nation,  immediately 
inherits,  upon  equal  terms,  the  conccffions,  indulgences,  or 
conditions  made  to  other  nations ;  and  that  the  confining  of 
its  contents  to  the  Preh'dent  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  is  not', 
from  any  thing  fmifter  to -yards  France;  but  from  the  ufages 
in  fuch  cafes ; — not  from  an  unwillingnefs  that  the  executive 
conduct  fhould  be  canvaffed ;  but  from  a  certain  fitnefs  and 
expectation,  arifing  from  fuch  a  diplomatic  a&. 

The  difpatches,  which  you  are  underftood  to  have  intrud- 
ed to  Mr.  Smith  of  this  city,  not  having  yet  arrived,  our 
anxiety  continues,  to  learn  the  ifiue  of  the  concert^  which  you 
have  fuggefted.  You  will  have  been  informed  by  my  letter  of 
the  8th  ultimo,  that  "  thejlep  is  viewed  here,  as  a  very  Jirong 
u  one-"  and  notwithstanding  the  rapid  fucceiles,  which  have 
attended  the  arms  of  our  ally,  we  Readily  clirecl:  our  courfe  to 
the  character  of  neutrality,  which  we  profefs,  and  therefore 
the  more  it  is  examined,  the  llronger  it  appears.  You  will  hear 
from  me  fhortly,  in  a  more  particular  manner  concerning  it, 
and  the  ilyle,  which  in  our  negociations  at  Paris  ought,  in  our 
judgment,  to  be  obferved.  But  I  riuil  be  permitted  to  re- 
mark, that  the  invariable  policy  of  the  Prefident,  is,  to  be  as 
independent  as  poffible^  of  every  nation  upon  earth ;  and  this 
policy  is  not  afi'umed  now  for  the  firft  time,  when  perhaps  it 
may  be  infidioully  preached  by  Come,  who  lean  to  Great  BrU 


[   .167    ] 

tain,  to  prevent  a  tendency  to  France;  but  it  is  wife  at  all  times, 
and,  if  iteadily  purfued,  will  protect  our  country  from  the  ef- 
fects of  commotioh  in  Europe.  France  is,  at  this  day,  in  the 
eye  of  the  Prefident,  as  ihe  has  always  been,  cordially  embra- 
ced ;  and  no  event  could  be  more  afflicting  to  him,  than  a  fuf- 
picicn  of  the  purity  of  our  motives  in  regard  to  that  republic. 
But  without  a  fteady  adherence  to  principles ,  no  government 
can  defend  itfelf  againft  the  animadverfions  of  the  world,  nor 
procure  a  permanent  benefit  to  its  own  citizens. 

Cafes  of  fpoliation  and  injury,  according  to  the  lift  fubjoin^ 
ed,  will  accompany  this  letter  ;  as  fubjects,  to  which  your 
attention  and  zeal  are  requeiled. 

The  prints,  which  have  not  been  hitherto  fent,  are  alfo  pre- 
pared by  Mr.  Taylor. 

Until  a  few  days  hence,  I  muft  beg  you  to  accept  this  letter, 
as  the  forerunner  only  of  a  more  copious  one,  upon  our  affairs 
in  France. 

I  am,  &c. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State. 


From  the  Minifler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  Slaizs  of '  Ame- 
ricat  to  the   Committee  of  Public  Safety. 

Paris,  Ma$  22nd,    1795- 

I  HAVE  to  notify  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  that 
Mr.  Pinckney,  minifter  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States 
at  London,  and  envoy  extraordinary  to  the  court  of  Spain,  is 
now  in.  Paris,  on  his  way  to  Madrid,  upon  a  particular  mif- 
fion  from  the  United  States  to  that  court.  He  intends  to  pur- 
fuehis  journey  by  land,  and  wilhes  the  paflport  of  the  com- 
mittee, to  fecure  him  that  fafety  and  protection  which  is  due 
to  the  minifter  "of  their  ally,  whilft  within  the  jurifdidion  of 
the  French  Republic.  Mr.  Pinckney  will  be  happy  to  bear 
any  commands  which  the  committee  may  have  for  the  quar- 
ter to  which  he  is  going. 


C 


From  ike  Commijary  of  Foreign  Relations,  to  the  Minifter 
pottntiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   1  2th,  Prairial  ^d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(May  3  I/,    1795.; 

Six, 

You  will  find  enclofed  the  paflport  which  you  deliver- 
ed to  Mr.  Thomas  Pinckney.  It  is  certified  by  the  commit- 
tee of  public  fafety  this  day.  I  haften  to  tranfmit  it  to  you,  re- 
peating the  aflurances  of  my  entire  devotion. 


No.  XVI. 
Fnoivi  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  June  l^th,   1795. 

SIR, 

IT  feemed  probable,  after  the  movement  of  the  1 2th 
Germinal  (2nd  of  April)  and  which  terminated  in  the  baniih- 
ment  or  rather  deportation  (for  the  hand  of  government  was 
never  withdrawn  from  them)  of  Barrere,  Billaud  de  Varennes 
and  Collot  d'Herbois,  and  the  arreftation  of  feveral  of  the 
leading  members  in  the  mountain  party,  that  the  convention 
would  be  left  at  liberty  to  purfue  for  the  future  the  great  ob- 
ject: of  the  revolution,  and  without  further  moleitation  j  and 
the  calm  which  enfued,  for  a  confiderable  time,  tjhat  move- 
ment, although  the  fcarcity  of  bread  continued,  gave  ftrength 
to  this  prefumption.  But  a  late  event  has  fhewn  that  the  vic- 
tory which  was  gained  upon  that  occafion  by  the  convention, 
over  the  enemies  of  the  prefent  fyftem,  was  not  fo  decifive  as 
there  was  reafon  to  prefume  it  would  be ;  for  within  a  few 
days  after  my  laft,  which  was  of  the  1 7th  of  May,  another 
attempt  was  made  upon  that  body,  and  which  menaced  for  a 
while  at  lead,  in  refpect  to  the  perfonal  fafety  of  the  mem- 
bers, the  moft  alarming  confequences.  I  am  happy,  how- 
ever, to  be  able  now  to  afiure  you,  that  this  has  likewife  paff- 
ed,  and  without  producing,  according  to  prefent  profpecl:s, 
and  in  regard  to  the  main  courfo  of  the  revolution,  any  mate- 
rial effect. 


C    '69    ] 

The  circumllances  which  characterize  this  latter  movement 
were  in  general  the  fame  with  thofe  of  that  which  preceded  it; 
except  that  it  was  attended  with  greater  violence  and  its  views 
were  more  completely  unfolded.  On  the  aoth  of  May,  a 
party  from  the  Faubourgs  of  St.  Antoine  and  St.  Marceau, 
armed,  and  confiding  of  fome  thoufands,  approached  the  con- 
vention early  in  the  morning,  having  previoufly  circulated  a 
paper  that  their  object  was  a  redrefs  of  grievances  ;  of  which 
die  fcarcity  of  bread  was  the  principal,  and  which  could  only 
be  accomplifhed  by  the  eftablifhment  of  the  conftitution  of 
1793,  and  the  recall  of  Barrere  and  his  colleagues;  or,  in  other 
words,  the  revival  of  the  reign  of  terror.  As  thefe  meafures 
could  not  be  carried  into  immediate  effect,  without  the  over- 
throw of  the  preponderating  party,  fo  the  movement  appeared 
to  be  directed  unequivocally  to  that  object.  The  centincls  of 
ihe  convention  were  forced  upon  the  firft  approach,  and 
in  an  inilant  the  party,  preceded  by  a  legion  of  women, 
entered  and  fpread  itfelf  throughout  the  hall  of  that  affembly. 
The  fitting  was  broken  and  every  thing  in  the  utmcfl  confu- 
fion.  In  a  conteft  which  took  place  between  Ferraud,  one  of 
the  deputies,  a  gallant  and  eftimable  young  man,  and  fome  of 
the  party,  for  the  protection  of  the  chair  and  perfon  of  the 
Prefident,  which  were  threatened  with  violation. — the  former 
was  flain,  and  foon  afterwards  his  h?ad,  fevered  from  his  body, 
was  borne  on  a  pike  by  the  perpetrators  of  this  atrocious 
crime,  in  triumph,  into  the  bofom  of  the  convention  itfelf. 
It  really  feemed  for  fome  time,  as  if  that  body,  or  at  lead  the 
leading  members  in  the  preponderating  party,  were  doomed  to 
deftruction,  or  fafety  to  be  fecured  only  by  difguife  and  flight. 
During  this  conflict,  however,  the  whole  afiembiy  behaved 
with  the  utmoft  magnanimity  :  No  fymptoms  of  fear  were  be- 
trayed :  No  difpofition  to  yield  or  otherwife  difnonor  the  great 
theatre  on  which  they  flood  -,  and  Boifly  d' Angles,  who  hap- 
pened to  prefide,  not  only  kept  his  feat,  but  obferved  in  Jiis 
deportment  a  calmnefs  and  compofure  which  became  the 
dignified  and  important  ftation  which  he  filled.  This  itate  of 
confufion  lafted  until  about  twelve  at  night ;  when  it  was  ter- 
minated by  the  decisive  effort  of  a  body  gathered  from  the 
neighbouring  fedtions,  planned  by  the  united  committees  of 
public  fafety,  furete  generate  and  militaire,  and  led  on  bv.  fe- 
veral  deputies,  among  whom  were  moil  diftinguilhed,  Ker- 
velegan,  Anguis,  Mathieu,  Delmas,  Freron  and  Legendre. 
They  entered  precipitately  the  hall,  attacked  the  intruders,  fa- 
bre  and  bayonet  in  hand  ;  nor  did  they  ceafe  the  charge  until 
t-hey  had  refcued  it  from  the  pf ofauation.  A  littl  e  afor 

Z 


[    170    ] 

twelve  the  convention  was  re-eftablifned,and  proceeded,  as  up- 
on the  former  occafion,  to  a  review  of  what  had  paffed,  in 
the  courfe  of  the  day. 

V/hilft  the  infurgents  were  in  pofTeffion  of  the  reins  of 
government,  and  afjter  Boiffy  d'Anglas  had  retired,  they 
placed  the  President  Vernier,*  in  the  chair  by  fofce,  and  be- 
gan an  organization  upon  the  principles  that  were  firft  avowed. 

They  repealed  in  a  mafs  all  the  laws  that  were  paffed  fince 
the  pth  Thermidor  :  Recalled  Barrere,  Billaud  de  Varennes 
and  Collot  d'Heibois  ;  took  pofTeffio'n  of  the  tocfin  and  the 
telegraph  ;  ordered  the  barriers  of  the  city  to  be  clofed,  and 
were  upon  the  point  of  srrefting  all  the  members  of  the  com- 
mittees of  the  executive  branch,  having  appointed  a  commif- 
fion  of  four  deputies,  to  take  their  places  and  with  full  power 
to  aft  in  their  Head  ;  fo  that  in  truth  the  reign  of  terror  was 
nearly  revived,  and  with  accumulated  force.  At  this  mo- 
ment, however,  the  plan  of  the  committees,  who  had  conti- 
nued their  fitting,  was  ripe  for  execution  and  fortunately  the 
ftroke  was  given  before  the  fyflem  was  completed. 

But  the  commotion  was  not  ended  by  the  expulfion  of  the 
infurgents  from  the  hall  of  the  Convention  itfelf.  They  re- 
treated back  to  the  faubourgs  to  which  they  belonged,  and 
where,  for  a  while,  they  oppofed  its  authority.  In  the  courfe, 
ho-.vever,  of  the  fucceeding  day,  a  confiderable  force  was  col- 
lected, under  the  authority  of  the  Convention,  from  thofe  fec- 
tions  who  voluntarily  offered  their  fervice,  amounting,  perhaps, 
to  fifteen  thoufand ;  and  which  being  marched  againft  them  in 
different  directions,  furrounding,  in  fome  meafure,  both  fau- 
bourgs, reduced  them  immediately  to  order,  and  without  the 
effufion  of  blood. 

On  the  fame  day  an  infurrection  took  place  at  Toulon  of 
the  fame  kind,  and  with  the  fame  views,  and  which  for  fe- 
veral  days  wreftsd  that  port  and  its  dependencies,  the  fleet ex- 
cepted,  from  the  authority  of  the  government.  Upon  that 
theatre  too,  fome  outrages  were  committed,  and  fatal  confe- 
qucnces  in  other  refpects  were  apprehended.  But  this  was 
iikewife  lately  fuppreffed  by  the  efforts  of  good  citizens,  drawn 
by  the  representatives  in  miflion  there,  from  Marfeilles  and  the 
neighbouring  country ;  a  report  to  that  effect:  being  yefterday 
prefented  to  the  convention  by  the  committee  of  public  fafe- 
ty  :  So  that  order  may  be  confidered  as  completely  efta- 
blithed,  the  authority  of  the  convention  being  triumphant 
every  where. 

*  '1  his  is  a  miftake  :  Vernier  relieved  EcifTy  d'Anglasupsm  his  own  prcf- 
f.r.g  kiicitiilian  ;  it  appcarir.j  tiut  B.  illy  d'Anglas  was  exhauftecl. 


As  foon  as  the  Convention  refumed  its  deliberations,  the 
punifhment  of  thofe  who  had  offended  in  the  courfe  of  the 
commotion  was  the  firft  obje£l  which  engaged   its  attention. 
Whilft  the  infurgeuts  were  in  pofieffion  of  the  hall,  and  enact- 
ing their  fhort  but  comprehenfive  code  of  legislation,  feveral 
members  of  the  mountain  party  not  only  retained  their  feats, 
but  joined  in  the  work.     Four  were  appointed  to  the  corn- 
miflion,  which  was  defigned  to  fupercede  the  executive  admi- 
niftration,  and  who  accepted  the  truft.    Thefe  circumfb.nces, 
with  many  others  which  occurred,  created  a  belief  that  the 
movement  was  in  harmony  with  that  party.    It  was  therefore 
concluded,   that  more  decifive  meafures  ought  to  be  taken 
with  thofe  members,  and  with  .the  party  generally,  than  had 
been  heretofore  adopted;  and  in  confequence,  about  thirty  of 
them  were  arrefted  on  that  and  the  fucceeding  days,  M  ithin 
the  courfe  of  a  week,  and  who  are  to  be  tried  according  to  a 
late   decree,  in  common  with  others  charged  with  oifences, 
faid  to  be  committed  in  the  courfe  of  the  commotion, — :by  a 
military  commifnon  appointed  at  the  time,  and  inveited  with 
full  power  for  that  purpofe. 

It  is  to  be  cbferved,  that  the  character  of  this  movement 
was  decifively  anti-monarchical.  Its  fuccefs,  if  it  had  fucceed- 
ed,  would  have  revived  the  reign  of  terror,-  and  moft  probably 
carried  all  the  ariftocrnts,  with  the  leading  members  of  the 
preponderating  party,  to  the  fcaffold.  Bread  and  the  Confti- 
tutkn  cf  1793,  were  Britten  upon  the  hats  of  many  cf  the 
infurgents  ;  and  vhilft  the  hall  and  its  vicinity  refounded  in 
favor  of  the  patriots  >  meaning  Barrere,  C5V.  the  feeble  voice  cf 
one  ariftocrat  only  was  heard  in  favor  of  the  conftitution  of 
1789.  Indeed  the  aristocrats,  who  had  before  the  iath  Ger- 
minal contributed  much  to  foment  the  difcontents  which 
broke  out  on  that  day,  in  the  hope  that  if  a  commotion  took 
place  and  the  Convention  was  overthrown,  the  ftandard  cf 
royalty  would  be  erected,  and  the  monarchy  re-eftablifhed, — 
and  who  were  in  the  interval,  from  the  dubious  character  cf 
that  movement,  which  was  crufhed  before  it  had  fully  unfold- 
ed itfelf,  of  neither  fide,  for  nor  again  ft  the  Convention, — were 
obferved  in  the  commencement  of  tKis,  to  remain  in  the  fame 
ftate  of  inactivity,  greatly  agitated,  but  taking  no  part.  As 
foon,  however,  as  the  object  of  this  latter  movement  was  un- 
derftood,  and  it  became  obvious,  that  in  c?.fe  it  fucceeded,  ter- 
rorifm,  and  not  royalty,  would  be  re-sftabiiihed,  the  difpofi- 
tidri  of  this  party  towards  the  Convention  changed.  It  no  lon- 
ger mewed  an  indifference  to  its  welfare ;  on  the  contrarv,  it 
became  aftive  in  its  fuppoit.  But  in  truth,  the  force  of  this 


party  in  this  city,  and  efpecially  upon  the  late  emergencies, 
did  not  appear  great.  The  moil  gallant  of  its  members  are 
either  upon  the  frontiers,  at  war  againft  the  republic,  or  have 
fallen  -Ircady  in  the  caufe  of  royalty.  Thefe,  too,  confilt  of 
thof  \vho  were  of  fufficient  age  to  take  their  part  in  the  com- 
mencement -,  for  the  young  men  of  Paris,  who  are  deicend- 
ed  from  it,  or  from  otners  of  the  more  wealthy  inhabitants  of 
the  r:ity,  and  who  have  attained  their  maturity  during  the  re- 
volution, or  are  now  growing  up,  have  imbibed  the  fpirit 
which  it  was  natural  to  expect  fuch  fplendid  examples  of  pa- 
triotifm  would  create  upon  young  and  generous  minds,  and 
are  in  general  on  the  fide  of  the  revolution. 

That  there  mould  be  a  party  of  any  force  within  the  repub- 
lic, or  rather  of  fulEcient  force  to  difturb  the  government  in 
the  manner  you  have  feen,  clifpofed  to  fubvert  the  prefent  fyf- 
tcm,  and  eftablifh  that  of  terror,   mufl  excite  your  furprife. 
•  You  will  naturally  be  inclined  to  afk  of  what  character  of  ci- 
tizens is  it  compofed;  what  their  numbers  and  ultimate  views; 
iince  it  is  to  be  prefumed  that  a  fyftem  of  terror,  as  a  perma- 
nent fyftem  of  government,  cannot  be  wifhed  by  any  one  ?  You 
have  ieen  that  the  movements  in  quellion  proceeded  princi- 
pally from  the  two  faubourgs  of  St.  Antoine  and  St.  Mar- 
ceau-,  the  enquiry,  therefore,  will  be  fatisfied  by  expofing  the 
character  of  thofe  two  fections.     In  general,  I  am  told,  they 
are  artifans,  and  among  the  moft  induftrious  in  Paris.     Many 
of  them  are  faid  to  be  foreigners,  Germans,  and  which  ex- 
plains the  motive  of  their  partiality  for  the   conflitution  of 
1 793,  which  naturalizes  them.     That  they  are  oppofed  to  mo- 
narchy is  certain,  for  fuch  has  been  their  character  from  the 
epoch  of  the  deftruction  of  the  Baftille,  in  which  they  had  a 
principal  hand,  to  the  prefent  time.     Indeed,  upon  this  point, 
the  late  movements  fpeak  with  peculiar  force ;  for  if  thofe 
movements  were  fpontaneous,  and  commenced  by  the  people 
themfelves,  it  follows,  as  they  cannot  be  fufpected  of  any 
deep  political  finefTe,  and  of  aiming  at  royalty  through  the 
medium  of  terrorifm,  that  the  latter,  and  not  the  former,  was 
the  object.     And  if  they  were  fet  on  by  foreign  influence,  as 
is  believed  by  many,  the  conclufion  mud  be  the  fame ;  for  as 
royalty  is  unqueflionably  the  object  of  thofe  perfons  who  are 
fufpeeted  of  fuch  interference,  it  is  to  be  prefumed,  that,  if 
practicable,  they  would  have  taken  a  more  direct  courfe  to 
promote  it,  by  an  immediate  declaration  in  its  favor,  fmce 
thereby  they  would  rally  under  its  fhandard  all  thofe  who  were 
the  friends  of  that  fyftem  :  Whereas,  by  declaring  for  terror- 


C    t73    ] 

ifm,  the  oppofite  effe&  was  produced  •,  for  the  royalifts  them- 
felves  were  thereby  driven  into  the  expedient  of  ufmg  their  ut- 
Tnoft  endeavours  to  fave  the  Convention,  as  the  only  me?rs 
whereby  they  could  fave  themfelves.  In  every  vie\v,  there- 
fore, they  muft  be  deemed  enemies  to  royalty,  and  as  fuch  i? 
is  natural  to  expect  they  will  feel  a  great  feniibility  upon  all 
thofe  queftions,  which,  in  their  judgment,  have  a  tendency  to 
promote  it.  Whether  any  fuch  have  been  agitated  or  contemp- 
lated is,  perhaps,  doubtful:  I  have  thought  otherwife,  and  (till 
think  fo.  But,  that  many  circumftances  have  presented  them- 
felves, in  the  courfe  of  the  collifion  of  parties,  that  were  fuffi- 
clent  to  create  a  fufpicion  with'  perfons  of  that  portion  of  dif- 
cernment,  which  laborious  artizans  ufually  poilefs,  that  the 
leading  members  of  the  preponderating  partv  were  prepared  to 
abandon  the  republican  fcaie,  and  incline  towards  monarchy, 
is  certain.  The  inhabitants  of  thefe  faubourgs  having  fided 
always  with  the  mountain  party  have,  of  courfe,  brought  up- 
on themfelves  the  particular  enmity  of  the  royalifts.  They 
have,  therefore,  or  rather  their  leaders  have  been,  in  their 
turn,  perfecuted  by  the  royaiif;?.  But  they  have  likewife 
thought  themfelves  perfecuted  by  the  prefer, t  prepondera- 
ting party,  with  whom  they  were  engaged  in  uninterrupted 
warfare,  before  and  fince  the  time  of  ^Robefpierre.  In  this 
refpecl,  therefore,  they  faw  the  prefent  preponderating  par- 
ty snd  the  royalifts  acting  apparently  in  harmony  together,  and 
concluded  that  the  former  were  likewife  royaliils.  They 
have  likewife  feen,  under  the  adminiftration  of  this  party,  the 
royalifts  enlarged  from  prifon,  and  other  measures  of  that 
kind  adopted,  which  have  probably  fortified  them  in  this  be- 
lief. ^A  report,  too,  which  has  been  circulated  through  the 
citv,  that,  under  the  name  of  organic  laws,  it  is  contemplated 
by  the  committee  of  eleven,  to  introduce  fomeimportant  changes 
fn  the  conftitution  of  1793,  has»  no  doubt,  tended  in  a  great 
meafure  to  increafe  their  difquietude.  In  an  attempt  to  ex- 
plain the  caufe  of  theie  movements,  the  above  circumftances 
have'  appeared  to  me  to  merit  attention,  and,  with  that  view, 
I  have  prefented  them.  • 

But  that  there  was  no  real  harmony  of  political  views  be-' 
tween  the  prefent  preponderating  party  and  the  royalifts,  even 
with  refpea  to  the  terrorifts,  is  a  fact  of  which  I  have  no  doubt. 
The  reign  of  terror  continued  until  it  could  laft  no  longer  :  It 
was  neceflary  to  fupprcfs  it,  and  it  was  fuppreOed.  That  the 
royalifts  \yiihed  this  event,  and  gave  it  all  the  aid  they  could, 
is  certain ;  but  that  their  efforts  were  of  any  fervice  in  that  re- 
fpeft  is  doubtful :  Indeed,  I  was  perfuaded  that  for  fome  time 


C     '74     1 

they  produced  an  .cppofite  effect,  and  for  reafons  that  are  ob- 
vious :  For  as  the  preponderating  party  fought  the  eftablifh- 
m^nt  of  the  Republic,  and  knew  that  the  mountain  party 
Irad  the  fame  objecl  in  view,  it  was  reafonable  to  expect,  that 
after  the  former  had  gained  the  afcendency  it  would  be  dif- 
pofed  to  excrcifs  towards  the  latter  forne  degree  of  modera- 
tion and  humanity  ;  and  equally  fo  to  prcfume,  that  the  fame 
fpirit  cf  magnanimity  which  inculcated  this  difpofition  to- 
wards its  antagonist,  and  chiefly  from  a  refpscfc  for  its  politi- 
cal principles,  would  difpofe  it  to  reject  with  difdain  the  aid 
of  the  royaiifts  vriio  were  enemies  to  both.  This  fentiment 
is  to  be  traced  through  all  the  meafures  of  the  convention, 
from  the  pth  Thermidor  to  the  ift  Prairial ;  for  we  behold, 
through  that  interval,  the  preponderating  party  refcuing  from 
the  guillotine  and  prifon,  the  royalifts,  whilft  they  reprobat- 
ed their  principles*-,  and  -terminating  in  other  refpecis  the 
reign  of  terrof  j  whilft  they  avoided,  as  far  as  poiTible,  the 
punifhment  of  thole  who  had  been  the  principal  authors  and 
agents  under  that  reign.  Indeed  '  this  party  has  appeared  to 
me  to  be,  and  fo  I  have  often  reprefented  it  to  you,  as  equally 
the  enemy  of  the  oppofite  extremes  of  royalty  and  anarchy  j 
as  refting  upon  the  interell  and  the  wiihes  of  the  great  mafs 
of  the  French  people,  and  who  I  have  concluded,  and  from 
thofe  data  the  revolution  itfelf  has  furnifhtd,  as  well  as  from 
my  own  obfervations  fince  my  arrival  (the  latter  of  which,  it 
is  true,  has  been  confined  to  a  fmall  circle)  are  defirous  of  a 
free  republican  government ;  one  which  mould  be  fo  orga- 
nized as  to  guard  them  againft  the  pernicious  confluences 
that  always  attend  a  degeneracy  into  either  of  thefe  ex- 
tremes. 

You  will  likewife  afk  ;  what  effe£  have  thefe  movements 
had  upon  the  public  mind,  in  regard  to  the  prefent  fyftem  ? 
Is  it  not  probable  they  have  already  wearied  the  people  out, 
and  in  confequence  inclined  them  to  royalty  merely  from  a 
dcfire  of  rcpofe  ?  That  they  are  all  wearied  is  moil  certain, 
and  what  may  be  the  courfe  of  events,  in  the  progrcfs  of 
time,  I  do  not  pretend  to  determine  :  Thefe  lie  beyond  my 
reach,  and  indeed  beyond  the  reach  of  all  men.  I  only 
undertake  to  deduce  immediate  confequences  from  the  fa&s 
which  I  witnefs;  and  when  I  fee  that  thefe  movements  have 
produced  upon  the  royalifts  themfelves  the  oppofite  effect, 
and  forced  them,  at  leaft  for  the  prefent,  to  renounce  their 
creed  and  cling  to  the  convention  for  their  fafety,  I  cannot 
prefume  that  the  moderatifts,  who  are  republicans,  will  quit 
the  fafe  ground  on  which  they  reft,  their  own  ground  too,  and 


C     '75     ] 

become  royafifts.  Royalty,  therefore,  I  confider  at  prefent 
as  altogether  out  of  the  queftion.  But  that  thefe  convuliivc 
fhocks,  and  which  proceed  from  the  oppofite  extreme,  may 
produce  fome  effecT:,  is  probable.  In  my  opinion  they  will 
produce  a  good  one  ;  for  I  arn  perfuaded  they  will  occafton, 
and  upon  the  report  of  the  committee  of  eleven,  feme  very 
important  changes  in  the  conftitution  of  1793  ;  fuch  as  a  di- 
vifion  of  the  legiflature  into  two  branches,  with  an  orga- 
nization of  the  executive  and  judiciary  upon  more  indepen- 
dent principles  than  that  conftitution  admits  of:  Upon  thcfe 
principles  indeed  which  exift  in  the  American  constitutions, 
and  are  well  underftood  there.  Should  this  be  the  cafe,  the 
republican  fyftem  will  have  a  fair  experiment  here ;  and  that 
it  may  be  the  cafe,  muft  be  the  wifli  of  ail  thofe  who  are  the 
friends  of  humanity  every  where. 

On  the  day  that  this  late  commotion  commenced,  Mr. 
Pinckney  arrived  here  on  his  way  to  Madrid,  and  was  a  fpec- 
tatorof  the  great  fcene  it  exhibited  to  the  clofe  :  A  few  days 
after  which  he  ptfrfued  his  route,  by  the  way  of  Bourdeaux, 
where  before  this  he  is  probably  arrived.  Whilfc  here,  I 
prefented  to  his  view  what  had  paiTed  between  this  govern- 
ment and  myfelf,  upon  the  fubjecl:  of  his  million,  alluring 
him  from  what  I  had  heard  and  feen,  that  I  was  of  opinion, 
in  cafe  he  would  explain  himfelf  to  the  committee  on  th.it  fub- 
jecl:, and  exprefs  a  wilh, — they  would  give  what  aid  they  con- 
veniently could,  in  fupport  of  his  negociation  j  fatisfying  them, 
at  the  fame  time,  that  they  were  not  injured  by  Mr.  Jay's 
treaty,  they  would  do  it.  I  likewife  {hewed  him  a  letter  I 
had  juft  received  from  Mr.  Short,  written  at  the  inflance  of 
the  Duke  de  la  Alcudia ;  to  requeft  that  I  would  promote,  by 
certain  communications  to  this  government,  a  negociation  be- 
tween Spain  and  this  Republic  ;  he  having  previoufly  and  po- 
fitively  informed  Mr.  Short,  that  our  demands  fkould  be  yield- 
ed and  adjufted  at  the  fame  time.  Mr.  Pinckney \vas  fenfioleof 
the  benefit  which  the  aid  of  this  Republic  could  yield  in  his 
negociation,  and  wifhed  itj  but,  upon  mature  coniideration, 
was  of  opinion  he  could  not  requeil  fuch  aid  without  having 
previoufly  expofed  to  its  view  Mr.  jay's  treaty,  and  which  he 
did  not  chufe  to  do,  for  coafiderations  delicacy  forbade  me  to 
enquire  into.  It  was,  however,  equally  his  and  my  wifh,  that 
his  journey  through  the  country  mould  be  marked  with  all 
thofe  circumflances  of  reciprocal  civility  between  the  govern- 
ment and  himfelf,  -which  are- always  due,  and  •generally  paid, 
when  the  minifcer  of  a  friendly  power  pafTes  through  the  ter- 
ritory of.  another  ;  and  in  confequence  I  annouuceu  his 


[     i7«5     ] 

arrival  to  the  committee,  and  obtained  for  him  "an  amicable 
interview  with  the  members  of  its  diplomatic  fec~Uon,  and 
by  whom  he  was  receiyed  with  the  moil  refpcftful  attention. 

You  have  already  feen  that  England  and  Spain  are  each,  and 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  other,  feeking  a  feparate  peace 
with  this  republic.  What  the  motive  for  fuch  fecrecy  on  the 
part  of  the  former  is  remains  to  be  hereafter  unfolded  :  But 
what  it  is  on  the  part  of  the  latter  is  cafily  underitood ;  for, 
as  ihe  apprehends,  in  cafe  a  peace  is  made  with  France,  a  de- 
claration of  war  from  England,  and,  of  courfe,  in  cafe  the- 
attempt  to  obtain  a  peace  is  known,  fome  new  preiTure  frorrj, 
that  power, — it  follows,  that  me  muft  wifh  the  arrangement 
to  be  complete,  to  guard  her  againft  the  ill  confequences 
which  might  otherwife  attend  fuch  an  event,  before  any  thing 
upon  that  head  tranfpires.  As  foon,  however,  as  it  is  known 
to  Spain,  that  England  feeks  a  feparate  peace,  her  jealoufy  of 
the  views  of  England  will  be  increafed  ;  as,  likewife,  will  be 
the  motive  for  an  immediate  accommodation  with  this  Re- 
public. The  period,  therefore,  when  a  good  underftanding, 
embracing,  perhaps,  the  ancient  connection  between  the  two 
nations,  will  be  revived  cannot  be  confidered  as  remote. 
Whether  our  claims  upon  Spain  will  be  attended  to,  under 
exiftirig  circumftances,  in  that  adjuitment,  is  a  point  upon 
which  ic  is  impollible  for  me  to  determine  :  for,  as  I  was  not 
pcfieffed  of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  and  could  give  no  other  informa- 
tion on  that  head,  than  I  had  before  given,  I  have  latterly  for- 
borne all  further  communication  wkh  the  committee  upon  that 
iubjec~h  Mr.  Pinckney  will  be  able,  foon  after  his  arrival  at 
Madrid,  to  afcertain  the  temper  of  the  Spanifh  court  in  regard 
to  our  demands,  and  the  means  by  which  his  negociation  may 
be  forwarded ;  and,  as  he  likewife  knows  the  itate  of  things 
here,  he  will  be  able  alfo  to  point  out  the  line  in  which,  if 
in  any,  I  may  be  ferviceable  ;  and,  in  the  interim,  I  mail  not 
only  be  prepared  to  co-operate  with  him  in  whatever  move- 
ment he  may  fugged ;  but  to  obey,  with  promptitude,  any  in- 
ftrucYions  you  may  be  pleafed  to  give  me  in  this,  or  any  other, 
refpea. 

Since  my  laft,  the  treaty  with  the  United  Provinces  has 
been  concluded  and  ratified,  and  the  garrifon  of  Luxemburg, 
confiding  of  12,000  men,  with  an  immenfe  amount  in  mili- 
tary (lores,  cannon,  &c.  has  furrendered.  The  achievement, 
of  this  poft,  one  of  the  flrongeft  in  Europe,  has  opened  the 
campaign  on  the  part  of  France  with  great  brilliancy  :  As  it 
was  taken,  too,  after  a  long  fiege,  and  when  all  poilible  efforts 
tq  r?.ife  it  had  proved  abortive^  it  not  only  d^mouftrates  the 


(     177     ) 

iupsrbrity  of  the  French  arms  in  the  prefent  ibge  of  the  w?.r, 
but  furnifnes  fatisfactcr .  j,  ac c  crd- 

ing  .to  the  ordinary  courie  of  events,  its  uiii<nate  i: 

You  will,  perhaps,  have  heard  bell- 
have  recommenced  the  kizure  of  our  \eiicb  •  prc- 
viiiono,  deltinsd  for  the  ports  of  this  republic.   An  American, 
Vail  from  Hamburg,  charged  with  cth.                .-,  inforn:-. 
the  other  day,  that  he  was  boarded  on  his  way  by  two  i'rl- 
^ates,  whofe  officers  informed  him,  they  were  ordered  to  take 
in  all  veflels  thus  laden. 

Within  a  few  d::ys  pail,  the  foil  of  the  late  king  departed 
this  life.  A  minute  report  will  be  publiflied  by  the  govern- 
ment of  his  decline,  having  lingered  for  feme  time  pa  ft,  and 
of  the  care  that  was  taken  to  preferve  him.  They  are  awyre 
of  the  criticifms.to  which  thi-j  pole  them,  and  fuf- 

fer,  on  that  account,  an  additional  mortification.  His  con- 
cellion  to  Spain,  as  was  contemplated,  made  his  life,  with  the 
government,  an  object  of  inter eit  •,  iince  it  would,  have  for- 
warded, in  feme  refpecls,  its  views  in  the  depending  negocia- 
tion. 

I  have  juft  been  honored  v.-iih  yours  of  April  7th,  and  fnall 
pay  due  attention  to  its  contents. 

P.  S.  I  am  forry  to  inform  you  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Ccf- 
fyn,  conful  for  the  port  of  Dunkirk.     His  lofs  is  to  be  regret- 
ted, as  he  was  able,  diligent  and  faithful  in  the  difcharge  of 
the  duties  of  his. office.     His  fon  is  very  dcGrous  of  fucceedi:-g 
him,  and  certainly  if  any  one,  not  an  American,  is  appointed, 
it  will  be  impoilible  to  find  for  it  a  more  fuitable  perfon.    In 
my  opinion,  however,  Americans  only  mould  be  appc: 
In  any  event,  I  think  the  merits  of  the  father,  who  was  < 
.guiihed  for  his  fervices  and  attachment  to  our  country,  entitle 
his  memory  to  fome  attention,  and  doubt  not  your  letter   of 
acknowledgment,  addrefTed  to  his  fpn  on  that  head,  tL: 
rae,  will  be  gratefully  received. 


[  No.  XVII.  ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  Juxe  z6ti,   179^. 


SINCE  my  lau,  it  is  reduced  to  a  certainty,  that  the 
government  has  revived  its  order  o'f  the  Cnh  November, 
A* 


.    C    178    3 

1793,  and  commenced,  on  this  fide  the  Atlantic,  the  fame 
fyftem  of  warfare  and  pillage  upon  our  commerce,  that  was 
practifed  on  it  by  that  government,  at  that  very  calamitous  e- 
ra.  Between  thirty  and  forty  fail  deftined  for  the  ports  of  this 
Republic,  charged  with  provifions,  have  been  already  taken 
from  their  deftination,  i^id  carried  into  thofe  of  that  ifland  : 
and,  as  the  period  has  arrived,  when  the  invitation  which  the 
diftreffes  of  this  country  gave  to  our  merchants  hfre  and  at 
home^  to  embark  their  fortunes  in  this  fupply,  is  likely  to  pro- 
duce its  effect,  it  is  more  than  probable  that  other  veffels,  and 
to  a  great  amount,  will  {hare  the  like  fate.  Among  thofe  of 
our  merchants  who  are  here,  this  rneafure  has  created  a  kind  of 
panic  j  for  they  think  they  fee  in  its  confequences  little  lefs  than 
the  ruin  of  their  trade  •,  and  under  which  impreffion  many  are 
about  to  abandon  it  for  the  prefent,  and  fend  their  veflels 
home  in  ballalt, 

What  effect  this  meafure  will  produce  upon  this  govern- 
ment, under  exifting  circumftances,  I  cannot  pretend  to  de- 
termine. Formerly  it  adopted  the  fame  meafure,  for  the  pur- 
pofe  of  counteracting  its  enemy  5  but  the  impolicy  of  that  pro- 
cedure was  afterwards  difcufled  and  demonftrated,  and  the 
meafure  iifelf,  in  confequence,  abandoned.  At  prefent,  the 
diftrefs  of  the  country  is  great,  and  the  government  will,  no 
doubt,  be  mortified  to  find,  that,  whilft  our  flag  gives  no  pro- 
tection to  its  goods,  nor  even  to  our  goods,  deitined  for  the 
ports  of  this  Republic,  the  whole  of  which  become  the  fpoil 
of  its  enemy  j  that  it  does  protect  not  only  our  goods  deftined 
for  the  Englifh  ports,  but  likewise  Britifh  goods  deftined  e- 
qually  for  thofe,  and  the  ports  of  other  countries.  The  mea- 
fure has  obvioufly  excited  a  kind  of  ferment  in  their  councils ; 
but  which,  I  prefume,  will  be  directed  againft  their  enemies 
only.  Be  aflured  I  (hall  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  give  it 
that  direction,  and  to  enforce  thofe  arguments  which  were 
ufed  upon  the  former  occafion :  But,  mould  they  fail  in  pro- 
ducing the  defired  effect,  and  a  lefs  amicable  policy  be  adopt^ 
ed,  which,  however,  I  think  will  not  be  the  cafe,  I  mall  deem 
it  my  duty  immediately  to  advife  you  of  it,  by  a  vefiel  (in  cafe 
none  other  offers)  to  be  defpatched  for  the  purpofe. 

It  will  obvioufly  attract  your  attention,  that  this  meafure  wa? 
fo  timed  by  the  Britifh  cabinet,  that  it  might  have  no  influence 
in  the  decifion  of  the  fenate  upon  the  treaty  of  Mr.  Jay  ;  nor 
can  the  motive  for  fuch  an  accommodation  be  lefs  doubtful ; 
for,  in  cafe  it  be  rejected,  they  will  deem  the  ftroke  a  lucky 
one ;  fince  thereby,  they  will  fay,  they  had  fortunately  gained 
fo  much  time  5  and  if  it  be  adopted,  they  will  probably  pre- 


C     '79    3 

flame,  that  fo  much  time  will  be  confumed  in  convening  the 
Congrefs,  fhould  that  meafure  be  deemed  expedient,  that  ths 
courfe  of  events  here  may  render  it  impoffible  for  our  efforts 
to  produce  a  favourable  effecl: ;  and  which  confideration,  they 
will  likewife  infer,  will  be  an  argument  againfl  convening  the 
Congrefs.  This  kind  of  policy,  however,  fhews  not  only  the 
profligacy,  but  the  defperation  of  the  government,  and  will 
probably  precipitate  the  crifis,  which,  notwithftanding  all  its 
follies  and  enormities,  might  yet  have  been  poftponed  for  fome 
time  to  come.  I  think  the  meafure  will  give  new  vigor  to 
the  French  councils,  and  will  probably  bring  immediately  up- 
on its  authors,  Denmark  and  Sweden  :  Upon  this  latter  point, 
however,  I  am  authorifed  to  fay  nothing  ;  for,  as  I  was  not 
inftrutted  to  confer  with  the  reprefentatives  of  thofe  powers 
here,  I  have  carefully  avoided  feveral  conferences,  that  were 
fought  of  me  by  Baron  Stael  from  Sweden,  foon  after  his  arri- 
val 5  becaufe  I  knew  nothing  could  refult  from  them,  and 
was  fearful,  as  I  prefumed  the  refult  would  be  known  to 
the  committee,  it  might  produce  an  ill  efFecl:  there. 

Your  meafures  will,  no  doubt,  be  greatly  influenced  by  the 
probability  of  the  early  termination  or  continuation  of  the 
war  with  this  Republic,  and  upon  which  fome  information 
will  of  courfe  be  expected  from  me.  You  will,  however, 
perceive  the  difadvantage  under  which  I  muft  give  any  opi- 
nion upon  that  point,  and  eflimate  it  accordingly  j  for  as  I  am 
authorifed  to  fay  nothing  to  this  government  of  what  you 
will  probably  do,  in  cafe  the  war  continues  (for  the  revival  of 
the  order  of  the  6th  November  could  nor  be  forefeen)  you  will 
of  courfe  conclude  it  is  impoffible  for  me  to  found  it  upon 
that  topic.  Indeed  I  was  fearful  that,  by  my  communications 
upon  a  former  occafion,  flight  and  informal  as  they  were,  I 
might  embarrafs  you,  and  was  therefore  extremely  uneafy 
on  that  account,  after  I  heard  of  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  and  until  I 
had  a  conference  with  the  committee  on  the  fubje£t.  My 
judgment  muft,  therefore,  be  formed  upon  general  and  ex- 
ternal circumftances,  and  by  which  I  perceive  no  profpecl:  of 
an  early  accommodation  of  the  war  between  France  and  Eng- 
land. On  the  contrary,  the  preparations  on  both  fides  feem 
to  go  on  with  all  poflible  activity,  for  its  continuance.  The 
fleet  of  England  is  faid  to  be  raifed  to  a  height  beyond  what 
it  ever  attained  before,  and  efforts  are  ftill  making  to  keep  it 
there,  if  not  to  encreafe  it :  And  France  is  exerting  her  ut- 
muft  endeavours  to  increafe  hers,  and  which  arec  the  more 
neceffary,  in  confequence  of  the  improvident  excurfions  of 
She  ^ft  winter,  by  which  it  was  greatly  injured  in  the  Atlan- 


C     180    1 

tic,  as  wdl  as  trie  Mediterranean  feas.  'Tis  expe£led,  th.it 
by  a  continuance  of  thofe  endeavors,,  the  Breft  fleet  will  be 
ready  to  take  the  fea  by  the  fall :  The  Mediterranean  o«e,  is 
frld  now  to  be  at  fea,  aim  in  good  order.  It  is  likcv/ifc  expected 
that  the  Dutch  .fleet,  at  leail  to  the  amount  fripulated,  will  be  in 
rcadincfs  in  time  to  co-operate  with  th;;t  from  Breft  \  for  great 
efforts  were  latterly  made,  <nd  are  11111  making,  by  that  govern- 
ment, to  ec(iiip  it.  Add  tc  thefe  the  facl:  (and  I  am  allured  by 
.  .-tlionable  authority  that  it  is  one)  that  the  overtures 
rrndc  by  Sir  Frederic  Eden  were  repulfed,  and  in  a  manner 
which  immediately  clcfed,  under  the  powers  pofiefTed  by  the 
parties  respectively,  all  further  conference  on  the  fubjetr, 
From  con  ii  derati  on,  therefore,  of  thefe  circum fiances,  I  am 
led  to  conclude  that  the  war  between  thefe  powers  will  be  con- 
tinued for  feme  time  to  come,  and  moil  probably  until  fome 
change,,  by  battle  or  otherwife,  is  wrought  in  the  fortunes  of 
one  or  both,  fo  as  to  difpofe  them  for  peace. 

If  Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  cfpecially  if  they  are  joined 
by  Spain,  unite  with  France  and  Holland,  they  will  probably 
have  the  preponderance  and  muft  bear  hard  upon  England. 
In  any  event,  the  enormous  expenfe  to  which  me  is  unprofi- 
tably  expofed,  if  continued  for  any  time,  rnuft  not  only  ex- 
hcvj;:her  rcfoarces,  but  excite  great  difcontents  among  the 
people.  They  have  been  allayed  latterly,  by  the  afiurances  of 
the  minifler,  that  the  people  cf  France  would  be  ftarved,  and 
that  the  government  mud  in  confeo^ence  accommodate,  and 
which  were  countenanced  by  the  movements  which  took 
place  here  fome  time  after  thofe  afTuiances  were  given.  But 
wiJtn  it  is  fcen  that  the  crifis  is  palled,  and  that  the  people 
after  bearing  unexampled  diilrefs,  and  upon  the  whole  with 
unexampled  patience,  are  quiet  and  in  the  pofleffion  of  the 
fruits  of  a  plentiful  harveft,  as  promifes  foon  to  be  the  cafe, — - 
jt  is  dsubtfui  whether  a  change  will  not  foon  take  place  in  the 
tamper  of  the- '-2  on  the  other  fide  of  the  channel. 

What  part  ii  becomes  our  country  to  take  at  this  crifis,  be- 
longs not  to  me  to  fay.  Peace  is  a  bleiTing  which  ought  not 
to  be  wantonly  thrown  away.  But  whether  fufficient  facri- 
ficeshave  not  been  already  made  to  preferve  it,  and  the  time 
arrived,  when  the  duty  we  owe  to  ourfelvcs.  and  the  refpe£t 
which  is  due  to  the  opinion  of  the  vrr.id,  admonifh  us  that 
.the  infults  and  injuries  of  Britain  are  to  be  no  longer  borne, 
and  that  we  ought  to  feek  redrefs  by  again  appealing  to  arms, 
and  putting  the  iflue  of  our  caufe  upon  the  event  of  war, — is 
a  point  which  will  r»o  doubt  be  wifely  decided  by  thofe  who 
have  a  right  tc  decide  it.  Permit  me,  however,  to  exprefs  a 


C     18*     ] 

wifn,  drat  in  cafe  any  active  meafure  is  taken,  or  likely  to  be 
taken,  in  confequenceof  thefe  aggreflions,  that  you  will  imrne- 

ly  apprife  me  of  it-;  that^Imay,  whliout  delay,  begin  to 
make' a  ccrrefpcr-tent  iinjreflion  upon  the  councils  of  this 
government. 

I  emitted  in  my  la  (I  to  tranfmit  to  you  a  copy  of  the  letter 

Mr.  Short,  which  I  mentioned  was  fhewn  to  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  ;  and  which,  as  it  dcrnonftnites  how  completely  we  may 

-.and  fuccefs  in  our  demands  upon  Spain,  provided  France 
aids  us  in  that  rcfpect,  ought  not  to  be  withheld,  and  eip. 
i;:  the  prefon  (late  of  our  aiiairs.  I  make  the  communication 
with  greater  pleafure;  becaufe-at  the  fame  time  that  it  furniflies 
a  document  of  importance  for  you  to  poiTeis,  it  will  reflect 
honor  on  Mr.  Short,  upon  account  of  the  able  and  compre- 
henfive  view  he  has  taken  of  the  fubjecc. 

I  have  the  pleafure  to  inform  you,  that  the  committee  of 
eleven  have  at  length  reported  a  plan  of  government,  of  . 
I  herewith  inclofe  you  a  copy.     The  difcuflion  upon  the  me- 
rits will  commence  in  a  few  days,  and  as  foon  as  the  queitic-n 
is  finally  decided  I  will  tranfmit  to  you  the  refult. 


FfQm  Mr.  Short ,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

Aranjucz,  M-j  ^,    1795. 

DEAR  to, 

J  SHOULD  have  waited  for  your  anfwer  to  my  Lite  let-, 
ters,  and  particularly  that  of  the  i  ith  of  April,  before  writing 
to  you  again,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  particular  circumstance 
which  makes  the  fubject  of  this.  I  have  already  mentioned 
to  you  the  defire  of  this  government  to  open  the  way  to  a  pa- 
cification with  the  French  commonwealth,  and  aiio  ray  per- 
fuafion  that  fome  kind  of  negociation,  although  perhaps  an 
unofficial  one,  was  on  foot.  I  am  confirmed  in  that  opinion, 
and  you  may  confider  as  certain,  that  overtures  have  pafied 
between  one  of  the  perfons  here  to  whom  you  fent  me  a  let- 
ter inclofed  in  yours  of  the  6th  of  February  laft,  and  the  pcr- 
fon  by  whom  thofe  letters  were  wriiten. — I  have  good  reafon 
to  believe  that  this  bufinefs  has  met  with  fome  kind  of  delay  as 
to  the  articles  of  pacification, — or  at  lealt,  that  it  is  conceived 
here  there  would  be  fome  delay  when  thefe  articlesfhouldcome 
to  be  difcuiTed. — You  will  readily  conceive  from  the  fituatiou 
of  this  country  in  refpecl  to  England,  that  they  would  bs 
afraid  to  enter  openly  on  negotiation  without  being  previouf- 


!y  fure  cf  its  fucccfs,  left  they  mould  find  themfelves  between 
two  fires. — The  apprehenfion  of  England  has  certainly  rt- 
tained  them  lately,  and  not  any  averfion  to  peace  with  the 
French  commonwealth  ;  which,  on  the  contrary,  they  defire 
mod  fincerely  and  ardently. — Under  thefe  circumftances  the, 
friendly  interference  of  the  United  States  has  been  wifhed  for 
by  this  government.  I  have  already  explained  to  you  the  dif- 
ficulties which  prefented  themfelves  to  me,  from  the  points  in 
litigation  between  the  United  States  and  this  country  having 
not  been  yet  fettkd,  and  from  the  circumftances  of  Mr. 
Pinckney's  appointment  for  that  purpofe  rendering  it  necef- 
fary  that  they  mould  be -delayed  for  his  arrival  here.— -Although 
I  have  the  fulleft  afTurances  from  this  government,  that  all 
matters  (hall  be  fettled  tq  the  fatisfaciion  of  the  United  States  ; 
and  although  prefent  circumftances  infure  whatever  the 
United  States  may  now  defire  here  ;  yet  under  my  circum- 
ftances I  fliould  have  chofen  not  taking  an  active  interference, 
until  I  fhculd  have  conferred  with  Mr.  Pinckney,  and  he 
with  this  government.  For  a  long  time  I  had  no  doubt  Mr. 
Pinckney  vrould  have  been  here  long  ere  this.  I  fuppofe  he 
muft  be,  at  prefent,  fomewhere  in  France  on  his  way  hither  ; 
but  I  have  received  no  letter  from  him  fince  that  of  the  6th 
of  March.  Tilings  would  have  probably  gene  on  in  this  way 
until  his  arrival,  viz.  this  government  contenting  themfelvea 
with  the  pourparlers  on  foot  between  the  two  perfons  men^ 
tioned  above,  and  perhaps  alfo  between  the  generals  of  the 
two  armies,  if  nothing  had  occurred  to  make  them  more  anxious 
to  accelerate.the  bufmefs.  But  this  has  taken  place  in  confe- 
quence  of  the  treaty  concluded  between  the  French  com- 
monwealth and  the  king  of  Pruflia. 

The  duke  de  la  Alcudia  has  now  mentioned  to  me  his 
defire  that  no  further  time  mould  be  loft,  and  that  an  active 
negociation  mould  be  immediately  opened  ;  declaring  to  me 
confidentially  and  authorizing  me  to  mention  to  you,  his  real 
and  fincere  wifh  to  conclude  immediately  a  treaty  with  the 
French  commonwealth  ;  defiring,  however,  that  it  may  be 
fo  conducted,  that  there  mould  be  no  fufpicion  of  it  on  the 
part  of  England,  or  the  leaft  poflible  ground  for  fufpicion, 
until  the  conclusion  and  ratification  of  the  treaty.  He  has, 
therefore,  requefted  me*  to  communicate  this  to  the  Minifter 
of  the  United  States  at  Paris,  and  to  add  his  defire  to  receive 
here,  for  the  purpofe  of  concluding  fuch  a  treaty,  any  perfon 
whom  the  French  government  might  fend  for  that  purpofe, 
and  remain  here  in  a  fecret  way,  until  the  bufmefs  mould  be 
co;:cludtd  and  rutified.  The  defire  of  fecrccy  as  you  will  ol> 


C    i*3    3 

ferve,  proceeds  from  the  apprehenfion  of  England.-— This  lie 
willies  you  to  propofe  to  the  French  government,  if  you  find 
it  will  be  acceptable  to  them.  This  is  the  nature  of  his  re- 
queft  to  me,  and  which  I  have  not  thought  it  proper,  for  fcveral 
reafons,  to  decline.  Several  of  thefe  reafons  will  naturally  pre- 
fcnt  themfelves  to  you. 

Having  thus  dated  the  requeft  of  the  duke  in  the  fimpleft 
form,  it  is  for  you  to  decide  thereon  what  you  may  think  ad- 
vifable  to  do  ;  and  in  which  you  will,  of  courfe,  be  guided  by 
what  you  conceive  to  be  for  the  intereft  of  the  United  States, 
and  conformable  to  the  wifhes  of  the  government  where  you 
refide ;  whofe  interefts  are  co-incident  with  thofe  of  the 
United  States. 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  fubjoin  here  fome  incidental  re- 
marks which  took  place  between  the  minifter  here  and  myfelf, 
on  the  above  occafion.  In  Hating  to  me  his  wiih  that  this  bu- 
finefs  mould  be  concluded  as  foon  as  poffible,  he  obferved^ 
that  if  he  had  a  perfon  of  confidence  at  Paris,  he  would  give 
him  the  conditions  on  which  the  king  wiihed  this  treaty  to  be 
grounded; — but  that  he  had  no  fuch  perfon  there,  and  that  it 
would  be  impoffible  for  him  to  fend  one  without  its  being 
found  out  here  or  at  Paris,  by  England.  On  my  mentioning 
the  probability  of  the  fame  difcovery  being  made,  if  the  French 
government  mould  fend  a  perfon  here,  he  faid  there  would 
be  much  lefs  difficulty,  if  that  perfon  were  charged  not  to  dif- 
cover  himfelf, — or  to  pafs  for  an  American  ;  and  that  the 
communications  between  him  and  the  miniftry  here  might 

Eafs  through  my  hands,  fo  as  to  remove  all  fufpicion  of  his  be- 
ig  a  perfon  charged  with  a  negociation. 

Should  you  think  it  proper  to  communicate  this  defire  of  the' 
duke  de  la  Alcudia  to  the  French  government,  you  will  ob- 
ferve  that  nothing  in  writing  has  paffed  between  us,  and  that 
his  requeft  to  me  is  made  only  verbally.  Although  I  have 
not  the  fmalleft  doubt  myfelf  of  the  full  and  unequivocal  fin- 
ferity  with  which  he  has  thus  opened  himfelf  to  me  ;  yet  I 
would  not  chufe  to  induce  the  French  government  to  adopt  die 
ineafure  propofed,  without,  at  the  fame  time,  ftating  that  the 
ground  is  as  yet  merely  verbal. — If,  however,  the  Republic 
is  willing,  as  I  have  no  doubt,  to  enter  into  negociation  for 
peace,  and  mould  chufe  to  have  fome  written  ground,  I  fup- 
pofe  it  probable  the  minifter  would  not  refufe  to  communi- 
cate to  me  in  confidence,  in  writing,  his  defire  above  menti- 
oned ;  if  he  mould  be  affured  of  its  being  complied  with  by 
fending  an  agent  here  as  ftated  already.  From  the  footing 
on  which  you  ftand,  of  sourfe,  wh&  &$  Fre^sji  government. 


(     184     ) 

you  will  be  able  to  judge  what  is  the  mode  that  would  be  mod 
agreeable  to  them  in  the  conducting  a  negociation  with  this 
country,  if  they  do  not  approve  that'  fuggefted  by  the  duke  ; 
and  if  they  think  it  proper  to  communicate  it  to  me,  I  will  af- 
certain  here  the  fentiments  of  the  minitler  refpecling  the  mode 
that  fhall  be  propofed. 

-  So  mutfh  for  the  mode  of  the  negociation. — It  may  not  be 
improper  to  add  fomething  refpecting  the  fubitance  of  it.— It 
would  feem  natural  that  the  duke  mould  have  given  me  fome 
intimr.tiDn  of  the  conditions  on  which  he  wifhcd  the  peace  to 
be  fettled  with  the  Republic ;  but  I  did  not  chufe  to  prefs 
en -this  head,  •  becaufe  it  did  not  feem  to  be  the  proper 
time  to  be  aiking  for  particulars,  and  alfo  becaufe,  as  he 
knows  my  attachment  to  France  in  common  with  that  of  every 
other  American,  he  might  chufe  not  to  put  me  further  in  pof- 
fdlion  of  his  fentiments  than  might  be  abfolutely  neceffary. — - 
From  our  convcrfation,  however,  as  well  on  this,  as  on  pre- 
ceding occafions,  I  find  his  delire  would  be  to  avoid,  if  poffi- 
ble,  contracting  any  article  which  might  force  this  country  in- 
to an  immediate  war  with  England.  He  is  determined  to  rifle 
that  event,  however,  if  the  firnple  deviation  from  the  conven- 
tion of  May  25,  1793,  and  the  treating  feparately  for  peace 
with  France,  fhouid  render  it  inevitable.  He  flatters  himfelf, 
however,  that  Spain's  making  a  feparate  peace  would  not  in- 
duce England  to  declare  war  againft  her  under  prefent  cir- 
cumftances.  He^would  defire,  therefore,  to  conclude  a  peace 
as  fimpie  as  polFible.  He  would  chufe  to  avoid  guarantying 
to  France  tne  ifiand  of  Corfica,  and  fuch  parts  of  the  Eaft  and 
Well  Indies  as  England  has  taken  during  this  war ;  becaufe 
he  conceives  that  would  neceilitate  an  immediate  war  with 
England  :  But  the  defire  of  this  country  is,  that  France  mould 
reconquer  thofe  places,  as  it  is  the  real  intereft  of  Spain  that 
they  fliould  belong  to  France  rather  than  to  England.  I 
mention  thefe  things,  merely  as  the  firil  defire  of  the  mini- 
fter.  How  far  he  might  be  induced  to  deviate  therefrom,  for 
the  object  of  a  pacification  with  the  French  Republic,  will 
•appear  in  the  courfe  of  the  negociation,  if  it  fhoulcl  be  opened. 
The  greateft  difficulty  will  be  as  to  the  parts  of  Spain  con- 
quered by  France ;  and  I  apprehend,  as  I  have  mentioned  a- 
t>ove,  that  fome  difficulty  has  already  fhewn  itlelf,  as  probable, 
as  to  the  place  of  Figueras.  It  is  the  bufincfs  of  negociation, 
•of  courfe,  to  remove  difficulties. 

Should  the  French  government  chufe  to  have  fomething 
more  certain  fixed  before  fending  an  agent  here,  and  will  in- 
form you  hpw-far  they  wiih  previouily  to  be  made  acquaint- 


ed  with  the  outlines  of  the  fentiments  of  this  court,  it  is  pro- 
bable the  minifter  would  communicate  them.     At  the  fame 
time,  he  would  probably  expect  an  equal  mark  of  confi--' 
through  you  and  my  fell,  of  the  fentiments,  on  the  fame  head, 
of  the  French  government. 

This  letter  will  be  forwarded  by  the  minifter  through  the 
frontiers  by  a  flag ;  you  will  therefore  foon  receive  it.  I  Mall 
thank  you  immediately  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  thereof,  and 
to  let  me  know,  as  focn  as  poflible,  whether  you  have  judged 
it  proper  to  take  any  ftep  in  confequence  thereof,  and  what 
ihall  have  been  the  refult  thereof.  Send  your  letters  on  this 
fubjecl  by  the  fame  way  by  which  you  fent  that  of  the  6th  cf 
February,  the  laft  I  have  received  from  you.  I  have  as  yet  no 
anfwer  from  the  Prefident,  as  to  the  abfence  from  hence  which 
I  have  alked.  I  hope  ere  long  to  have  the  pleafure  of  renew- 
ing to  you,  in  perfon,  the  afiiirances  of  my  being  fmcerely 
your  friend  and  fervant. 


The  CommiJJary  cf  Foreign  Relations,  to  the  Minifter  plenipo 
tentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  lid  Prziria!,  ^d  Tear  cf  the  Republic. 


Six, 


commiiTion  have  had  repeated  opportunities  of 
being  convinced,  that  American  confuls  in  France,  and  even 
fomedmes  their  agents,  grant  pallports  or  certificates,  giving 
the  qualification  of  citizen  of  the  United  States  to  the  bearers 
of  them,  and  by  means  of  which  thefe  travel  through  France, 
and  even  go  out  into  foreign  countries. 

I  cannot  help  obferving  to  you,  that,  according  to  our  laws 
and  the  laws  of  nations,  foreign  minifters  having  alone  the 
right  to  grant  fuch  paiTports,  and  tc  atteft  the  political  exiitence 
of  the  individuals  born  in  their  refpeclive  countries,  thoie  gi- 
ven by  the  confuls  or  their  agents  are  totally  ufelefs  -,  fmce, 
to  travel  in  the  interior  of  the  Republic,  the  pafTport  of 
the  municipality  of  the  phce  of  landing  is  fumcient,  a:^: 
to  leave  the  territory,  the  only  admifiible  pafTport  is  that  given 
by  the  minifter  of  their  nation. 

I  mufl  add,  that  if  the  individual  who  wiflies  to  leave  the 
territory  of  the  Republic  has  come  in  coi^i'.'^'.icncc  of  ordina- 
ry commercial  trcnfa&ionsj  he  does  not  need  a  paiTport  for 

B  b 


C     iBtf    ] 

that  purpofe  ;  if,  on  the  contrary,  he  lias  been  brought  in  by 
the  iliips  of  the  Republic,  having  been  found  in  an  enemy's 
vefll'1,  in  that  cafj,  his  pofition,  which  is  almoft  always  dubi- 
ous, deferves  attention,  and  ought  to  be  fubmitted  to  the  ex- 
amination and  determination  of  the  minifler  alone. 

Pcrfuaded,  Sir,  that  you  will  find  thcfe  obfervations  juft, 
and  that  you  will  pleafe  to  communicate  them  to  the  confuls  of 
your  nation,  recommending  it  to  them  to  conform  to  them,  k 
io  with  the  fulleft  confidence  that  I  fubmit  them  to  you. 


From  Mr.  Monroe,  to  the  Commiffary  of  Foreign  Relations. 

Paris ,   June  i$th,    1795. 

YOUR  letter  of  the  22d  Prairial  communicates  to  me 
your  obfervations  relative  to  the  paflports  and  certificates 
granted  by  different  confuls  of  the  United  States,  and  their 
agents  in  the  ports  of  the  Republic  ;  and  agreeable  to  your 
<lefire,.I  have  informed  them  thereof  in  my  circular  letter  of 
the  1 8th  inilant,  of  which  I  inclofe  you  a  copy.  I  beg  you 
to  be  perfuaded,  citizen,  of  my  fincere  defire  to  adopt  all  fuch 
meafures  as  may  be  deemed  neceilary  to  the  welfare  of  this 
Republic  j  confident  that  in  fo  doing,  I  mall  always  have  the 
approbation  of  the  government  of  the  United  States. 


Circular  to  the  Confuls  of  the  United  States  In  France. 
Paris,    "June   i8/£,    1795. 

COMPLAINT  has   been  made  to  me  by  the  commif- 
fary  of  foreign  relations,  that  our  confuls,  and  in  fome  cafes 
their  agents,  have  granted  paflports  and  certificates,  under 
the  aiUYicrity  of  which,  the  bearers  are  permitted  to  travel 
h  the  interior  of  France,  and  likewife  into  foreign  coun- 
He  obferves,tliat  by  the  law  of  France,  and  of  nations, 
no  'perfon,  other  than  the  minifler  of  a  foreign  power,  has  a 
right  to  grant  fuch  paflports ;  and  that  it  is  likewife  unnecef- 
•nce,  for  the  interior  pafTage,  the  pafiport  of  the  munici- 
of  the  port  where  fuch  perfons  land  is  fufficient,  and  for 
•<r,  or  to  go  without  the  Republic,  that  of  the  mi- 
ought  to  be  granted  :  For,  if  the  party  defirous  of 
.rawing  enters  the  ports  of  the  Republic  in  the  ordina- 
ry courfe  cf  trr.de,  none  is  neceiiary  to  enable  him  to  with- 


C    187    ] 

<<Iraw  from  it ;  and  if  he  was  brought  in  by  the  (hips  of  the 
Republic,  taken  on  board  thcfe  of  ito  enemies,  then  his  cafe3 
which  is  always  doubtful,  merits  attention,  -u-i  ilicul-J  he  ex- 
amined, and  determined  upon  the  evidence  furnii1 
minifter  alone,   who  is  more  immediately  rt. 
government  in  that  rcfpedt.     Thefe  obfervations  appear  to 
me  to  be  juft,  and  according  to  the  hw  of  nations  :    I  h-'ve 
therefore  thought  it  my  duty  to  make  known  to  you  the  de- 
fire  of  this  government  upon  that  lubjedt,   and  to   requeft 
your  punctual  obfervance  of  it. 

In  thcfe  cafes  where  our  fellow-citizens  are  permitted  to  de- 
part from  the  Republic,  by  exifting  decrees,  in  the  ordinary 
courfe  of  trade  as  above-mentioned,  but  are  i»nproptrl 
peded  by  fome  circumftance  cr  other,  you  will  of  coin  f 
ierve,  by  application  to  the  munici.  .    other  fui  table 

authority,  that  the -benefit  of  thole  be  extended  to 

them  ;  and  in  all  thofe  cafes  v/h^re  my  p::i:por:s  are  nee, 
and  the  parties  are  not  able  to  attend  herein  perfcn",  YOU  vi'll 
be  pleafed  to  rcprefent  to  me  their  prctenfion?,  provided  you 
think  them  well  founded,  with  the  evidence  to  iuppcrt  th'ofe 
of  each  applicant.  In  fuch  cafes  it  will  not  be  neceilary  in 
tranfmit  copies  of  each  certificate  or  ether  document  laid  be- 
fore you  :  It  will  be  fufficient  that  you  flats  in  a  certificate, 
under  the  feal  of  the  confuhte,  the  purport  of  each  item  of 
teftimony ;  by  \vhom  furniih'.'d,  and  whether  by  Arru. 
or  foreigners  :  The  former  of  which  are  always  to  be  prefer- 
red ;  bccaufe,  as  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  an  in- 
rereft  in  the  character  of  their  country,  Ib  it  is  to  be  prefum- 
'ed  they  will  always  be  on  their  guard  not  to  injure  .hat  charac- 
ter, by  impomig  on  its  reprefen native  here. 

In  describing  the  pretenlions  of  thofe  who  ail:  for  paffpcrts, 
you  will  be  pleafed  to  ftate  how  they  came  into  the  Rev 
and  what  their  occupation  is :  You  will  likewife  obf^rve  that 
as  there  are  two  deicriptions  of  perfons  whofe  claims  are 
deemed  inadmifiible  by  the  government  here,  fo  it  will  in  ge- 
neral be  unneceflafy  to  bring  them  forward.  The  fir  ft  of  thele 
confifts  of  thofe,  who  having  become  citizens  of  fome  ihite 
imce  our  revolution,  have  laft  us,  and  now  refide  in  the  coun- 
try from  whence  they  emigvated  j  for  fuch  perfons,  being 
likewife  fubjetts  of  the  power  where  they  were  born,  ougltt 
to  be  deemed  here  citizens  of  that  country  onlv,  to  which  th.v 
have  given  the  preference  by  rcfiu^iKv.  The  ieeo-.J  ccnfills 
of  thofe  who  were  refugees  in  the  courfe  of  our  revolution,  -ai.l 
who  having  never  returned,  or  acquired  the  right  of  citizenihip 
frnce,  cannot  be  deemed  citizens,  whether  born  In  America 


C    188    } 

Or  e  If j  where.  In  all  doubtful  cafes,  however,  you  will  be 
pleafed  to  fubmit  the  pretenfions  of  the  parties  to  me,  that, 
regarding  principles,  I  may  pay  all  ppffible  atrention  to  them, 
that  circum  fiances  will  admit  of. 

Your  ordinary  commercial  concerns,  in  which  my  fupport 
may  be  deemed  neceflary ,  I  will  thank  you  to  communicate  with 
me  as  heretofore,  through  Mr.  Skipwith  the  conful  in  this  ci- 
ty :  For  as  he  is  charged  with  thofe  concerns,  and  obtains  re-r 
drcls  if  poilible,  with  out  my  intervention,  he  is  thereby  ena-* 
bled  orHcially  to  report  to  me  correctly  thofe  cafes  in  which 
he  e-mnot  fucceed,  and  of  courfe,  in  which  my  interference 
may  be  ufei'ul ;  which  report  forms  generally  the  bafis  of  my 
application. 


The  Cornmiflion  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  the  Mint/ley  PlenipGten~ 
tiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  %d  Meffidor,    %d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(June  lift,    1795.; 

THE  cornmiffion  has  received  with  your  letter  of  the 
I  ft  of  this  month,  the  copy  of  the  circular  you  have  been 
pleafed  to  addrefs  to  the  confuls  of  the  United  States  in  the 
ports  of  the  Republic.  I  muft  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks 
for  the  attention  you  have  paid  to  the  obfervations  which  I 
thought  it  my  duty  to  prefent  to  you.  The  manner  in  which 
you  develop  in  that  circular  the  principles  concerning  the  pre- 
fervation  of  good  order,  are  a  new  fecurity  of  your  care  to 
maintain  it.  I  could  only  have  wifhed,  that  in  eftablrfhing,  as 
you  do,  that  perfons  arrived  in  the  ports  of  the  Republic  in 
the  common  courfe  of  commercial  tranfa6Hons,  and  who 
wifh  to  leave  it,  need  no  pafTport  for  that  purpofe, — 
you  had  added  this  reftri&ion, — if  they  are  not  at  a  diftanc  e 
from  the  ports  where  they  landed. 

Prom  the  Comwiflion  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  the  Minifter  Ple- 
nipotentiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris >  6th  MeJJldor^   ^d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(June  Itfh,    1795.; 

THE  commiflion  knowing  your  readinefs  to  concur  in 
whatever  tends  to  preferve  good  order,  propofe  to  you  with 


C    189    ] 

confidence  the  meafures  which  may  contribute  to  that  objec:, 
They  beg  you  confequently,  to  be  fo  good  as  to  communicate 
to  them,  each  decade,  a  certified  lift  of  your  fellow  citizens  ar- 
rived in  Paris.  It  is  important  to  the  government  to  know 
the  foreigners  who  reiide  in  this  commune;  and  it  n.uft  be  ad- 
vantageous to  thernfelves,  that  their  abode  here  be  knc\vii. 


From  the  Mini/ier  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  cf  Ame- 
rica, to  the  Qqpimijary  of  Foreign  Relations. 

Paris,   June  21th,   1795. 

BEING  extremely  felicitous  that  the  rights  which  my 
countrymen  enjoy  here  ihould  be  ftriclly  confined  to  them- 
felves  alone,  I  mail  be  happy  at  all  times  to  adopt  fuch  mea- 
fures as  may  be  deemed  necelFary  to  make  known  to  your  go- 
vernment thofe  who  are  my  countrymen.  With  this  view- 
therefore,  I  fhall,  with  pleafure,  caufc  to  be  furnifhed  yen 
every  decade  the  lift  cf  thofe  to  whom  paiipcrts  or  certificates 
are  granted,  according  to  your  requeil.  In  guarding  the  wel- 
fare of  the  Republic,  I  pray  you  to  propofe  to  me  always,  with 
freedom,  thofe  meafures  in  which  my  co-operation  may  be 
ufeful;  fince  you  may  always  calculate  upon  my  concurrence, 
in  forwarding  an  object:,  which  it  is  upon  all  cccafions  my 
moft  earned  wifh  to  forward. 


the  CoTKtniJ/ton  of  Foreign  Relations,  ty  the  SllniZcr  J'.V- 
nipottniuiry  of  the  United  States  cf  America. 

Paris,   i-$th  Mtflickr,   -$d  Tear  cftke  R.e$xb!:c, 

(July   I/7/I79S-; 
SIR, 

THE  cornmiflion  has  received  your  letter  of  the  pth 
inftant  ;  by  which  you  inform  them,  that,  adopting  the 
meafure  they  propofed  to  you  by  theirs  of  the  6th,  you  arc: 
willing  to  tranfmif  to  them  each  decade  the  lift  of  your  fellow 
citizens  who  may  have  obtained  paffports.  They  beg  leave  to 
obferve  to  you,  that  by  means  of  the  certificate  which  they 
annex  to  the  paflports  given  by  the  foreign  rainifters,  they 
have  full  knowledge  of  thofe  delivered  •,  but  that  the  rcqudt 
they  have  made  you  has  for  objecTt  to  know  the  Americans 


arrived  at  Paris,  and  who  cannot  -but  prefent  themfelves  to 
you.  They  beg  of  you,  therefore,  to  ,fend  them  a  lift  of 
thefe  each  decade. 

The  commifiion  has  communicated  to  the  committee  of 
public  fafety,  the  readinefs  which  you  have  fh^wn  in  what- 
ever tends  to  preferve  good  order.  The  committee  fully  con- 
vinced of  your  active  attention  in  this  refpecfc,  has  not  doubt- 
ed but  that  you  would  favourably  regard  every  means  of  con- 
curring in  it.  They  confequently  dire£t  the  commiffion,  to 
invite  you  to  communicate  to  them  a  lift  of  all  your  fellow 
citizens  now  in  Paris.  The  government  being  thus  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  Americans  that  are  within  this  commune, 
and  with  thofe  who  may  arrive  hereafter,  will  be  better  ena- 
bled to  fccure  to  them  ei'Scacioufly  the  protection  which  the 
American  government  extends  to  them. 


frcHi  the  Min'ijler  Plenipotentiary  of  the   United  States  of  Amc- 
ricciy  to  the   CommiJJary  cf  Foreign  Relations. 

Paris,   July   3^    1795. 

I  HAVE  received  yours  of  the  i3th  Meffidor  in  anfwer 
to  mine  of  the  2yth  of  June,  and  to  which  I  beg  leave  now 
to  reply. 

The  note  which  I  wrote  to  you  ought  to  have  comprized 
thofe  to  whom  certificates  are  granted,  as  well  as  paiTports  ; 
ibr  to  many  certificates  are  granted  merely  to  authorize  a  refi- 
dencc  in  Paris,  and  its  vicinity.  This  change  will  comprize 
all  thofe  of  whofe  arrival  I  have,  or  can  have,  any  knowledge. 

It  is  true,  that  all  the  Americans  who  arrive  in  Paris  ought 
to  call  immediately  upon  me  and  take  the  protection  to  which 
they  are  entitled  from  the  miniffccr  of  their  country.  But  the 
fact  is  other  wife;  for  many  never  call  until  they  are  about  to 
depart,  fome  of  whom  have  thus  remained  for  five,  fix  and 
eight  months.  In  the  interim  they  are  protected  by  the  pair- 
ports  they  have  from  the  municipalities  in  the  fea  ports,  and 
other  authorities  which  they  find  adequate  :  For  if  they  were 
not  adequate,  they  would  of  courfe  apply  to  me,  for  the 
protection  they  otherwife  did  not  enjoy.  You  will  readily 
perceive' that  it  is  my  bufinefs  only  to  give  protection  to  my 
countrymen  entitled  to  it  j  beyond  which  my  authority  cannot 
extend:  That  it  is  the  bufinefs  of  the  government  to  fee  that 
thofe  who  are  not  poflcifcd  of  that  protection,  fha!l  not  be 
a  fuchj  and  of  courfe  b':  treated  accordingly.  I  fug- 


[     19'     3 

geft  this  idea  for  your  confideration,  that  weighing  it  you 
may  fhew  what  ftep  I  mall  take  to  avoid  the  inconvenience 
complained  of,  if  <  pofiible  on  my  part ;  or  propofe  to  the 
committee  fuch  meafure  as  v/ill  remedy  it  en  theirs. 

In  cafe  any  new  regulation  is  adopted,  I  beg  of  you  to  ap- 
prize me  of  it,  that  I  may  give  the  neceflary  notice  thereof  to 
my  countrymen,  that  they  may  fuftain  no  injury  from  a  mea- 
fure which  is  calculated  to  iecure  them  the  enjoyment  of  their 
juft  rights,  by  preventing  others  from  imppfmg  themfelves 
upon  this  government  as  their  compatriots,  to  the  injury  of 
France  and  the  difhonor  of  America. 

I  will  fee  that  the  lift  of  thofe  in  Paris  be  made  and  fur- 
nifhed  you  as  foon  as  poflible. 


From  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  to  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,    i$th  MeJJidor,      *$d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(July  7^,1795.; 

THE  committee  of  public  fafety  requefts  the  minif- 
ter  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America,  to  tranf- 
mit  to  captain  Michael  Burke  the  enclofed  letter.  This  tefti- 
mony  of  their  gratitude  towards  that  brave  captain  is  a  very 
agreeab  le  duty  to  fulfill. 

It  is  by  fuch  proofs  of  generofity  and  courage  that  the  A- 
merican  and  French  nations  mould  cemeni  the  perfect  uni- 
on which  ought  ever  to  fubfift  between  them. 

(Signed) 

CAMBACERES,  Prefident,  F.  AUBRY, 

BOISSY,  DOULCET, 

J.  B.  LOUVET,  GAMON. 

From  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica,  to  the    Committee  of  Public  Safety. 

Paris,    July    loth,    17^. 

I   HAVE  received  with   pleafure  the  notice  you   have 
been  pleafed  to  take  of  the  conduct  of  C?ptain  Burke,  an  A- 


[       I92       ] 

merican  citizen,  who  has  rendered  an  acceptable  proof  of  his 
attachment  to  the  French  Republic.  I  will  immediatcly 
tranfmit  him  your  letter  -acknowledging  that  fervicc  j  and 
doubt  not  he  will  deem  the  incident  which  furnifhed  an  op- 
portunity of  rendering  it,  whereby  ha  has  merited  your  ap- 
probation, the  mod  fortunate  one  of  his  life.  It  is  by  com- 
mending acts  of  patrictifm,  that  the  generous  fpirit  of  emu- 
la  L-IO:I  is  excited  ;  and  the  example  known  and  followed  by 
others.  Upon  the  fame  principle,  therefore,  that  you  have 
been  pleafed  to  notice  his  conduct,  I  {hall  take  care 'to  make 
it  likewife  known  to  our  government,  and  with  whom,  I 
doubt  not,  it  will  excite  fimilar  fenfations  of  pleafure. 

From  tJ:e  Mn::Jlcr  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
ricay  to  the  Committee  cf  Public  Safety. 

Paris,  July  $th,    1795, 

THE  injuries  which  the  piratical  powers  on  the  Afri- 
can coail  have  rendered  and  continue  to  render  to  our  com- 
merce, are  known  to  this  Republic  j  bccaufe  it  takes  an  in- 
tereft  in  our  welfare,  and  becaufe  thofe  injuries  cannot  other- 
wife  than  be  eventually  hurtful  to  the  commerce  of  France 
like  wife. 

It  was  forefeen,  at  the  moment  v/hen  we  became  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  that  we  mould  be  expofed  to  the  piracies  of 
thofe  powers ;  and  the  fpirit  of  amity  which  difpofed  the  then 
councils  of  France,  in  obedience  to  the  wiihes  of  the  people, 
to  aid  us  in  that  ftruggle,  difpofed  them  likewife  to  aiTure  us 
of  their  fupport  in  our  negociaticns  with  each  refpeclively. 
But  unfortunately  no  treaty  has  yet  been  formed  with  any  of 
thofc  powers  (Morocco  excepted)  and  in  confequence  our  com- 
merce has  been  interrupted  by  their  cruizers  and  efpecially 
thofe  of  Algiers  ;  whereby  many  of  our  citizens  were  allb 
taken,  and  who  are  new  detained  in  flavery. 

It  is  the  wifli  of  the  United  States  to  make  an  effort,  at  this 
pvdeiit  moment,  to  conclude  a  peace  with  thofe  feveral  pow- 
ers, and  to  purfue  that  objccl:  in  harmony  with  this  Repub- 
lic, that  its  aid  may  be  extended  to  them  in  their  negotiations 
with  each  ;  and  for  which  purpofe  I  have  now  the  pleafure  to 
inform  you,  that  Mr.  Humphreys,  minifter  of  the  United 
!:'ratc:j  at  Lifoon,  hasjuft  arrived  here  with  full  power  to  com- 
mence and  conclude  fuch  treaties.  It  may  be  neceiTary  fur- 
ther to  premife,  that  fuitablc  provifion  has  been  made  for 


C   193    3 

fe  treaties,  according  to  our  idea  of- what  wouid  be  fuitabls, 
and  fo  fur  as  \ve   were  able  to  make  it  5    and  of  courfe,  thit 
the  only  aid  which  we  wifli  from  this  Republic  is  that  or 
good  offices  and  influence  in  the  councils  of  thofe  powers. 

If  the  committee  is  difpofcd  to  render  us  this  aid,  cur  fu- 
ture meafures  will  be  in  conceri  £  committee  -,  b-caufe 
it  belt  knows  how  it  may  be  molt  eiucjciouily  rendered,  and 
with  ieaft  inconvenience  to  itfeif. — In  that  view  we  will  b3 
happy  to  open  to  the  committee  our  funds,  C3V.  that  by  know* 
ing  completely  our  real  ntuation,  the  concert  and  harmony 
may  be  perfectly  complete  ;  and  in  confequence  die  beil  ar- 
rangeiTients  taken,  that  circum (lances  \vi!l  admit  of^  to  enfure 
:s  in  the  negotiations  contemplated. 

As  we  have  reafon  to  apprehend  the  interference  of  fome 
other  powers,  who  would  not  be  pieafed  to  fee  us  at  peace 
with  thofe  regencies,  permit  me  to  fugged  the  propriety  of 
great  fccrecy  in  refpetl:  to  the  piefent,  and  fuch  future,  com- 
munications as  may  take  place  between  us,  upon  this  ir.tcrefU 
ing  fubject. 


[  No.  XVIII.  ] 
FROM  MR.  MONROE,    TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  Si 

Paris,   J;;!y  6tJ:,    1795. 

SIR, 

ABOUT  three  cr  four  weeks  pail,  one  of  cur  vcffds 
which  touched  at  Havre  from  England,  was  taken  in  charge 
by  the  government,  and  the  captain  and  paiTengers  confined, 
upon  a  fufpicicn  they  had  brought  falfe  aflignats  with  them, 
with  a  view  of  circulating  them  through  the  country,  and 
thereby  fubferving  the  views  of  its  enemies.  Complete  fearch 
was  made  upon  the  veflel,  but  no  aflignats  were  found.  As  I 
knew  that  the  fufpicion  which  was  entertained,  ought  not  to 
be  extended  to  three  young  men  who  were  pailengers,  I  im- 
mediately applied  to  the  commiiTary  of  foreign  relations  for 
their  diicharge,  and  obtained  an  order  for  it,  though  fortu- 
nately they  were  releafed  by  the  municipality  at  Havre  before  it 
reached  them.  But  as  I  was  net  acquainted  with  the  character  of 
the  captain,  or  any  others  belonging  to  the  veflel,  and  was  aware 

C  c 


t    194   3 

of  the  fight  the  government  had  to  protect  itfelf  from  injuries 
of  every  kind,  and  from  every  quarter,  and  of  courfe  to  fearch 
the  veHel,  and  as  I  alfo  hoped  in  cafe  the  fufpicion  proved  to  be 
groundless,  it  would  prevent  the  like  in  future,  and  efpecially 
upon  frivolous  fuggeitions,  I  did  not  choofe,  in  that  ftage,  to 
apply  likewiie  in  their  behalf.    After  the  fearch  was  made,  and 
the  government  fatisfied  it  had  fufpected  without  caufe,  the 
captain  was  put  at  liberty,  and  the  veffel  offered  back  to  him. 
But, being  mortified  in  having  been  fufpected,and  as  his  veflel 
and  cargo  were  fomewhat  injured  by  the  fearch  and  neglect  which 
eniued  his  arreitation,  be  feemed  difpofed  rather  to  throw  the 
whole  upon  the  government,  and  demand  an  indemnity  for 
it,  and  with  which  view  he  lately  came  here  to  confer  with 
me.     I  advifed  him  to  gather  up  what  he  could  of  his  own 
property,  and  purfue  his  voyage  according  to  the  original  def- 
tination,  limiting  his  claim  merely  to  the  damage  fuftained, 
and  leaving  that  to  be  purfued  by  the  conful  here  under  my 
direction.     As  yet  he  waits  his  proteil  and  other  documents 
from  Havre,  referring  to  hirnfelf  the  liberty  of  acting  after 
their  receipt  as  he  pleafes,  and  according  as  the  light  of  pre- 
ceding examples  of  the  like  kind,  and  whofe  details  he  will  in 
the  interim  acquire,  may  admonilh  him  will  be  molt  for  his 
intereft.     I  mail  endeavour  to  obtain  juftice  for   him   uport 
found  principles,  and  have  only  mentioned  the  cafe,  that  you 
may  know  fuch  a  one  has  happened,  and  what  the  circumftan- 
ces  of  it  are. 

The  jealoufy  which  is  entertained  by  this  government,  of 
the  commerce  carried  on  by  our  countrymen  between  the  ports 
of  this  Republic  and  thofe  of  England  has  latterly  (hewn  it- 
felf  in  a  more  unpleafant  form  than  heretofore,  and  I  am  fear- 
ful will  yet  produce  fome  more  difagreeable  effects.  A  Mr. 
Eldred  was  lately  apprehended  at  Marfeilles,  and  fent  here  un- 
der guard,  upon  a  charge  of  having  given  intelligence  to  the 
Britifh  of  fome  movement  in  the  French  fleet.  Upon  enqui- 
ry I  found  he  had  my  pafTport,  granted  too,  upon  the  moft  fub- 
ftantial  documents,  proving  him  to  be  an  American  citizen : 
But  I  likewife  found  that,  in  truth,  he  was  not  an  American 
citizen;  fdr,  although  born  in  America,  yet  he  was  not  there 
in  the  courfe  of  our  revolution,  but  in  England  ;  nor  had  he 
been  there  fince.  From  what  I  hear  of  him,  he  is  not  ft  per- 
fon  of  mifchievous  difpofition,  nor  one  who  would  be  apt  to 
commit  the  offence  charged  upon  him.  But  I  do  not  know  how  I 
can  officially  interfere  in  his  behalf;  for  when  once  a  principle  i& 
departed  from,  it  ceafes  to  be  a  principle- 


C    '95    3 

More  latterly  I  was  requefted  by  the  commlfTary  of  foreign 
affairs,  to  prohibit  our  confute  from  granting  paiTports,  and 
which  was  immediately  done.  I  was  afterwards  requefted  by 
him,  to  furnifh  a  lift  of  the  Americans  actually  in  Paris,  and 
to  render  a  like  lift  every  decade  of  thofe  who  fhould  in  the  in- 
terim arrive,  and  which  was  promifed,  and  will  be  punctually 
executed.  I  herewith  fend  you  a  copy  of  my  inftructions  to 
the  confuls,  and  correfpondence  with  the  commiflary  on  this 
fubjea. 

You  will  readily  perceive,  that  this  jealoufy  proceeds  from 
the  circumflance;  that  many  of  thofe,  who  are  actually  engaged 
in  this  trade,  are  of  that  defcription  of  perfons,  who,  having 
latterly  become  citizens  of  the  United  States,  are  likewife  fub- 
jects  of  England  ;  nor  can  you  be  furprized  when  that  cir- 
cumftance  is  conlidered,  without  any  imputation  on  the  cha- 
racter of  the  parties,  that  this  jealoufy  fhould  exifl:  They  are 
Englifh  themfelves,  their  connections  are  fo,  and  in  England 
their  profits  will  probably  ultimately  fettle.  It  is  natural  that  a 
communication  of  this  kind  fnould  draw  after  it  fufpicion,  or  ra- 
ther it  would  be  unnatural  if  it  did  not  produce  that  effect* 
To  the  people  of  America  this  is  an  evil  of  ferious  import : 
For  by  it,  it  is  obvious,  that  the  confidence  which  is  due  to  our 
national  character  is  daily  diminifhed.  Nor  can  the  mortifi- 
cation which  is  incident  to  fuch  a  fituation,  be  otherwife  than 
heightened,  when  it  is  confidered,  that  we  are  mo'ft  a  prey  to 
this  evil,  at  the  moment  when  the  government  to  which  thefe 
perfons  belong  infults  our  national  dignity,  and  tramples  on 
our  rights.  Be  afTured  I  mail  do  every  thing  in  my  pawer  to 
guard  us  againft  injuries  of  this  kind,  by  excluding  all  who  are 
not,  and  upon  the  principles  agreed  upon  my  firfl  arrival 
here,  ftrictly  entitled  to  our  protection  ;  and  by  which  line 
of  conduct  I  hope  I  fliall  fucceed,  in  a  great  meafure  if  not  al- 
together, in  the  accomplifhment  of  an  object  fo  important  to 
cur  welfare. 

As  connected  with  this  fubject,  permit  me  to  mention  ano- 
ther, which  I  deem  equally  important,  and  more  remediable. 
We  have  at  Hamburg,  as  conful  for  the  United  States,  a  Mr. 
Parifh,  who  has  held  that  office  for  fome  years  pad.  This  gen- 
tleman is  an  Englifh  fubject,  and  was,  as  I  am  allured,  never  in 
America.  All  the  Americans  who  have  been  at  Hamburg  and 
who  come  here  unite  in  reprefentiag  him  to  be  (comparatively 
with  England)  as  unfriendly  to  America;  as  abfolutely  un- 
friendly to  France  and  the  French  revolution,  and  which  traits 
are  faid  to  be  often  difcernible  in  his  public  conduct.  It  is  a 
Armed,  that  he  ^  likewtfe  an  agent  of  England,  and 


C    196    ] 

particular,  the  Pruflian  fubfidy  parTed  through  his  hands.  Up- 
fe  facts  you  may  rely  (and  efpechliy  the  latter,  into 
which  I  have  made  more  pointed  enquiry)  for  they  are  agreed 
on  by  ;ili  tn_  Americans,  and,  I  am  fure,  have  been 
to  IMC  by  ;K  kail  fifty.  Without  obferving  how 
v.  i-.tj  a  door  is  h«_r .-  opened  lor  England  to  benefit  herfelf,  and 
injure  Fr.^ce,  inui  through  us,  even  wh'nft  its  ufe  is  confined  to 
that  raiipe,  which,  without  any  imputation  on  the  morality 
of  this  gentleman,  national  prejudice  alone  would  allow,  there 
arc  orher  con  fid  era  ti  on  &,  v\hich.  at  the  prefent  moment,  make 
this  appointment  worthy  your  attention.  Since  the  commence- 
ment: of  the  prde;U  war,  a  Lrrjat  proportion  of  t'  ;*.  cc-1  .amerce 
oi  me  north,  .uid  from  every  quarter  of  the  world,  has  center- 
ed at  Hamburg,  and  will  probably  continue  to  center  there, 
until  its  clofc  ;  from  whence  it  iflues  again  in  different  direc- 
tu  us, — France.  Holland,  EngLind,  &c.  That  this  commerce  is 
capable  of  a  tenons  impr- MUOII  .»y  the  public  ag:nts  of  differ- 
ent countries  then-,  and  efp jciaiiy  by  thofe  of  neutral  powers, 
v/hofe  connexion  is  fought  with  great  avidity  by  the  fubjecls 
of  the  powers  at  war,  cannot  be  queftioned  •,  nor  can  it  be 
queitioned,  wh  ^  is  confidwred  who  this  gentleman  is,  that 
the  imprefiion  which  he  makes  upon  it  is  a  Briiiih  and  not  an 
American  one.  j.n  Addition  to  which  it  may  be  obferved, 
tha1:  as  he  refides  in  the  dominions  of  an  independent  power, 
and  whev  \  -  have  no  miniller,  it  is  in  fome  meafure  his  du- 
ty to  grant  paf  .ports  to  Americans  travelling  die  where.  This 
circumitance,  therefore,  and  cfpecially  at  the  prefent  moment, 
increafes  the  importance  and  delicacy  of  the  truft.  In  jultice, 
hrAvever,  to  this  gentleman  I  muft  add,  that  I  do  not  know 
any  inflance  in  which  he  has  betrayed  it  in  this  rcfpedt,  and 
that,  in  others,  I  only  apply  to  him  general  principles,  and 
bring  to  your  view  the  complaints  of  our  countrymen.  Per- 
fcnaily,  I  never  faw  or  had  any  comnvunication  with  him.  There 
ST.i  at  prefent  at  Hamburg  feveral  Americans  worthy  of  this 
truft,  among  whom  are  Joel  Barlow  arid  Wm.  A.  St.  John, 
fon  of  him  who,  by  his  writings,  is  well  known  ;  but,  in  truth, 
fo  profitable  is  the  poll,  that  there  are  but  few  American 
xn-jrchants  in  Europe  who  would  not  accept  it.  In  general, 
permit  me  to  fugged:  for  your  confidefation;  whenever  a  va- 
cancy takes  place,  or  whenever  it  becomes  neceiTary  to  fuper- 
ccdc  an  exilling  conful,  whether  it  would  not  be  advifeable 
to  advert ife  the  facl,  that  candidates  might  offer  for  the  poft  ; 
for  fure  I  am,  that  it  would  rarely  happen  that  fuitable  candi- 
dates, American  citizens,  did  not  offer.  In  Europe  fuch  ge- 
nerally nnybe  found. 


C    '97    : 

Since  my  laft,  the  French  have  fuftained  a  lofs  at  fca  of 
three  (hips,  which  arofe  partly  from  accident  not  to  be  guard- 
ed a^ainit,  and  partly  from  mifconduft.  It  occafioned  the 
immediate  difmiflion  of  d'Albarade,  minifter  of  marine,  who 
cave  \v.\y  to  a  fuccefTor  believed  to  be  better  qualified  for 
the  poll.  The  Britifh  have  likewife  landed  on  the  French 
coail  near  Nantes,  about  fix  thoufand  emigrants,  and  who 
being  joined  perhaps  with  fome  of  their  own  troops,  and 
fince  by  fome  fanatic  priefls,  are  faid  to  make  up  a  force  of 
about  ten  thoufand  men.  It  is  fuppofed  the  Britiih  govern- 
ment might  hope,  that  by  putting  thefe  people  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Chouans  or  Vendeans,  they  might,  by  encourag- 
ing a  rebellion  there,  combine  a  force  capable  of  making 
fome  impreffion  :  But  a  wiih  to  rid  themfelves  of  thefe  un- 
fortunate men,  whofe  fupport  becomes  daily  more  burden- 
fome,  is  believed  to  be  the  more  influential  motive.  Ail  par- 
ties unite  here  in  the  fentiment  that  they  are  facrificed,  and 
confider  the  aft  of  landing  them,  as  an  act  or  barbarity,  ex- 
celled only  by  thofe  which  were  formerly  perpetrated  in  the 
fame  neighbourhood  by  the  infatuated  Carrier. 

It  is  believed  that  a  treaty  has  taken  place  between  England 
and  Ruffia,  in  which  the  former  has  ftipulated  not  to  take  the 
fide  of  Poland  againft  the  latter;  in  ccnfideration  whereof, 
Ruffia  is  to  furnilh  England  a  certain  number  of  mips  during 
the  refidue  of  the  war.  It  is  likewife  believed,  that  England 
has  announced  to  Spain,  that  in  cafe  the  latter  makes  peace 
with  France,  the  will  commence  immediate  hoitilities  upon 
her.  This  may  poffibly  keep  Spain  in  a  ftate  of  fufpencc 
fome  time  longer.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  obvious,  that  the 
connection  between  France  and  Holland,  Denmark  and  Swe- 
den becomes  daily  flronger ;  whilft  Auftria,  paralizcd  by 
the  peace  and  movements  of  Pruffia,  which  threaten  an  en- 
tire change  in  the  Germanic  fyftem,  and  fuch  an  arrangement 
of  its  parts  as  will  give  an  entire  preponderance  to  Pruffia, 
fcarcely  knows  what  part  to  take  ;  whether  to  make  peace  cr 
continue  the  war.  It  is  the  intereft  of  Pruffia  that  Auftri  i 
fhould  continue  the  war  j  for  the  prefTure  of  France  upon 
the  Empire,  which  is  the  confequence  of  it,  tends  to  favour 
the  views  of  Pruffia,  by  throwing  the  members  of  the  Em- 
pire into  her  arms,  with  a  view  of  fecuring  their  peace  with 
France,  through  the  interceflion  of  Pruffia. 

In  converfation  a  few  days  paF  with  Baron  Stael,  Ambaf- 
fadcr  from  Sweden,  he  informed  me  of  a  communication 
formerly  made  by  the  court  of  Sweden  to  Mr.  Pinckncy  it 


r   ij>8   ] 

London,  for  our  government,  and  upon  which  no  anfwer  was 
given,  although  ir  was  much  wifhcd.  I  defired  his  commu- 
nication in  writing,  that  I  might  forward  it  to  you,  and  which 
was  accordingly  given,  and  is  herewith  tranfmitted.  1  have 
no  doubt  that  whatever  he  fays  to  me  is  known  to  the  cora- 
m  ttee,  as  I  was  informed  by  fome  of  its  members  in  the  be- 
gi  ming  of  the  winter,  and  before  the  Baron  arrived,  that 
fuch  an  application  had  been  made  to  us  from  that  quarter. 
It  belongs  to  me  only  to  forward  this  paper,  and  which  I  do, 
not  doubting  that  I  mall  be  inftru£tcd,  relative  thereto,  in  the 
mod  fuitable  manner. 

id  Humphreys  has  juft  arrived,  and,  upon  due  confi- 
deration,  I  presented  lad  night  a  paper  to  the  committee, 
opening,  as  fur  as  was  expedient,  the  object  of  his  vifit  j  and 
upon  \vhich  fubjec>  generally  I  mall  be  more  full  in  my  next, 
•when  I  hope  to  be  poffeiled  of  an  anfwer. 


From  tie  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  to  the  Mini/ler  Plenipoten- 
tiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Pans,   zoth  Mtjjldor,  ^d  year  of  tl:e  Republic. 

(July  S/A,  1795.; 

THE  great  number  of  foreigners  who  croud  to  Paris, 
determine  us,  Citizen,  in  taking  meafures  which,  by  fecuring 
the  entire  protection  of  the  laws  to  thofe  who-  have  rights  to 
ths  hofpkality  of  the  French  People,  may  at  the  fame  time 
enable  us  to  difcovcr  and  watch  men,  whofe  fufpicious  fituafion, 
or  whole  connection  with  enemy's  countries,  are  calculated 
to  direct  towards  them  fufpicions  as  intriguers  and  fpies,  which 
are  too  well  juftified  by  many  events  in  our  revolution.  Per- 
fuaded,  Citizen,  that,  in  your  quality  of  miniiler  of  a  neutral 
and  friendly  power,  you  will  haflen  to  fecond  the  falutary 
viev/s  of  the  government,  we  requeft  you  to  tranfmit  diredl 
to  us  a  lift  of  all  thofe  that  you  recognize  as  belonging  to 
your  nation,  and  as  refuting  at  Paris  from  legitimate  motives, 
and  to  tranfmit  to  us  likewife,  from  decade  to  decade,  the 
the  names  of  thofe  of  youf  nation  who  (hall  have  arrived,  and 
xvho  (hall  have  afked  paflports  of  you,  during  the  interval. 
I  ou  \viil  ihiib  facilitate  to  the  government  of  the  Republic  the 


f  199  1 

means  of  watching  over  the  internal  and  external  fafety  ofY.-e. 
ftate,  and  of  giving  to  your  real  fel  ow  citizens  a  new  guaran- 
tee of  its  protection  and  good  will. 

Signed) 

J.  B.  LOUVET,  of  Lo'ret,         TREILLARD, 
BOISSY,  JEAN  de  BRY, 


JTrs.Tz  tie  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  tf  the  United  Statss  of 
ricay  to  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety* 

Purls )   j:.l\  lotl:,   1795. 

I  HAVE  received  yours  of  the  2oth  Meflldor,  rcqueft-* 
ing  that  I  would  immediately  caufe  a  lift  to  be  rendered  you 
•f  my  countrymen  in  Paris,  and  lur^af:er  a  like  lift,  from  de- 
cade to  decade,  of  thofe  who  may  arrive  and  demand  paff- 
ports  of  me  ; — a  meafure  you  deem  it  necefiary  to  adopt,  to 
guard  the  Republic  from  danger,  by  an  accurate  difcrimina- 
tion  of  your  friends  from  your  enemies.  I  mull  execute  this 
requeft  with  pleafure;  being  extremely  anxious,  as  well  foi  the 
credit  of  my  countrymen  as  the  welfare  of  this  Republic,  that 
the  mod  accurate  line  iliould  be  drawn  between  them  and  the 
fubjecls  of  the  powers  at  war  with  France.  The  move  accu- 
rate the  line  of  diftinclion,  and  ftricl  the  execution,  the  more 
agreeable  it  will  be  to  me.  I  have  in  confequence  notified  to 
my  countrymen  who  are  in  Paris,  and  (hall  caufe  the  fame  to 
be  made  known  to  thofe  who  may  hereafter  arrive;  that  it  is 
my  wifh  they  immediately  attend  at  my  cilice  to  enrcgifler 
their  names  and  receive  pafTports,  that  I  may  be  enabled  e- 
qually  to  comply  with  your  deiire  and  extend  to  them  the  pro- 
tection which  is  their  due.  I  {hail,  I  prefume,  have  the  plea- 
fure  to  fend  you  the  lift  of  thofe  who  are  actually  in  Paris, 
on  Sextidi  next,  and  mall  afterwards  furnifli  a  like  lift  en  the 
feme  day  of  evsry  fuccecding  decade. 


r  200  3 

Frsm  tie  Minifcr  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame<* 
rice,  to  th^  Committee  cf  Public  Safety, 

Purls,  July  I4/J,    1795. 

I  SENT  you  yefterday  a  lift  of  my  compatriots  in  Pa- 
ris, according  to  your  requeit  of  the  2Gth  inllant  (Meffidor) 
and  fhall  continue  to  furniilia  like  lift  every  decade  whilft  you 
deem  it  neccfiary. 

In  rendering  this  lift,  it  becomes  neceflary  for  my  future 
conduct,  that  I  mould  afk  of  the  committee  an  explanation  of 
a  decree  of  the  convention  of  the  23  d  inllant  (Meffidor)  upon 
this  fubject :  For  I  obferve  by  that  decree,  that  fuch  citizens 
as  are  born  within  the  jurifdiction  of  the  powers  in  alliance 
raid  friendmip  with  the  French  Republic,  and  who  are  ac- 
knowledged by  the  reprefentatives  of  fuch  powers  here,  are 
dcfignated  as  entitled  to  protection,  and  by  which  it  may  be 
inferred,  that  all  thofe  who  are  not  born  there,  are  to  be  exclud- 
ed from  fuch  protection.  Permit  me  to  afk;  whether  fuch  is  the 
import  of  the  decree?  The  following  confederations  incline  me 
to  believe  that  it  is  not. 

i  ft.  Becaufe  it  denies  the  right  of  expatriation,  admitted  by 
this  Republic,  and  which  cannot  be  denied  without  fup- 
pofmg  a  man  attached  to  the  foil  where  he  was  born  and  in- 
capable of  changing  his  allegiance. 

2d.  Becaufe  it  denies  the  right  to  all  governments  to  con- 
fer the  privilege  of  citizenihip,  and  incorporate  into  its 
fociety  any  perfon  who  was  born  elfewhere,  and  which  is 
admitted  and  praftifed  every  \vhers. 

3d.  Becaufe,  as  the  firft  member  of  the  fourteenth  article  of  that 
decree  allows  even  the  fubje£ls  of  the  powers  at  war  with 
the  Republic,  who  came  in  before  the  i  ft  January  1792,  to 
remain  here, — it  would  follow,  if  fuch  were  the  conftruc- 
tion,  that  many  of  the  fubjecls  of  thofe  powers  would  be 
put  on  a  better  footing  than  many  of  the  citizens  of  thofe 
who  are  your  friends  and  allies. 

From  thefe  confiderations  I  am  inclined  to  think,  that  fuch 
is  not  the  import  of  the  decree,  and  that  the  term  was  intend- 
ed to  mean  political  as  well  as  natural  birth  ;  but  as  it  is  capa- 
ble ef  a  diirerent  conftru£tion,  I  have  thought  it  my  duty  to 
afk  of  you  an  explanation  on  that  head  :  For,  at  the  lame  time 
that  it  is  my  wifti  to  extend  protection  to  all  thofe  of  my  coun- 


{      201       ) 

trymen,  who  are  deemed  fuch  by  the  laws  of  my  country,  it 
is  likewife  my  wifh  to  do  it  in  fuch  mariner  and  upon  fuch 
principles  as  will  be  fatisfactory  to  the  French  Republic. 


No.  XIX. 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE, 

Philadelphia,  Augujl   I/?,  1795. 
SIX, 

I  WAS  forry  to  find,  fome  days  after  my  laft,  that  the 
difquietudc  which  I  intimated  exifted  in  the  councils  of  this 
Republic,  and  to  which  the  communication  between  its  ports 
and  thofe  of  England  had  given  birth,  afTumed  a  form  Hill  more 
unpleafant,  in  regard  to  us,  than  I  then  apprehended  it  would 
do ;  for,  whilft  the  fubj^tr.  was  under  difcuffion  between  the 
commiflary  and  myfelf,  and,  as  I  thought,  approaching  to- 
wards a  cloft,  the  committee  interpofed,  and  taking  the  bufi- 
nefs  cut  of  his  hands,  addrefled  me  on  the  fame  fubjecr,  and 
to  the  fame  effect,  laying,  at  the  fame  time,  the  drait  of  a  de- 
cree before  the  Convention,  the  principal  object  of  which  was> 
to  preclude  all  thofe,  who  were  not  born  within  the  jurifdic- 
tion  of  the  neutral  powers,  from  the  protection  of  the  minif- 
ters  of  thofe  powers  here.  The  decree,  you  will  obfcrve,  was 
made  general,  as  well  as  the  letter  which  preceded  it  from  the 
committee.  I  had,  however,  feen  too  much  of  the  bufineis, 
not  to  know,  that  in  regard  to  others  it  was  formal  only,  whilib 
it  was,  in  reality,  pointed  againft  a  particular  defcription  of  our 
own  citizens,  and  of  Englimmen,  who,  by  means  of  American 
paffports  obtained  elfewhere,  and,  no  doubt,  by  fraud,  fome- 
times  patied  for  fuch. 

As  I  prefumed  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  committee 
•r  convention,  that  the  decree  ihould  be  conftrued  and  exe- 
cuted ftrictly,  becaufe  I  knew  upon  principle  it  could  not  be 
fupported,  and  becaufe  I  likewife  knew,  that  many  of  thofe 
whom  it  would  thereby  comprehend,  were  refident,  and  valu- 
able members  of  our  community,  and  had  been,  and  now  were, 
by  their  commerce,  ufeful  to  France, — I  demanded  immediate- 
ly an  explanation  from  the  committee,  of  the  decree,  and 
foon  afterwards  obtained  an  interview  with  that  body;  in  which 
I  was  explicitly  aiTured,  that  they  did  not  mean  to  call  in  quef- 
taon  any  principle  infifted  on  by  us  ;  that  their  only  wifh  was 

Dd 


(      202      ) 

to  exclude  Engliflimen  ;  and  that,  in  regard  to  myfelf,  they 
meai;  .  •  e  on  me  no  rcitraint,  in  granting  paiTports,  I 

had  ir.,t  alrc  uly  obierv,  d.  Thus,  this  bufmefs  has  happily 
terminated  prtcifely  where  it  ou^lit  to  do,  without  producing 
any  real  change  here,  or  other  eir'ec-t  any  where,  which  can 
be  hurtful  to  us. 

I  have  the  pieafure  to  inform  you,  that  the  full  aid  of  this 
government  will  be  given  in  fupport  of  our  negotiation  with 
Algiers,  C5V.  Upon  this  you  may,  I  think,  count  with  cer- 
tainty, as  I  have  been  afiured  of  it  by  the  committee,  and  am 
furnifhed  with  all  the  light  which  their  paft  negociations 
with  that  regency  enable  them  to  give  us  on  that  fubje&. 
Difficulties,  however,  of  a  new  kind  arife,  and  which  may 
poflibly  create  fome  ferious  cmbarraiTment.  The  fund  defti- 
ned  for  this  bufmefs  is,  I  underftand,  in  England,  and  the 
Englifh  intercourie  law  prohibits,  as  I  hear,  and  under  the 
penalty  of  death,  the  payment  of  drafts  from  this  country,  in 
favor  of  any  ptrfon  in  France,  or  who  has  been  in  France  fince 
the  commencement  of  the  war  between  the  two  nations. 
Perhaps  this  law  may  not  be  deemed  applicable  to  trn's  cafe : 
Perhaps,  if  it  does,  the  inconvenience  may  yet  be  remedied 
fomehow  or  other,  fo  as  to  prevent  the  failure  of  the  treaty 
on  thiit  account.  Colonel  Humphreys  is  flill  here  upon  this 
bufimifc ;  and  as  we  devote  our  uniemittcd  attention  to  it, 
you  nv..)  be  i: Lured  that  no  meafure,  neceflary  to  its  fuccefs> 
wiii  be  emitted,  that  we  are  capable  of. 

With  in  a  few  days  pail,  the  emigrant  army,  which  lately  land- 
ed in  the  bay  oi  Quiberon,  under  the  aufpices  of  Great  Britain, 
has  been  completely  defeated,  and  its  whole  force,  amounting 
to  about  ten  thcuiand  men,  either  llain  or  taken  prifoners ;  of 
which  about  four  thoufond  were  (lain.  Many  of  thofe  who  com- 
that  army  are  faid  to  have  been  raifed  by  compulfion,  from 
among  the  French  prifoners,  and  were  of  courfe  immediately 
itt  a i  liberty.  By  the  law,  all  the  others  are  doomed  to  fuffer 
capital  punilhmcnt ;  but  it  is  to  be  hoped,  as  many  of  them 
are  w<  ';  and  mif.  uuled  men,  its  rigor  will  be  moderated,  at 
lead  in  regard  to  them. 

Within  a  few  days  paft,  alfo,  a  peace  was  concluded 
with  Spain;  whore  by  the  whole  of  the  illand  of  St.  Domin- 
vl  to  France,  the  latter  yielding  her  conquefts  made 
in  this  quarter  fince  the  war.  That  there  are  fome  fecret  arti- 
cles is  more  than  probable.  I  herewith  fend  you  a  copy  of 
the  treaty,  as  likewife  of  the  details  which  attended  the  de- 
and  dcflrucTtion  of  the  emigrant  army,  according  to  the- 


t  203  ] 

jreport  thereof  rendered  by  Tallien,  who  was  in  miffion  with 
the  republican  army  in  that  qunrter. 

You  will  perceive  that  our  claims  have  not  been  provided 
for  in  this  treaty  with  Spain  ;  relative  to  which  claims  1  have 
heard  nothing,  fince  mine  to  you  of  the  i4th  of  June  laft. 
'Tis  poflible  I  may  foon  hear  fomething  on  that  iubjVct,,  either 
from  this  government  or  from  Mr.  Pinckney-  in  which  cafe  I 
will  immediately  advife  you  of  it.    It  is  likewli'c  poinble,  a  war 
may  foon  take  place,  in  confequence  of  that  treaty,  between 
England  and  Spain,  and  in  which  cafe  it  wiii,  no  doubt,  be 
the  wifh  of  the  former  to  involve  us  in  it  on  her  fide  :    feut 
this,  I  hope,  will  not  take  effect  5  becaufe,  under  exifting  cir- 
cumftances,  it  would  not  only  produce  many  unhappy  confe- 
quences;  but  Kcaufe  I  am  of  opinion,  if  Mr.  P.  finds  difficul- 
ties, that  the  object  may  y--;t  be  attained,  by  the  interceffion  of 
this  government,  as  foon  as  I  am  enabled  to  (hew,  that  Mr. 
Jay's  treaty  ftipulatcs   nothing  injurious   to   this   Republic. 
Doubtlefs  France  will  now  have  great  weight  in  the  councils 
of  Spain  j   and,  melt  certainly,  if  we  continue  in  friendfhip 
with  France,  and  of  which  there  can  be  no  doubt,  it  will  be 
poflible  to  avail  ouriolves  of  it,    in   fupport   of  our   claims 
there.* 

Thefe  two  great  events  mufl  certainly  produce  die  mod  im- 
portant confequences,  as  well  in  fecuring  tranquillity  at  home, 
as  in  cutting  oif  all  remaining  hope  of  fuccefs,  on  the  part  of 
the  powers  ftill  at  war  with  this  Republic.  Indeed  th~  pro- 
bability is,  that  peace  will  foon  be  made  with  the  Italian  pow- 
ers, and  even  with  Auftria :  But  with  E.^lviud,  lo  peculiar  is 
the  relation  between  the  two  countries,  that  it  i  impouible  to 

*  The  ftate  of  this  bufinr*3  appears  to  me  to  ftaml  thus  W-ni't  Spain 
adhered  to  England,  ihe  rrj^clcd  cur  prefenfiona  to  the  !..  ffi  ,>,«',  &x.  «i  '! 
liftened  to  them  only  when  ihe  w?s  -K>OU  c  ?:-m  Ln^'.ai  .,  •«> 

ne<3t  herfelf  wuh  [''ranee.  As  tills  ia'rtr  policy  gained  itrength  in  her 
councils,  her  difpofitiap  to, accommodate  us  iikewife  increafed,  as  appears 
by  Mr.  Short's  letter,  •;•:•  mine  of  the  i6-iiof  Iu  t,  1795.  au  nia~ 

ny  other  circumftanc^s;   :  .t  p.rio.:  ih^  i-vj.jitsa  our  uia  10  promote 

her  peace  with  France,  .  it  our  cl.ii  be  a^ju'Uxi  <<t  the 

lame  time.     Standing  well  then  wiih  rraucc,  it  $   Hawed  ti  ar  our  c  .:;ro- 
verfy  with  Spain  was  permanently  at  an  end,  and  upon  our  own  te  :ns. 
Mr.   Pinckoey  arrived  at  Madrid  precifely  at  the  niomsut  \-.h;;n  things 
were  thus  circuir.ft^nced,    a^d  eommenced    and  doled    his  negoc 
whilft  that  ftite  of  things  laft-d  ;  the  Spaiiifh  governnvi;  .relied 

with  a  belief  that  we  were  not  oniy  weli  t\!th  France,  but  e  fup. 

ported  our  claims  agrunlt  Spain  :  And  to  vvliich  jcconnno<'atian  if  is  pro- 
bable her  th'jn  reparation  from  England,  and  ilie  danger  of  a  war  witlithat 
power,  likewife  contributed.  Had  Mr.  Pirckney  airivcd  a  few  months 
later,  after  France  had  feen  our  trea:y  \\'ith  J.ng!  me,  and  a  'op.ted  her 
prefent  policy  in  confequence  of  it,  I  think  his  miflion  would  have  failed. 


C    204    3 

iay  when  peace  will  take  place,  or  even  to  hazard  any  plauli* 
ble  conjecture  upon  that  point.  An  adjiiftment,  however, 
with  aK  the  other  powers,  may  pofiibly  induce  an  accommo- 
dation between  theie,  fooner  than  prefent  circumftances  au* 
thorize  the  expectation  of. 

About  the  time  of  the  debarkation  of  the  emigrant  army, 
fome  fymptoms  were  feen  here,  which  gave  caule  for  fufpi- 
cion,  that  there  was  a  party  in  Paris,  which  felt  at  leaft  in 
unifon  with  that  army.  Lately,  a  fong  called  the  (i  Reveil  du 
Peuple,"  compofed  in  reproach  of  the  reign  of  terror,  had 
become  very  fafliionable  among  thofe  who  had  fuffered  under 
that  reign,  and  by  fome  accidental  circumftances  was  placed 
in  a  kind  of  rivalihip  or  rather  oppofition  to  the  Marfeillefe 
hymn.  The  young  men  of  Park,  the  relatives  of  many  of 
whom  had  fuffered  under  the  reign  of  terror,  formed  a  party 
who  were  in  general  in  favour  of  the  f '  Reveil  du  Peuple  ;"  of- 
ten calling  for  it  at  the  theatres  in  preference  to  the  Marfeillefe 
Hymn,  and  which  circumltan.ee  never  failed  to  give  uneafi- 
nefs  to  many  who  were  prefent.  Light  as  this  incident  was, 
yet  it  feemedj  at  one  time,  to  menace  fome  ill  confequences  : 
The  prefumption  whereof  was  indeed  fo  ftrong,  that  the  ene- 
mies of  the  revolution,  who  were  faid  to  ftimulate  the  young 
men  on,  feemed  to  count  upon  it  as  a  fource  from  whence 
fomething  in  their  behalf  might  be  expected.  Occafionally 
fome  excefles  were  committed  by  the  young  men,  and  in 
which  they  thought  they  had  a  right  to  indulge,  even  in  con- 
tempt of  the  authority  of  the  convention  ;  upon  which  body 
they  prefumed  they  had  fome  claim,  for  fervices  rendered  in 
the  late  commotions.  It  was,  in  truth,  obvious  that  the  range 
which  they  took  at  this  time,  when  tefled  by  the  flandard  of 
Uriel:  propriety,  or  indeed  of  law,  could  not  be  juftified.  It 
might,  on  the  contrary,  have  been  called  an  infurre£Hon,  and 
a  little  rigor  would  have  made  it  one.  The  convention,  how- 
ever, a£led  more  wifely,  by  confidering  it  for  a  while  as  a  fro- 
lic j  and  finally,  by  ifTuing  a  proclamation  telling  them  calm- 
ly of  the  folly  and  impropriety  of  their  conduct,  fince  thereby 
they  expofed  to  danger  the  revolution,  and  of  courfe  their  own 
faiety;  neither  of  which  could  it  be  their  intereft  or  intention 
to  endanger.  This  mode  of  proceeding  produced  the  happi- 
eft  effect  ;  for  even  before  the  reduction  of  the  emigrant  ar- 
my and  peace  with  Spain,  tranquillity  was  in  a  great  meafure 
eftabl iflied  ;  but  fince  thofe  two  events,  it  has  been  complete- 
ly fo. 

The  convention  is  ftill  employed  upon  the  fubjecl:  of  the 
confutation,  which  will  probably  be  gone  through  in  the 


[    205    3 

«ourfe  of  two  weeks  more.  As  foon  as  it  is  adopted,  and 
of  which  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  upon  the  principles  ge- 
neral fed  in  thi  project  reported  by  the  commiiiion,  I 

wil 

1  h.  R-ccivcd  a  letter  from  a  Mr.  Cazeau,  an  un- 

fortunate Canadian  ;  who  attached  himfelf  to  our  caufe  when 
we  invaded  C*:v.da,  \vhof~  name  you  will  find  in  the  journ- 
als of  thi-  "-  of  1785  or  '4,  at  Annapolis,  and  which 
letter  I  now  tr  ;!.ui:k  to  y  u.  The  journal  of  that  day  ex- 
plains the  nature  of  his  demand  touched  on  in  this  letter.  As 
I  was  of  the  committee  upon  this  memorial,  I  am  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  nature  of  his  claim,  and  think,  in  the  illue 
of  the  builntib,  that  juftice  was  not  rendered  to  him  ;  as  the 
order  of  Congrefs  in  his  behalf  was  not  executed.  He  is  here, 
and  I  believe  fupported  by  the  nation,  in  the  expectation  we  will 
do  icmething  for  him  :  The  minifter  of  this  Republic  with 
our  government  having  been  inftrutted  to  patronize  his  claim 
there. — May  1  requeft  your  attention  to  it. 

I  likewiie  encloie  you  a  letter  from  Mr.  Leach,  with  one 
from  feveral  refpe&able  Americans  here,  recommending  him 
for  the  confuiate  at  Dunkirk,  and  to  which  I  likewife  beg 
that  attention  to  which  you  may  deem  it  entitled.  My  acquain- 
tance with  him  is  of  late  only  ;  but  he  appears  to  me  to  be  aft 
honeft  and  deferving  citizan. 


from  the  Secretary  of  State  of  tie  United  States,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

Philadelphia,  May  2d 


THE  letter  which  I  promifed  by  Doctor  Edwards  is 
prepared;  but  the  Proficient  not  having  returned  from  Mount 
Vernoii  I  cannot  fubmit  it  to  his  correction,  without  which 
it  would  be  improper  to  fend  it.  It  is  long,  full  and  pgrhaps 
an  interefting  review  of  our  conduct  towards  France. 

I  ;.ave  to  acknowledge  vour  letters  of  January  I3th,  1795  ; 
with  triplicates  of  Nos.  I,  II,  III,  IV,  V,  VI,  and  VII,  of 
September  2oth,  1794*,  —  of  February  ift,  1795?  and  of  a 
duplicate  of  December  2d,  1  794  :  —  This  is  the  order  hi  which 
they  have  been  received. 

Mr.  Jay  has  tranfmitted  the  correfpondence  between  you 
and  him.  "When  he  arrives,  I  (hail  perhaps  forward  the  fen- 
timents  of  the  Prefident,  as  to  the  footing  on  which  the  bttfi* 
wfs  has  been  placed  by  him, 


[      206      ] 

Colonel  Humphreys  failed  fix  weeks  ago,  properly  charg- 
eJ^for  che  negociation  with  Algiers.  Before  this  reaches 
you.  he  will  probably  have  had  a  perfonal  interview  with  you; 
and  will  fatisfy  you,  that  on  this  and  every  other  occafion  we 
wifh  to  obferve  delicacy  towards  our  friends  and  allies. 

I  am,  &c. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 


[  No.  XX.  ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  Auguft   I'Jth,   1795. 

SIR, 

I  HAVE  not  been  honored  with  any  communication 
from  you  fince  that  of  the  2nd  May  laft ;  though,  doubt- 
lefs,  others  are  on  their  w  vy,  and  which  I  fhall  foon  receive. 
Within  a  few  days  pail,  Philadelphia  papers  were  received 
as  late  as  the  3d  of  July,  containing  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  toge- 
ther with  fuch  proceedings  of  the  fenate  upon  it  as  were  then 
publifhed.  As  thefe  gazettes  are  circulating  every  where,  I 
conclude  fome  of  them  are  in  poffjffion  of  the  committee  of 
public  fafety,  and  that  the  details  they  contain  will  likewife 
foon  find  their  way  into  the  papers  of  this  city  :  Indeed,  it  is 
faid,  they  are  already  publifhcd  at  Havre.  Of  late  I  have  heard 
nothing  from  the  committee  upon  this  fubjecl: ;  nor  do  I  ex- 
peel:  to  hear  any  thing  from  that  body  upon  it,  let  trie  im- 
preflion  be  what  it  may,  otherwife  than  in  reply  to  fuch  com- 
munication as  I  may  make  thereon,  and  refpecling  which  it 
may  be  proper  to  add,  that  I  (hall  take  no  ftep  without  your 
particular  inftru&ion  :  For  as  I  prefums  fome  ulterior  plan  is 
or  will  be  adopted  in  regard  to  it,  and  upon  which,  in  its  rela- 
tion to  this  Republic,  my  conduct  will  be  particularly  marked 
out ;  fo  I  deem  it  my  indifpenfoble  duty  to  avoid  in  the  inte- 
rim, any,  the  flighte'.t,  compromitment  either  of  you  or  my- 
felf  upon  that  fubjeft.  I  mention  this  that  you  may  diftinc~t,- 
Jy  know  how  completely  the  final  refult  of  this  bufmefs,  fo 


far  as  it  depends  on  me,  is,  as  indeed  it  ought  to  be,  under 
your  controul.* 

As  I  have  had  no  communication  with  this  government  up- 
on the  fubject  of  this  rreaty  fince  its  contents  were  known,  it 
is  of  courie  impoffible  for  me  to  fay  what  the  impreflion  it 
has  made  is.  It  is  as  eafy  for  you,  with  the  lights  you  have, 
to  form  a  correct  opinion  upon  that  point  in  Philadelphia,  as 
for  me  to  do  it  here.  One  circumftance,  however,  -  I  think 
proper  to  bring  to  your  view  :  Soon  after  the  Britifh  govern- 
ment had  recommenced  the  feizure  of  our  vefTtls,  deftined  for 
the  ports  of  France,  it  was  notified  to  the  committee  by  a  fe- 
cret  agent  of  this  government,  who  had  juft  returned  from 
England;  that  he  had  been  advifed  there,  through  a  channel 
to  be  relied  on,  that  the  Englifh  adminiftration  had  faid,  they 
knew  that  meafure  would  not  be  offenfive  to  our  government  j 
or,  in  other  words,  that  it  was  a  cafe  provided  for  between  the 
two  governments.  I  treated  the  communication  with  con- 
tempt, and  was  happy  to  hear  that  it  was  confidered  nearly 
in  the  fame  light  by  the  committee  itfelf. 

But  fince  the  arrival  of  the  treaty,  I  have  underftood  that, 
in  connection  with  that  report,  the  attention  of  many  has  been 
drawn  with  fome  degree  of  folicitude  to  the  contents  of  the 
fecond  paragraph  of  the  i8th  article,  and  who  fay,  that  as 
that  article  leaves  the  law  of  nations  unfettled,  and  provides 
payment  for  feizures  in  cafes  of  contraband,  and  of  courfe  for 
thofe  W'hich  are  not  contraband,  whereby  the  complaints  of 
our  citizens  are  prevented,  and  the  Britifh  conftruction  by 
implication  countenanced, — this  Republic  has  a  right  to  com- 
plain of  it.  I  mention  this  objection  to  you,  that  you  may  be 
aware  of  it,  in  cafe  it  fticuld  ever  be  brought  forward  on  this 
or  your  fide  of  the  water;  and  that  it  will  be  brought  forward, 
I  think  probable,  if  thofe  feizures  are  not  noticed  in  feme  very 
pointed  manner.  It  is  painful  for  me  to  give  ycu  a  detail  of 
this  kind ;  but  being  an  interefting  fact ,  I  do  not  fee  with  what 
propriety  it  can  be  withheld. 

It   is  faid   that    the  conftitution    will  be  ccmpleted  in  the 
courfe  of  a  few  days,  and  of  which  I  will  immediately  after* 

*  At  this  time  the  treaty  v/as  not  ratified  by  the  Prendent,  nor  vas  it 
knows  that  it  would  be  :  And,  ir  ratified,  I  expected  to  be  able  to  ftate  (if 
complained  of  by  the  committee)  hew  long  the  commercial  part  would  rc- 
rr.air.  in  fcrcc- ;  whether  we  were  willing  tc  make  a  new  treaty  of  OR  merer, 
and  upon  what  principles,  witk  Fiance,  with  a  view  tc  conciliate;  but  PO 
fuch  iiiftrudioRS  were  giver  me.  As  to  my  callirg  the  attention  of  tie 
committee  to  it  (now  that  tl'.cy  were  ^  flwfltd  o<  it  v-iikcut  my  ?.K';  w' shout 
orders  <n  m  the  admiriftratic-n,  it  i.pp<Lg:td  *.c  rr.e  t,c  be  «n  a£t  of  folly  wl  :ch 
nothing  coulci  u:ftify. 


L       *°8       3 

wards  forward  you  a  copy.  The  difcuflkm  upon  this  very  im- 
portant fuhject  has  been  conduced  with  great  temper,  and 
the  harmony  of  opinion  throughout  greater  than  could  have 
been  expected. 

The  report  of  Pichegru  having  crofTed  the  Rhine,  as  here- 
tofore intimated,  was  without  foundation  :  Th  height  of 
the  water  occafioned  by  continual  rains  his  hitherto  prevent- 
ed it :  It  is  however  faid,  that  he  has  orders  to  croia  it,  and 
-is  now  making  the  neceflfary  movements  for  that  parpofe  The 
enemy  are  on  the  oppofite  fide,  watchful  of  hi  manures  •>  but 
from  his  (kill,  the  itrength  and  enterprize  of  his  army,  fuc- 
cefs  is  counted  on  as  certain. 

No  indication  prefents  itfelf  of  an  approaching  peace  be- 
tween France  and  England,  or  even  of  a  negociation  for  it. 
The  only  indication  is  to  be  found  in  an  Englifh  minifterial 
paper,  which  fpeaks  of  the  convention  in  very  refpectful 
terms,  and  of  peace  as  a  deiirable  object.  It  is  probable, 
however,  when  a  negociation  commences,  it  will  be  fhort : 
For  as  I  prefume  the  overture  will  come  from  England  j  fo  it 
is  equally  prefumable  that  none  will  be  made  'till  her  adminif- 
tration  is  difpofed  to  accede  to  the  terms  of  France.  Thefe,  I 
prefume,  are  in  fome  meafure  known  to  England,  at  lead  I 
expect  fo  ;  a  confideration  which  I  particularly  fugged  at  pre- 
fent,  with  a  view  of  turning  your  attention  to  thofe  fymptoms 
which  may  be  difcovered  on  the  other  fide  of  the  channel,  as 
data  by  which  you  may  edimate  either  remote  or  immediate 
approaches  towards  this  important  event. 


[  No.  XXI.  ] 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 
Paris,  September  loth,  1795 


A  PRIVATE  letter  of  the  3  ift  of  May,  is  the  laft  with  which 
I  have  been  honored  from  you,  and  as  more  than  three  months 
have  fince  elapfed,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  that  fome  of  your 
defpatches  are  carried  into  England,  and  treated  with  the  fame 
violence  that.  mine  were  by  the  admiralty  at  Halifax.  It  was, 
doubtlefs,  an  obje£t  of  importance  with  the  Britifh  govern- 
ment to  know  what  were  the  ulterior  meafures  of  the  Prefi- 
dent  in  regard  to  England,  after  the  decifion  of  the  fen  ate  up- 


C    icp    1 

•n  the  treaty  of  Mr.  Jay,  and  as  I  prcfurr.?  you  wrote  rilfc 
fully  upon  that  head,  and  immediately  after  the  clccilion  waft 
taken,  ib  I  cannot  ctherwife  account  \vhy  your  letters  hsv« 
not  reached  me. 

I  fmcerely  wifli  to  liear  from  you  as  foon  as  poffible  upon 
that  fubjedT: ;  becaufe  if  in  the  further  purfuit  cf  our  claims 
upon  England,  it  is  wiihed  to  derive  any  aid  from  this  Repub- 
lic, either  by  harmonious  co-opertion  or  o&erwife,  it  is  ob- 
vious from  a  variety  of  confiderations  that  the  foor.er,  an  at- 
tempt is  made  to  adjuft  the  mode  whereby  fuch  aid  is  to  be 
rendered,  the  better  the  profpect  of  fuccefs  will  be.  You 
know  that  France  viewed  with  anxiety  die  Jate  negotiation 
with  that  power,  and  waited  the  refult  not  without  unplea- 
fant  apprehenfions  of  the  confluences :  and  you  liktwife 
know  that  the  moment  when  th  it  anxiety  ceafes,  and  efpe- 
cially  if  there  is  any  thing  mingled  in  the  caufe  producing  the 
change,  which  argues  an  attachment  for  France,  is  the  mo- 
ment to  make  a  fuitable  impreffion  on  her  councils.  Often- 
times incidents  of  this  kind  in  private  life  encreafe  the  friend- 
fhip  and  cement  the  union  between  the  parties ;  and  the 
principle  is  the  fame  with  nations  as  with  individuals,  where 
the  government  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  But  the  mo- 
ment muft  be  feized,  other  wife  the  profpccl  diminifhes,  r.nd  e- 
very  day  becomes  more  remote ;  for  \vhen  a  coolnefs  which  has 
once  taken  place  is  fuffered  to  remain  for  any  length  of  time,  aft  e> 
the  caufe  which  gave  birth  to  it  ceafes,  that  circumftance  ix> 
comes  a  new  motive  for  chagrin,  and  which,  efpecially  if 
afterwards  encieafed  by  mutual  flights,  often  ends  in  mutual 
enmity.  In  addition  to  which,  it  may  be  obferved,  that  if  fuch 
aid  is  wiflied  from  France,  the  ftate  of  the  war  is  fuch  as  tp 
require,  on  our  part,  difpatch  ;  for  it  is  always  prefumabk, 
when  its  fubftantial  objects  are  fecured  on  the  one  fide,  and 
the  hope  of  gain  in  a  great  meafure  abandoned  ori  the  other, 
as  is  actually  now  the  cafe,  that  its  clofe  is  not  very  diilant. 

I  am  ft  ill  of  opinion,  that  if  a  timely  and  fuitable  cticmp-*? 
be  made  to  engage  the  aid  of  this  government  in  fupport  of 
our  claims  upon  England,  it  may  be  accomplished,  and  upon 
fair  and  honorable  terms.  But  under  exifting  circumftances, 
peculiar  and  extraordinary  care  becomes  neceifary  in  the  ar- 
rangement to  be  adopted ;  otherwife  the  attempt  will  fail. 
Our  negociation  muft  be  in  harmony,  and  poifefs  the  confi- 
dence of  this  government,  or  it  will  not  fupport  it ;  for  no 
government  will  fupport  a  negociation  it  fufpeCVs  will  termi- 
nate in  a  treaty  injurious  to  itfelf.  For  this  purpofe,  then,  the 
wesfon  to  whom  we  e-omnait  the  truft,  (hould  poiftfs  th* 


[      2tO     ] 

dence  of  this  government,  and,  in  my  opinion,  the  negociatiori 
fhould  be  earned  on  ?«t  the  place  where  the  French  negotiation 
is  carried  on;  either  here  or  at  Bru'le,  at  which  latter  place  it  is 
reported,  Mr.  Eden  has  latelyprefexited  himfelf, — the  fame  per- 
fon  who  was  not  long  fince  at  Dieppe  for  ail  exchange  of  pri- 
foners,  as  it  \vasfaid.  On  the  contrary,  fuppofe  any  perfon 
was  fent  directly  to  England  on  this  bufinefs,  what  would  be 
its  effect  here  ?  It  is  admitted  that  fuch  a  perfon  might  be 
fent,  as  would  create  no  alarm  here,  of  injuries  to  this  Re- 
public from  the  confequence  of  fuch  negotiation  ;  but  the 
manner  would  be  deemed  inharmonious,  and  would,  of  courfe, 
be  confidered  as  declining  all  claim  upon  this  government  for 
its  fupport.  England  would  know  this,  and  profit  by  it.  In- 
deed, no  co-operation,  under  fuch  circumftances,  would  be 
prefumed.  What  can  be  the  objections  to  fuch  an  arrange- 
ment ?  I  can  fee  none.  If  we  were  at  war  with  England 
none  would  be  urged  by  any  one  ;  for  fuch  was  the  cafe  when 
we  were  at  war  with  her.  If,  then,  remaining  at  peace,  ano- 
ther country  is, willing  to  give  us  the  fortune  of  its  arms,  in 
fupport  of  our  claims  againfl  a  common  enemy,  ought  we  to 
decline  an  arrangement  which  would  be  adopted  in  war,  efpe- 
cially  when  it  is  confidered,  that  peace  is  the  lot  we  prefer, 
and  that  our  fuccefs  depends  upon  its  fuccefs,  unaided  by  any 
effort  of  our  own  ?  "Would  it  excite  difguft  in  England  ?  On. 
the  contrary,  it  would  command  her  refpecl.  Without  corhpul- 
fion  we  know  we  (hall  not  gain  from  her  what  wre  are  entitled 
to  ;  and  if  this  compulfion  is  to  be  procured  from  France,  \vill 
it  not  be  more  efficacious,  when  fhe  fees  that  our  harmony  with 
France  is  complete,  and  beyond  her  reach  to  difturb  it  ?  But 
can  we  accomplifh  what  we  wifh  by  the  fortunes  of  France, 
by  any  kind  of  negociation  we  can  fet  on  foot,  without  any 
effort  of  our  own  ;  and  if  any  fuch  effort  is  to  be  made,  of 
what  kind  muft  it  be  ?  To  this  I  can  give  no  anfwer,  other 
than  by  referring  you  to  my  former  letters  on  that  head  ;  for 
latterly  I  have  had  no  communication  with  this  government  on 
it.  If  it  can  be  done,  the  above  is  the  way  to  do  it;  but  to  fe- 
cure  fuccefs,  by  embarking  this  government  with  full  zeal  in 
our  behalf,  and  ftr iking  terror  into  England,  it  will  be  neceffa- 
ry  to  lay  hold  of  her  property  within  the  United  States,  take 
the  ports,  and  even  invade  Canada.  This  would  not  only  fe~ 
cure  to  us  completely  our  claims  upon  Britain,  and  efpecially 
if  we  likewife  cut  up  her  trade  by  privateers  ;  but  by  making 
a  decifive  and  powerful  diverfion  in  favor  of  France,  promote, 
and  very  effentially,  a  general  peace. 


[      211      ] 

^<r 

The  {late  of  the  war  is  die  fame  as  when  I  wrote  yc 
Pichegru  is  full  on  this  fide  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  preffure  up-  v=. 
on  Italy  is  lets  forcible  fince,  than  it  was  before  the  peace 
with  Spain ;  a  circumftancs  which  gives  caufe  to  fufped,  that 
negociations,  promifing  a  favorable  iiTue,  are  depending  with 
the  powers  in  that  quarter.  A  fimilar  confideration  may 
iikewife  impede  the  movements  of'  Pichegru ;  for  it  is  gene- 
rally underftood,  that  not  only  the  Empire  as  a  body,  but  fe- 
veral  of  its  members  feparately*  are  negociating  for  peace 
with  this  Republic  ;  of  which  latter  fact  we  have  lately  feen 
an  example  in  a  treaty  with  the  prince  of  HefTe  Caflel ;  where- 
by fix  thoufand  of  his  troops  in  Engliih  pay,  are  withdrawn 
from  the  army  of  the  emperor. 

I  lately  fent  you,  by  Bourdeaux,  a  copy  of  the  conftitution 
which  was  adopted  by  the  convention,  and  which  is  at  prefent 
before  the  primary  aflemblies  for  ratification,  and  I  now  fend 
you  another  copy  of  that  act  by  Hivre.  The  attempt  which 
was  hereby  made,  not  fimply  to  amend,  but  abtblutely  to  fet 
afide  the  former  conftitution,  and  introduce  a  new  one  in  its. 
ftead,  diiTcring,  too,  from  the  former,  in  many  of  its  great 
outlines,  and  efpecially  in  the  character  of  its  Isgiflativ 
executive  branches,  under  the circumftances  which exift'?d  when 
it  was  commenced,  being  at  the  moment  when  the  trial  of 
Barrere  and  his  aiTociates  was  depending,  and  Paris  afflicted  by 
famine, — was  an  enterprize,  you  will  admit,  of*great  moment. 
So  far  as  it  was  a  dangerous  one,  it  proves  that  fuch  danger  was 
*ncounteredj  from  motives  equally  benevolent  and  patriotic. 
And  as  the  conftitution  which  this  attempthasproduced,  compa- 
ratively with  the  other,  is  infinitely  preferable  to  it,  and  forms,  ' 
of  courfe,  in  cafe  it  be  adopted,  a  new  bulwark  in  favor  of  re- 
publican government,  it  is  equally  fo  to  conclude,  that  fuch, 
Iikewife,  was  the  object. 

The  primary  aflemblies  were  convened  to  deliberate  on  it 
five  days,  and  this  is  the  fifth  ;  and  in  thofe  quarters  from 
whence  accounts  are  already  received,  it  appears  that  it  is  a- 
dopted,  in  fome  places  unanimoufly,  and  in  all  by  great  ma- 
jorities. It  was  Iikewife  fubmitted  to  the  armies,  and  by 
whom  it  is  faid  to  be  adopted  almoft  unanimoufly.  In  the 
profpec~t,  therefore,  in  this  refpe£t,  before  this  Republic,  one 
circumftance  only  prefents  itfelf,  which  darkens,  in  any  de- 
gree, the  political  horizon.  In  putting  the  new  conftitution 
in  motion,  the  convention  wiflied  to  transfer  from  its  own 
body  two  thirds  of  its  members  ^3  the  legiflative  branches 
of  the  new  government,  and  for  which  a  decree  was  paired. 
A  motive  for  thU  was,  the  advantage  the  republic  would 


from  keeping  in  office  many  of  thofe  in  whofe  han3s  depend- 
ing nigociations  were,  and  who  in  other  refpe&s  are  acquaint- 
ed with  the  actual  ftate  of  things.  There  may  be,  and 
doubtlels  are,  other  motives  for  this  meafure,  and  which  will 
readily  occur  to  you.  This  arrangement  is,  however,  diiliked 
by  many,  and,  particularly,  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  by 
whom  it  is  '^eiierally  rejected.  The  prefumption  is,  that  a 
great  majority  of  France  will  approve  the  decree,  and  in  which 
cafe  Paris  will  yield  ;  but,  ilioutd  the  majority  prove  to  be  in 
the  other  fcaie,  the  prci\urrpticn  is  equally  ir.rong,  that  the 
convention  will  yield ;  ib  that,  from  tliis  fource  I  do  not  fee 
caufe  to  apprehend  any  ferious  evil.  Many,  however,  are  of 
a  different  opinion,  and  count  upon  the  diviiion  that  exiiis  upon 
this  point,  as  the  commencement  of  a  counter-revolution.  It 
is  well  known  that  thj  vryaliils  are  adliive,  and  uiing  their  ut- 
moil  efforts  to  improve  ir  in  their  favor,  and  it  is  alfo  believed, 
thut  England  and  fome  other  of  the  coalefccd  powers  view 
it  with  the  fame  anxious  and  favorable  expectation.  But 
it  is  ufual  for  the  royaliir.s  and  thofc  powers  to  catch  at 
every  circumftance  which  turns  up,  whereon  to  reft  a  hope  j 
in  general,  howevcr}  their  calculations  upon  the  fortune  of  the 
revolution,  have  not  been  verified  by  events,  and  I  mnll  be 
deceived  if  this  is  not  the  cafe  in  the  prcfent  inftance.  In~ 
deed,  a  found  reafon  may  be  given  why  Paris  differs  in  this 
refpetl  from  the  majority  of  the  ether  departments,  and  with- 
out impeaching  her  attachment  to  republican  government. 
/ill  the  atrocities  which  have  ftaincd  the  different  ftages  of  the 
revolution,  have  been  perpetrated  here ;  under  every  convuU 
{Ion  and  change  fome  of  her  citizens  have  fuffered  }  and,  with 
the  preponderating  party  in  the  convention,  me  is  not  popular 
as  a  department ;  ib  that  it  is  natural  me  mould  wim  to  exclude 
from  the  legiilature  of  the  new  government  all  the  members 
vrho  compofc  the  prefent  convention. 

P.  S.  RefpecUng  Algiers  I  will  write  you  in  my  next. 

Since  writing  the  above,  it  is  announced  that  Jourdan, 
xvho  commands  the  army  of  the  SambreandMeufe,  hascrofTed 
the  Rhine,  ;:t  the  head  of  about  fifty  thoufand  men,  and  in 
the  face  of  about  forty  thcufand,  well  pofted,  and  Itrongly  for- 
tilied  on  the  oppofite  more.  It  is  alfo  faid,  that  he  attacked 
uiul  took  by  iiorm,  immediately  afterwards,  the  city  and  caftle 
of  Dufieldorf.  Much  ap.plaufe  is  beflowed  on  the  general 
and  his  army  for  this  bold  exploit,  and  which  is  deemed,  un- 
$er  the  circuniflances  attending  it,  among  the  rucft  brilliant 
*f  the  war, 


frcm  the  CcwmiJJiQn  of  the  Marine  and  of  the  Colonies,  to  lie 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  cf  America. 

S)  l^th  MeJJidsi')   ^d  Tear  of  the   Republic. 

(July  id,    1795.; 


THE  commiflion  learns,  that  nine  Englifhdeferters,  pri- 
fonersof  war,  have  juft  been  arrefted  at  Bourdeaux,  upon  three 
American  veffcis.  They  are  periuaded,  that  it  is  fuflicient 
to  denounce  to  you  this  facl:,  to  induce  you  to  reprefs  the 
conduct  of  the  three  American  captains,  and  to  recall  them 
to  the  duties  that  the  treaty  of  alliance,  which  unites  the  two 
republics,  impofcs  on  them. 


From  the  Commiflion  cf  Marine  and  of  the  Cdonies,  to  the  jfrfi* 
nifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,    ifl  Thermidor,  yl  Tear  of  the  Republic, 

(July   I9th,   1795.; 


THE  commiflion  is  pofitively  informed,  that  Englifh- 
men,  efoaped  from  the  prifons  of  war  of  the  Republic,  find 
in  the  ports,  and  chiefly  in  thofe  of  Bourdeaux  and  Dunkirk^ 
opportunities  of  engaging  on  board  American  veffels. 

It  is  certainly  fufficient  to  denounce  to  you  fo  plain  an  in- 
fraction of  the  treaty  of  alliance,  which  unites  the  two  Repub- 
lics, to  induce  you  to  ufe  your  whole  authority  againil  thofe 
who  appear  to  favour  conduct  fo  improper,  and  concerning 
which  the  commiflion  has  before  had  occafion  to  complain  to 
you.  ' 

(Signed)  REDON. 


from  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of 
ricay  to  the   CommiJJary    of  Marine. 

Paris,   July  2  of/6,    1795. 

I  RECEIVED  your  favour  of  yefterday,  informing  me, 

ec}  from  prifon,  were 


taken  from  the  Republic  in  American  vefTels,  and  particular- 
ly from  the  ports  of  Bourdeaux  and  Dunkirk;  and  requefting 
my  aid  to  prevent  a  practice  hurtful  to  France.  I  had  alfo 
received  feme  time  before,  a  letter  of  the  i4th  ultimo  (Mef- 
fidor)  complaining  of  a  particular  cafe  of  that  kind  at  Bour- 
deaux, and  which  I  declined  anfwering  until  I  mould  hear 
from  the  conful  at  that  port  on  the  fubje£r.. 

Permit  me  to  allure  you,  that  I  have  already  done  every 
thin;;  in  my  power  to  prevent  this  abufe,  and  that  I  fliall  now 
repeat  my  endeavours  to  accomplilh  that  object ;  being  equally 
impelled  to  it  from  a  regard  to  the  obligations  of  duty  fubfiit- 
ing  between  the  two  Republics,  which  with  me  will  aiv»rays 
be  held  facred,  as  from  my  attachment  to  the  welfare  of  this. 
With  this  view,x  and  that  the  pofllbility  of  abufcs  might  be 
prevented,  I  have  feme  time  fince  not  only  prohibited  the 
confuisfrom  granting  pafTports  to  thofe  who  are  Americans; 
but  enjoined  themlikewife  to  ufe  their  utmoit  endeavours  to 
prevent  the  captains  of  our  veifels  from  taking  off  thofe  who 
were  not,  and  in  which  I  am  well  fatisfied  I  have  their  full 
co-operation.  It  is  my  duty,  however,  to  add,  that  beyond 
this  my  authority  within  the  Republic  cannot  extend  :  For 
to  me  it  does  not  belong  to  puniih  thofe  who  violate  its  laws: 
To  inflict  fuch  puniihment  by  making  a  fui table  example  of 
thofe  who  commit  the  aggrefiion,  lies  within  the  province  of 
the  government  itfelf  only.  I  have  invariably  admonifhed  my 
compatriots  to  refpecl:  the  laws  of  our  ally,  to  whole  welfare 
we  have  fo  many  motives  to  be  attached ;  and  have  warned 
them  that  in  cafe  they  violate  thofe  laws,  I  mall  leave  them 
unprotected  to  their  penalty.  To  imprefs  this,  however,  more 
forcibly  at  the  prefent  moment,  I  will  enclofe  a  copy  of  your 
letters  to  me,  and  of  this  my  reply,  to  all  our  confuls  through- 
out the  Republic. 


Circular  to  the  Confuls  of  tie  United  States  of  America.)  in  the 

French  Republic. 

Paris,   July   2$th,   1795. 

I  HEREWITH  inclofe  copies  of  two  letters  from  the 
commiilion  of  marine  to  me,  and  of  my  reply  thereto,  rela- 
tive to  Englifh  prifoners  taken  out  of  the  Republic,  on  board 
American  veflels.  I  recommend  you  Uriel:  attention  to 
this  fabject,  which  is  fully  explained  in  the  faid  letters ;  an'd 


E    aij    ] 

requeft  you  will  enjt/m  a  like  attention   to  the  agents  -within 
your  reipe£tiye  departments. 

A7.  B.  The  letters  whereof  copies  are  mentioned  above  are; 
thofefrom  the  commillary  of  marine  of  the  I4th  Meffidor, 
and  5th  Thermidor  j  and  anfwer  to  the  fame  of  the  2-th 

Juty>   '795- 

from  tie  Ccmmijfion  of  tie  Marine  and  of  tie  Colonies,  to  the 
Mincer    plenipotentiary    of  tie  United  States  of  America, 
Paris,  jt/j  Fructichr,  ^d  Tear  of  tie  Republic. 

(AuguJllVb,    i19$.J 

CITIZEN, 

THE  franknefs  which  has  always  been  and  (hall  be  the 
bafis  of  the  political  and  commercial  tranfa&ions  between  the 
French  Republic  and  that  which  you  reprefent,  commands 
me  to  awaken  your  folicitude  upon  occurrences,  which  would 
tend  infenfibly  to  loofen  the  bonds  which  unite  the  two  na- 
tions, if,  as  I  cannot  believe,  you  fhould  not  concur  with  the 
agents  of  the  French  government  in  putting  a  ftop  to  the  mul- 
tiplied abufes,  of  which  the  ports  in  the  channel,  and  even  the 
great  ports  for  equipment,  offer  daily  examples. 

Some  captains,  furnimed  with  American  papers,  frequent 
habitually  thofe  ports,  and  the  mortnefs  of  the  intervals  which 
occur  between  their  different  trips  give  ground  to  ilrong  fuf- 
picions  againft  them.  Mod  frequently  they  arrive  in  balluft, 
or  with  the  femblance  of  a  cargo,  which  they  evade  felling. 
Lately  one  arrived  at  Fecamp  contradicted  himfelf  in  his  de- 
tlarations ;  in  fine,  every  circumftance  induces  a  belief  that 
the  real  end, — that  the  only  end  of  the  conduct  they  purfue, 
is  a  communication  kept  up  between  the  French  and  Englifh 
ports  of  the  channel  for  the  tranfportation  of  pafTengers,  letters 
and  perhaps  even  coin. 

While  I  tranfmit  you  thefe  details,  I  cannot  avoid  inform- 
ing you  of  complaints  of  another  kind,  which  have  been  made 
by  French  feamen,  returned  from  the  Englifh  prifons  :  and 
who,  deftitute,  in  confequence  of  a  tedious  imprifonment,  of 
all  means  of  fubfiftence,  have  been  obliged  to  pay  thefe  fame 
captains  from  two  to  five  guineas  for  a  paflage  from  Dover  to 
Calais.  Such  conduct  adds,  to  the  fufpicion  of  an  under- 
ftanding  with  our  enemies,  the  eertainty  of  a  baft  cupidity, 


nfks  a  ranfom  from   patriotifm,    and  fpeculates  upon 
misfortune. 

You  mutt  be  fenfible,  Citizen,  that  the  character  of  neu- 
trality, which  renders  a  nation  refpcclable  in  our  view,  ought 
not  to  ferve  as  an  ^3Lgis  to  private  defigns,  nor  to  {hut  our  eyes 
upon  thofe  meafures  which  may  commit  the  general  welfare 
and  fafety  of  the  Republic  ;  it  is   therefore  urgent,   that  you 
ihould  co-operate  in  unveiling  the  individuals  who  ufurp  the 
American  colours  in.  order  to  betray  our  mutual  interefts  :  and 
it  is  in  the  name  of  that  friendship  which  unites  two  free  na- 
tions   that  I  now  wifh  to  induce  you  to  fecure  the  co-opera- 
tion of  men  cloathed  with  your  confidence  in  our  ports,   to 
prevent  fuch  monitions  abufes.     Your  well  known  character 
is  a  gurantee,  that  you  will  feccnd  with  alacrity  the  adoption  of 
meafures  which,  without  wounding  the  facred  rights  of  hof- 
pitality,  may  frustrate  the  intrigues  of  individvals  who,,  under 
the  cloak  of  that  title,  and  through  die  means  of  conformity  of 
manners,  habits,  language  and  cuftoms,  receive  with  impu- 
nity from  the  treafures  of  England  means  of  corruption,    a 
thoufand  times  more  dangerous  to  us  than  the  chance  of  battles. 

I  fubmit  with  confidence  to  your  wifdom  the  means  whicli 
would  appear  to  me  proper  to  attain  this  end. 

You  could,  Citizen,  direct  die  confuls  of  the  United  States, 
to  invite  every  captain  of  an  American  vefTei  not  to  land 
either  men  or  goods,  when  arriving  in  our  ports,  without  firft 
calling  on  the  maritime  agent,  to  communicate  to  him  ths 
intention  of  his  voyage  -y  the  nature  and  quantity  of  the  mer- 
chandize on  board  his  veflel,  and  their  defoliation ;  where 
{hipped,  and  the  number  of  his  pafiengers. 

Each  captain  might  receive,  from  you  or  from  the  confular 
agents  of  your  nation,  the  order  to  exhibit,  upon  demand,  his 
journal  and  other  fea-papers. 

From  the  nature  of  the  facb  I  have  laid  before  you,  would 
you  think,  Citizen,  that  there  would  be  any  inconvenience, 
that  the  maritime  agent,  or  an  agent  of  adminiflration  by  him 
delegated,  mould  be  authorized  to  go  on  board  in  order  to  af- 
eertain  the  faithfulnefs  of  the  declarations,  if  they  gave  room 
for  well  founded  fufpicions  ?  And  would  you  not  fay,  in  cafe 
their  inaccuracy  fhould  b'i  proved,  that  it  would  bs  proper  to 
keep  the  crew  and  paflengers  on  board,  until  a  decifion  from 
the  committee  of  public  fafety  be  had  ?  You  muft  be  fenfible, 
that  even  in  thele  cafes,  which,  I  delight  in  believing,  would 
be  very  rare,  I  mould  on  my  part  hailen  to  caufe  to  be  fur- 
niflied  every  necdTary  fuccour  and  facility  •>  and  the 


C    a«7    J 


ty  which  might  be  due,  in  cafe  of  the  definitive  admifiion  of 
the  vefTels  into  our  ports,  would  befides  be  fettled. 

At  all  events,  you  will  no  doubt  deem  it  proper  not  to  fuf- 
fer  the  landing  of  the  paflengers  calling  themielvts  Citizens 
of  the  United  States,  until  their  title  to  that  citizenfhip  be 
legally  afcertained  by  the  confuls  of  your  nation. 

I  beg  you,  Citizen,  to  weigh  thefe  ideas,  and  to  tranfmit 
me  yours  on  the  preventive  means  to  be  uied,  to  avoid 
the  repetition  of  the  a£ts  of  which  I  have  prefented  you  a 
picture. 

(Signed) 

REDON. 


From  the  Minijler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
ricay  to  the  CommiJJary  of  Marine. 

Paris,  Augujl  30^,   1795. 

I  OBSERVE  by  yours  of  the  /th  Fructidor  (24th  Auguft) 
that  you  complain  of  an  intercourfe  which  is  faid  to  be  carri- 
ed on  by  fome  Americans  from  the  ports  of  this  Republic,  to 
thofe  of  England ;  whereby  a  correlpondence  by  letters  is 
kept  up,  money  exported  and  Englifh  people  carried  out  of 
the  country :  You  likewife  complain,  that  the  captains  of 
thofe  vefiels  afk  exhorbitant  prices  for  the  tranfpcrtation  or 
paflage  of  French  citizens  from  England  here  ;  whereby  they 
fubjecl:  themfelves,  in  addition  to  the  iufpicion  of  inteli 
with  your  enemies,  to  the  charge  likewife  of  extortion  from 
the  unfortunate  ;  and  in  remedy  of  thefe  evils  you  requefl  of 
me, 

ift.  To  inftrucr.  the  confuls  to  prohibit  the  captains  of  our 
veflels  from  landing  either  men  or  cargoes,  until  a  return 
of  both  is  given  to  the  maritime  agents  of  the  ports  where 
they  touch;  as  likewife  a  declaration  of  the  port  from 
whence  they  came. 

2d.  That  I  will  arrange  it  fo,  that  every  captain  (hall  take 
from  me  or  the  confuls  his  regifter,  or  other  adequate 
proof  of  his  veflel  being  American ;  by  virf-w  of  which  alone, 
(he  fhall  be  deemed  fuch,  and  he  entitled  to  the  privileges 
of  an  American  citizen. 

Permit  me  to  aflure  you,  that  whatever  regulations  thisRe- 
public  finds  it  for  its  intereft  to  adopt,  and  which  allow  to 
my  countrymen  the  rights  of  nations  and  of  treaties,  in  com- 

F  f 


C-    218    3 

mon  with  the  citizens  of  other  neutral  powers,  I  (hall  not 
only  be  fo.tisfied  with  j  but  endeavour,  by  juil  and  fuitable  re- 
prefenta'ti  -ns  thereof  to  produce  a  fimilar  impreffion  upon 
the  Ain<:ricaii  government ;  being  perfuaded,  that  as  well  in 
die  character  of  nations  as  republics,  it  is  the  mutual  intereil 
of  both  to  cultivate  each  the  friendfhip  of  the  other.  With 
the  fame  view  and  upon  the  fame  principle  I  (hall  be  always 
happy  to  adopt,  fo  far  as  depends  on  me,  fuch  regulations  as 
may  be  calculated  to  promote  that  defirable  end. 

The  feveral  particulars  of  your  complaints  are  comprifadin 
that  of  the  intercourfe  between  the  two  countries  5  if  this  were 
done  away  the  others  would  ceafe  ;  no  correfpondence  of  the 
kind  could  afterwards  be  kept  up;  no  money  could  be  export- 
ed, orEngiifh  fubjecls  carried  out  of  the  country,  nor  could 
any  extortion  be  praeWed  upon  the  unfortunate  French  citi- 
zens, who  were  impriibned  there.  Is  it  in  my  power  to  pre- 
vent this  intercourfe  ?  If  it  is,  and  this  government  wifhes  it 
to  be  prevented,  then  I  mould  think  I  merited  cenfure  if  I  did 
not.  But  you  will  admit,  that  this  is  a  meafure  to  which  I 
am  not  competent,  and  that  it  belongs  to  the  French  govern- 
ment alone  to  do  it,  as  to  regulate  in  all  other  refpe£ts  its 
commerce  :  Regulations  of  mine  upon  that  point  would  be 
difregarded  by  our  mariners,  who  would  confider  me  as  ufurp- 
ing  a  power  I  had  no  right  to  exercife  ;  they  might  likewife 
be  cenfured  by  this  government  whofe  intereft  it  might  be 
to  encourage  fuch  trade. 

If  then  I  cannot  prohibit  this  intercourfe,  it  follows,  that 
I  can  fubjedt  it  to  no  reflricT.ion.  The  fame  power  which  has 
the  right  to  prohibit,  has  likewife  the  power  otherwife  to 
regulate  it ;  and  this  belongs  of  courfe  to  the  French  govern- 
ment, and  to  it  alone.  Nor  have  our  confuls  any  fuch  pow- 
tr ;  their  duties  arc  regulated  by  a  convention  between  the 
two  nations,  and  which  excludes  every  authority  of  the  kind  : 
Indeed  the  exercife  of  fuch  an  authority  by  a  conful  of  either 
nation,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  other,  would  be  deemed 
a  derogation  from  the  fovereignty  of  fuch  nation,  and  there- 
fere  could  not  be  tolerated.  Our  confuls  are  placed  here,  as 
yours  are  placed  in  America,  for  the  advantage  of  our  citi- 
tizens  rclpecHvely  ;  to  fee  that  they  enjoy  the  benefit  of  trea- 
ties, and  the  rights  of  nations  ;  not  to  impofe  on  the  citi- 
zens any  new  and  opprdlive  regulations* 

If  it  is  the '  interest  and  wifh  of  this  Republic  to  prevent 
fuch  intercourfe,  admiring  that  it  does  exiil,  but  of  which  I 
know  nothing  otherwii".'  than  by  your  letter  and  the  public 
'gazettes,  which  latter  ipeak  equally  of  the  vefiels  of  other 


[      219     3 

neutral  powers,  as  of  thofe  of  the  United  States,  and  it  does 
prohibit  it, — provided  the  prohibition  be  general  I  fhali  never 
complain  of  it,  however  decifive  the  regulation,  or  fevcre  the 
penalty  for  infract  Ing  it.  Whatever  laws  this  government 
makes  upon  that  fubjtcl,  it  is  the  duty  of  my  countrymen  to 
obey,  and  if  they  violate  them,  they  mull  fubmit  to  the  puniili- 
rnent  iuch  violation  merits. 

With  rjipect  to  the  two  regulations  which  ycu  mention  ; 
permit  me  to  obferve,  that  I  deem  the  firit  proceeding  from 
your  government,  by  arrete  of  the  committee  or  d  jcree  of 
the  convention,  to  be  publiiried  and  fent  to  all  the  ports,  as  a 
very  fuitable  one,  whether  the  intercourfe  is  prohibited  or  not. 
Such  a  one  exilts  in  all  cafes  wi'.h  us  :  No  veficl  can  land  its 
cargo  in  the  United  States,  without  rendering  an  account 
thereof  to  the  authority  of  the  port;  nor  ought  it  to  be  done 
here,  either  in  the  cafe  of  cargo  or  psflengers.  With  refpecl: 
to  the  fecond,  I  have  to  add  •,  that  by  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  already  the  duty  of  every  captain  of  a  veiTel,  to 
have  a  regifter  from  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or 
fome  conful,  defcribing  his  veiTel,  her  burden,  &c.  and  of 
courfethe  object,  which  is  herein  fought,  is  already  provided 
for :  For  you  are  not  bound  to  confider  any  veflel  as  Ameri- 
can, unlefs  me  produces  fome  fuch  adequate  proof  that  (lie  is 
fuch.  I  have  thus  anfwered,  Citizen,  the  particulars  of  your 
letter,  with  the  fame  freedom  with  which  it  was  written,  and 
beg,  likewife,  to  aflure  you,  that  if  any  further  explanations 
are  deemed  neceflary,  I  ihall  be  happy  to  give  them. 


The  Commi/Jion  of  the  Marine  and  the  Colonies,  to  the  JLf 

\ 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   2Q,th  Frtiftidor,  (i$th  September ,,  i-g$.J 

CITIZEN, 

THE  committee  of  public  fafety  has  juft  remitted  to  me 
a  material  and  unequivocal  proof  of  the  per  rid  y  which  the 
Engliin  exercife,  with  the  greater  facility,  fince  they  appear  to 
derive  many  opportunities  from  the  fictitious  expeditions  from 
America  to  our  ports,  under  American  colours.  Being  con- 
vinced of  the  deference  of  the  French  nation  for  the  friends 
of  liberty  and  our  own,  I  think,  citizen,  I  may  confidentially 
communicate  to  you  that  evidence  of  the  above  fact,  which 


I      220     ] 

has  been  forwarded  to  the  government  through  the  hands  of 
a  reprefcntative,  by  a  trufty  obferver.  That  falie  manifeil  jufti- 
fies  the  fuipicion,  which  1  difclofed  to  you  in  my  letter  of  the 
24th  ult.  and  urges  me,  while  I  denounce  to  you  that  new  ma- 
noeuvre, to  requeft,  that  you  may  fupport,  with  all  your  autho- 
rity, the  meaiures  which  the  Republic  mall  take,  in  concert 
with  you,  to  fecure  ourfelves  ngainft  the  ill  ule  which  the  En- 
giifh  make  of  our  jult  deference  for  our  friends  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  I  fhaJl  receive  with  much  gratitude,  the 
communication  of  the  plan  which  you  may  fuggeft,  as 
proper  to  be  adopted  in  this  cafe,  in  order  that  I  may  be 
able,  on  my  part,  to  give  the  orders  required  by  circumftan- 
ces.  I  fliall  likewife  be  obliged  to  you,  citizen,  if  you  will 
pleafe  to  fend  back  to  me  the  piece  herein  enclofed. 

(Signed) 

REDON. 


From  Mr.  Monroe -,  to  the  Ccmnnjfary  of  the  Marine  and  Colonies. 

• 

Paris,  September  I$th,   1795. 

I  WAS  favored  with  yours  of  the  2pth  Fru&idor 
(i5th  September)  and  the  piece  enclofed,  which  was  taken  on 
board  an  Englifh  vefTel,  and  by  which  I  underftand  an  attempt 
was  made  to  impofe  her  on  the  ports  of  this  Republic  as  an 
American  one.  I  am  by  no  means  furprized,  that  fuch  at- 
tempts are  made  by  the  Englifh ;  for  in  the  degree  that  they  do 
fucceed  in  ufurping  the  ch.ir:i&ei  of  different  nations  (and  in 
which  ufurpation,  in  refpecl:  to  tht  United  States,  they  have, 
unfortunately,  a  facility  from  the  ufe  of  our  language)  do  they 
enjoy  the  privileges  of  thofe  nations,  and  diminifh  the  embar- 
raffments  of  their  own.  I  regret,  extremely,  that  it  is  not  as 
eafy  for  the  citizens  of  France  to  diftinguim  between  the  ci- 
tizens of  the  United  States  and  the  fubjects  of  England,  as  it 
is  for  ourfelves  to  do  it :  For,  to  us,  fo  obvious  is  the  differ- 
ence in  the  phyfiognomy  and  manners  of  the  two  people,  that 
it  is  as  eafy  to  diftinguim  an  American  from  an  Englifhman, 
as  a  Frenchman  from  a  German.  It  will  require  time,  howe- 
ver, for  foreigners  to  become  acquainted  with  thofe  diftinguifh- 
ing.  traits  fo  obfervable  to  ourfelves  ;  and,  in'  the  interim,  nei- 
ther you  nor  we  have  any  other  means  whereby  tc  guard  a- 
gainft  fuch  frauds,  than  by  a  vigilant  fuperintendence  of  the 
police  in  our  refpe&ive  lines,  and  by  fevere  and  exemplary  pu- 


C      221      ] 

nifliment  on  your  part,  when  you  detect  any-cf  the  Englifi 
in  fuch  fraudulent  attempts. 

I  (hall  repeat  my  inftrutlions  to  our  confuls  in  the  different 
ports,  to  make  known,  in  all  cafes  which  fall  within  their 
knowledge,  fuch  vefTels  and  their  manners  as,  being  Englifh, 
wifh  to  be  impofed  on  the  officers  of  this  Republic  for  Ame- 
ricans ;  fo  that  fuch  impoftors,  being  detected  and  puniihed  as 
they  ought  to  be,  others  may  be  deterred  from  like  attempts. 
For  other  particulars  upon  this  head,  permit  me  to  refer  you 
to  my -letter  of  the  13111  Fructidor. 

I  have  aifo  been  favored  with  yours  of  the  21  ft  ultimo,  and 
refpecSting  which,  permit  me  to  afiure  you,  that  I  ihall  with 
pleafure  make  to  our  confuls  the  communication  intended 
for  them,  and  like  wife  obfetve  that  they  perform  what  it  is 
wifhed  they  fhall  perform. 


Circular  to  the  Confuls  of  tke  U Jilted  States  in  France. 
Parity   September  2o//->,   1795. 

I  HAVE  lately  received  a  notice  from  the  commiflary 
of  the  marine,  that  attempts  are  made  by  the  Britiih  to  intro- 
-duce  their  veflels  into  the  ports  of  this  Republic,  under  colour 
of  Talfe  American  papers,  and  requeuing  me  to  ufe  my  en- 
deavors to  counteract  fuch  abufes.  If  I  miilake  not,  the  or- 
ders tranfmitted  to  yc-u  by  our  government  recommend  vigi- 
lance and  crrcumfpe&on  on  this  point,  to  prevent  other  na- 
tions availing  themfelves  of  an  undue  advantage  by  the  ufe  of 
fuch  means.  But  whether  that  be  the  cafe  or  not,  permit 
me  to  call  your  attention  particularly  thereto,  and  to  requeft 
you  would  employ  every  effort  in  your  power  to  detect  and 
make  known  to  the  proper  authorities,  all  thofe  perfons  whom 
you  may  have  ground  to  fufpecl:  of  fuch  practices,  which  are 
as  injurious  to  our  national  intereft  and  character,  as  they 
are  to  the  intereft  of  our  ally.  I  inclofe  you  a  copy  of  certain 
propofitions  adopted  by  the  committee  of  public  fafety,  rela- 
tive to  the  perfons  deport es  from  the  colonies.  The  co-opera- 
tion of  our  confuls  being  deemed  ufeful  therein,  I  have  to  re- 
queft you  would  facilitate,  as  far  as  in  your  power,  fuch  mea- 
fures  as  the  government  finds  it  expedient  to  ufe  in  the  bufinefs 
in  queftion. 


[      222      ] 

From  tljc  Committee  of  Public  Safety  ,  to  the  Mmijler  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Par  is  >   $th  Thermldor^   %d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(July  23^  1  795-; 


have  received,  Citizen,  feveral  complaints  from 
French  fr.imen  at  Charlellon.  They  complain  of  the  acts 
of  injustice  they  have  experienced  fince  the  beginning  of  the 
war  ;  of  the  proclamations  published  by  order  of  congrefs, 
again  it  tae  privateers  in  America  ;  of  the  prohibitions 
againlt  the  exportation  of  all  kinds  of  warlike  itoroo  ;  of  the 
obftacl  :s  they  meet  with  refpeStmg  their  prizes  which  are  al- 
ways difputed,  fcized  and  reflored  to  the  v/a.jmies  of  the  Re- 
public ;  of  the  prediie£h  jn  in  favor  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Englifh.  It  is  undoubtedly  ufekfs  to  obferve,  that  thcfe  com- 
plaints, if  they  are  well  founded,  are  contrary  to  the  fpirit  of 
the  treaty  of  1778. 

Full  of  confidence  in  the  uprightnefs  of  your  pr'nciples  and 
your  earnellnefs  to  prevent  every  thing  tending  to  diuurb  the 
harmony  which  fubiifts  between  the  two  Republics,  we  do  not 
doubt,  but  that  you  will  be  willing  to  give  us  a  candid  explana- 
tion on  the  fubje&  of  thofe  complaints,  and  will  concur  with 
us  in  fupporting,  unimpaired,  our  mutual  interells. 

JEAN  de  BRY, 
TREILLARD. 


[  No.  XXII.  ] 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,    TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  OcJobtr  ^thy   1795. 

SlRy 

I  HEREWITH  inelofe  you  extracts  from  feveral  let- 
ters from  Mr.  Cathalan,  our  conful  at  Marfeilles,  and  by 
which  it  appears,  that  a  treaty  in  behalf  of  the  United  States  is 
made  with  Algiers.  I  have  likewife  fince  conferred  with 
Jean  de  Bry,  of  the  committee  of  public  fafety,who  is  charged 


[      223      3 

with  the  American  affairs,  and  by  whom  I  am  informed,  that 
like  intelligence  is  received  from  their  conful  at  Algiers;  fo  that 
the  verity  of  this  report  cannot  be  doubted.  By  thefe  extracts, 
as  by  the  communications  of  the  confuls  to  the  committee,  as 
I  am  advifed,  it  is  to  be  inferred,  that  the  movements  of  Mr. 
Donaldfon  were  unconnected  with  the  French  conful,  and,  of 
courfe,  that  the  aid  of  this  Republic  was  not  extended  to  us 
in  that  negociation.  From  what  caufe  this  proceeded,  if  fuch 
is  the  fuel:,  I  cannot  at  prefent  divine;  but  prefume  it  will  be 
fully  explained  to  you  by  colonel  Humphreys  from  Lifbon; 
where  he  dcubtlefs  is  before  this,  having  left  Paris  on  his  re- 
turn there  about  three  weeks  fince.  It  is,  however,  neceiTary 
for  me  to  ftate  to  you  what  took  place  here  in  that  refpect,  in 
confequence  of  colonel  Humphreys'  arrival,  prior  to  the 
receipt  of  the  above  intelligence ;  as  likewife  what  has  been 
fince  done  in  cor.fequcnce  of  that  intelligence. 

I  was  informed  by  Colonel  Humphreys  upon  his  arrival, 
that  you  wifhed  to  obtain  the  aid  of  this  government  in  fup- 
port  of  our  negociations  with  the  Barbary  powers;  for  which 
purpofe,  indeed,  he  had  come,  and  that  you  wifhed  me  to  afk 
for  it  in  cafe  I  thought  it  attainable.  From  particular  con- 
fideraticns,  and  which  will  oc  cur  to  you,  I  felt  fome  embar- 
ralTment  in  making  an  application  for  aid  of  any  kind  at  the 
prefent  juncture ;  but  as  I  was  perfuaded  you  had  weighed 
them,  and  deemed  them  no  obftacle,  and  knew  that  the  ob- 
ject was  equally  preffed  by  intereft  and  humanity,  I  imme- 
diately wifhed  to  bring  the  fubject  before  the  government, 
and  afk  for  fuch  aid  ;  itating  it  was  not  the  aid  of  funds  that 
we  wanted,  butfimply  the  aid  of  the  amicable  mediation  and 
interference  of  this  government,  and  which  was  promifed  by 
our  treaty  of  alliance,  but  never  performed.  Colonel  Hum- 
phreys anc>  myfelf  were  agreed,  that  as  credit  for  the  fervice 
was  to  be  a  principal  motive  on  the  part  of  France  for  embark- 
ing in  it,  fo  it  would  be  expedient  on  our  part  to  make  our  ar- 
rangements fuch,  as  to  give  full  force  to  that  motive ; 
fince  thereby  fhe  would  engage  in  it  with  greater  zeal,  and,  in 
confequence,  with  proportionably  greater  effect.  It  readily 
occurred,  that  the  more  direct  our  meafures  were  from  this 
quarter,  and  the  more  united  and  harmonious  our  councils 
were  in  this  refpect,  with  thofe  of  this  government,  the  grea- 
ter its  confidence  in  us  would  be,  and  of  courfe,  the  better 
our  profpect  of  fuccefs.  Befides,  to  give  full  effect  to  the  in- 
fluence of  France  in  the  councils  of  the  Dey,  and  thereby 
obtain  the  peace  at  the  cheapeft  rate,  it  appeared  advifable  ; 
that  our  agent  fhould  be  cloathed  with  a  French  paffport,  and 


[      224      3 

if  pofllble  be  a  French  citizen,  and  even  appear  to  be  an  agent 
of  France,  exhibiting  ultimately  our  power  when  neccflary  to 
conclude.  By  this  mode  it  would  feem  as  if  France  interfer- 
ed as  our  friend  and  chiefly  from  motives  of  humanity  in  re- 
gard to  our  prifonersj  whereby  we  mould  avoid  inculcating  any 
idea  of  wealth  on  our  part  (for  wealth  and  imbecility  are  with 
them  ftrong  temptations  for  war)  and  which  would  be  fur- 
ther fupported  by  the  long  imprisonment  of  our  people.  In 
prefenting,  therefore,  the  fubject  before  the  government,  I 
left  the  mode  or  manner  of  the  negociation  open  for  fubfe- 
quent  andlefs  formal  difcuflion  ;  feeking  in  that  ftep  a  deci- 
fion  only  upon  the  firft  point  of  aid,  and  which  I  was  expli- 
citly promifed  by  the  committee  and  the  commiflary. 

I  foon  found  however,  on  touching  on  the  other  part, — the 
execution,  that  our  anticipation  was  correct,  and  that  it  was 
expected  our  agent  would  depart  hence  by  the  rout  of  Mar- 
feilles;  fhunning  the  countries  with  which  this  Republic  was 
at  war,  and  at  which  place  the  government  would  have  a  vef- 
fel  provided  for  him  to  proceed  to  Algiers.  In  furtherance 
of  the  object,  I  was  furnifhed  by  the  commiflary  with  a  lift 
of  fuch  prefents  as  would  be  fuitable  for  Algiers,  &c.  a  lite- 
ral copy  of  what  they  had  laft  prefented  themfelves,  with  a 
fpecification  of  what  fuited  the  Dey  and  his  minifters  in  par- 
ticular, and  which  prefents,  as  introductory,  he  advifed  us  to 
commit  to  the  agent,  to  be  prefented  in  the  commencement 
according  to  the  ufage  of  the  place,  and  as  their  conful  mould 
advife. 

But  Colonel  Humphreys  obferved  to  me,  that  he  had  left 
Mr.  Donaldfon  at  Alicant,  with  power  to  correfpond  with  the 
French  Conful  at  Algiers,  and  act  in  harmony  with  him  ; 
being  further  authorized,  in  cafe  he  was  invited  over  by  the 
conful,  to  proceed  to  Algiers  and  conclude  a  treaty  with  that 
power.  Here  then  an  embarraflment  occurred  j  for  it  was 
to  be  feared,  and  for  the  reafons  above  ftated,  that  a  miflion 
from  that  quarter,  under  the  circumftances  attending  it,  would 
be  lefs  likely  to  fucceed,  than  if  it  proceeded  directly  hence  ; 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  likewife  to  be  feared,  that  if 
we  adopted  the  latter  plan  and  defpatched  a  perfon  hence, 
the  two  agents  might  interfere  with,  and  embarrafs,  each  other. 
Upon  mature  reflection,  therefore,  and  efpecially  as  Colonel 
Humphreys  had  inftructed  Mr.  Donaldfon  not  to  act  other- 
wife  than  in  ftrict  harmony  with  the  French  conful ;  nor  then 
without  an  aflurance  of  fuccefs,  fince  he,  Colonel  Hum- 
phreys was  coming  to  Paris  to  fecure  the  aid  of  this  govern- 
ment, it  feemed  as  if  the  two  modes  might  be  incorporated 


*1 

into  orie  ;  or  rather  as  if  we  might  proceed  with  the  bufinds 
1  -re,  counting  upon  no   interference  from  Mr.  Dc'nak'lbn  ; 
providing  however,  in  the  arrangements,   ii  <.  afc  he  acfccd  be- 
fore Colonel  Humphrey?  returned,  and   which  he   coneiuded 
he  would  not  do  in  faeh   manner  as  to  admit    his  failing  in, 
incidentally,  and  harmonizing  with  the  other  agent  ;  and  to 
admit  Jikewife,  let  him  act  as  lie  would,  provided  he  harm  - 
niz:d  with  the  French  coni'ul,    fu-ch  an  explanation  r^vbuld 
be  fai:isfacl:ory  to  this  government.    Upon  this  principle  there- 
fore, and  with  the  approbation  add   concurrence    of  Colonel 
Humphreys,  I  notified  to  the  ccmmiiliiry  of  foreign  relations, 
that  we  had  committed  the  truit  to  Joel  Barlow,  who  was   a 
citizen  of  both  Republics,  and   requeued  the  paiTport  of  the 
government  in  his  behalf,  and  alfo  mbchilf  of  Mr.  Donald- 
ion,  wno  was  eventually  to  be  conful  at  Tunis  and  Ti 
and   whom  we  mould  ailjciate    with  Mr.   i3  irlow,  to  gu  -  <1 
againfl  accidents  in  the  negociation  with  Algiers  ;  reqiie 
likewife,  that  the  committee  would,  in  the  mod  fuitable  man- 
ner, yield  all  the  fupport  in  its  power  in  favour  of  L-IO  ^--go- 
ciation.     I  dated  allb,   that  Mr.  Barlow  was  here  and   would 
proceed  by  the  moft  direct  rout  in  the  dhchurge  of  his  truit, 
with  the  prefents  we  h.id  >  vv.,.ic,    vi  i  w  :re  buyi.i;^,  according 
to  the  hit  furnidird  m  *,  for  tne  fn j.  *        ;  ; 
,ed,   thac  what  I  liquid  be  itr::1:iy   complied   v.v 

A  id  thus  itood  the  bufmefs  when  the  acco',:nt'3  aucve  reilir.d 
to  were  receive.',  and  which  I  thou^.'it  it  my  duty  to  comma- 
nicate,  that  you  may   be   accurately    informed  of  v. 
done  herein  relation  thereto.  Perhaps  you  v,  why  Mr. 

Birlow  or  fome  other  agent  did  not  depart  i:  ace  fooner,  a.f-> 
ter  the  plan  of  fending  one  wa3  agre  i  01:  J'.e  fad  is,  it 
was  impoiTiDte  j  for,  owing  to  the  it  ate  of  tilings  here  at  ths 
time,  aoout  three  or  fou;  ,veeks  elapfed,  after  1  aiplied  to  the 
governniint  for  the  aid,  before  I  obtained  an  anfwcr  ;  arid  af- 
ter which,  when  it  appeared  expedient  to  purehafe  introduc- 
tory prefents,  and  for  which  p^rpoie  money  was  neeeilary,  a 
d  )ajt  arofe,  and  for  reifoas  nerctofore  explained,  wliethsr 
Cjionel  Humphreys'  draft  from  Fr  aid  be  anfwered, 

and  which  tt  was  thought  adv. fable  to  remove  in  the  iirit  in- 
fiiiice  T'iiis  co-if  i.iud  abjjt  three  weeks  more,  arid  fmce 
"A  ucii,  every  poiTijie  attention  has  been  made  to  provide  the 
prefents,  and  forward  the  buiiiiels,  that  circumilances  would 
adm:t  of. 

When  the  news  above  noticed  arrived,  Colonel  Hum- 
phreys was  at  Havre,  en  his  return  to  Lilbon;  and  the  hrft 
.jpomt  to  be  tiecidcd  on,  was  whether  Mr.  Barlow's 


(houkl  ceafe ;  and  fecondly,  what  fhould  be  dorie  in  that 
cafe,  with  the  prefents  already  purchafed.  We  were  both  of 
opinion,  and  for  many  reafons,  that  it  was  advifable  he  mould 
notwithftanding,  proceed,  and  take  the  prefents  with  him. 
If  any  errors  had  been  committed  at  Algiers,  and  which  it 
is  poiiible  to  rectify,  we  knew  lie  would  be  able  to  do  it;  and 
we  were  alfo  perfuaded,  that  in  other  refpecls,  a  trip  to  that 
coaft,  whereby  he  would  be  enabled  to  gain  an  infight  into 
the  policy  of  thofe  powers,  could  not  otherwife  than  be  of 
great  advantage  to  the  United  States.  Upon  this  principle 
•  I  have  afked  his  permiilion  to  intimate  to  you  his  willingnefs 
to  accept  the  office  of  conful  for  Algiers,  to  which  he  has 
confented  ;  and  which  I  now  do  in  a  confidence,  that  no 
perfcn  can  be  found  willing  to  accept  that  truft,  in  whom  it 
can  be  fo  happily  veiled  ;  and  in  which  opinion  I  doubt  not 
Colonel  Humphreys  will  readily  unite.  Mr.  Barlow  leaves 
this  place  upon  the  plan  above  ftated,  in  the  courfe  of  a  few 
days,  and  with  the  prefents  in  queftion  ;  and  for  further  par- 
ticulars refpecling  this  interefting  concern,  1  beg  to  refer  you 
to  Colonel  Humphreys,  who  will,  doubtlefs,  be  more  particu- 
lar in  his  details. 

Since  my  laft  Pichegru  has  alfo  croffed  the  Rhine,  and 
taken  Manheim,  and  in  confequence  whereof,  the  fiege  is 
more  clofely  prefled  on  Mayence.  Since  my  laft  too,  the  Bel- 
gic  is  united  by  a  decree  to  this  Republic  ;  in  addition  to 
which  the  miflion  of  Mr.  Monneron  to  England,  oftenfibly  for 
an  exchange  of  prifoners,  but  perhaps  for  other  objects,  is  the 
only  circumftance  which  merits  attention. 


From  the  Mlnifter  Plenipotentiary  of  tie  United  States  of  Ame* 
rica,  to  the  Commlffary  of  Foreign  Relations. 

Paris,  September  i/?,   1795. 

HAVING  at  length  completed  the  arrangements  which 
appeared  to  us  neceilary,  with  refpecl:  to  funds,  prefents,  &c. 
for  profecuting  our  treaties  with  Algiers,  Tunis  and  Tripoli, 
fo  as  to  be  in  readinefs  to  difpatch  the  perfons  to  whom  the 
negociation  with  each  is  intruded, — I  take  the  liberty  to  com- 
municate the  fame  to  you,  that  the  aid  of  this  Republic  may 
be  yielded  us  in  our  efforts  to  accommodate  this  very  impor- 
tant object.  As  foon,  therefore,  as  your  inftruclions  are  pre- 
pared for  your  agent,  or  agents  with  thofe  regencies,  with  ne- 
<«eflary  paflports  for  the  protection  of  thofe,  whom  we 


C     227     1 

the  latter  will  depart  hence  in  difcharge  of  the  truft  repofed. 
in  them. 

As  I  have  heretofore  mentioned  to  you,  that  the  only  aid 
we  wanted  from  this  Republic  was  that  of  its  .Vi.ncLv  medi- 
ation and  influence  with  thofe  ruv.ti  .^priz- 
ed you  of  the  extent  of  our  funds,  a  ,d  th  :  ;:n^  of  treaties  we 
\vilh  to  make;  being  limply  treaties  of  peace:  It  only  remains 
for  me  to  mention  the  perfons  to  whom  ;:;ie  negotiation  is  to 
be  committed  on  our  part,  and  with  vihoin  your  agent  will 
have  to  co-operate  ;  as  likewife  thofe  who  muft  b •?  covered 
by  your  pafiports.  I  think  proper  therefore  now  to  inform 
you,  that  we  have  appointed  Mr.  Kitchboni,*  at  preient  in 
Paris,  with  full  powers  to  commence  and  conclude  fucli  trea- 
ties, and  who  will  fet  out  in  difcharge  of  tliat  trull,  as  ibon  as 
he  is  favoured  with  your  inftru<£Hons  for  your  a^ent  there. 
But  as  it  would  not  be  in  his  power  to  .proceed  further  than 
Algiers,  and  it  is  equally  neceflary  to  form  fuch  treaties  with. 
Tunis  and  Tripoli,  we  have  thought  it  ndvifable  to  aflbciate. 
with  him  Mr.  Donaldfon,  who  will,  after  the  treaty  with  Al- 
giers is  completed,  purfue  the  bufmefs  with  thofe  other  re*- 
gencies  alone,  and  who  has  from  our  government  the  appoint- 
ment of  conful  to  refide  with  the  latter,  in  cafe  treaties  are 
made  with  them.  We  wifh  you  therefore,  to  apprize  your 
agent  accordingly,  and  to  inftruct  him  to  co-operate  with 
both,  or  either  of  thofe  citizens  ;  as  both  or  either  may  be 
prefent,  and  circumftances  require.  For  thefe  two,  as  agents^ 
we  wifh  the  protection  of  your  paiTports,  as  likewife  for  citi- 
zen Andrews,  who  will  leave  this  in  company  with  Citizen 
Hitchborn,  particularly  charged  with  the  care  of  the  prefents, 
and  for ,  who  goes  as  fervant  to  Citizen  Hitch- 
born  ;  fo  that  we  wifh  paSports  for  four  perfons,  in  the  cha- 
racters above  defcribed. 

As  we  are  inclined  to  think,  as  well  from  paft  difficulties  as 
more  recent  advices,  that  the  fuccefs  of  the  miffion,  if  it  does 
fucceed,  will  depend  principally,  if  not  altogether,  upon  the 
friendly  aid  we  fhall  derive  from  this  Republic,  fo  we  think  it 
advilable  that  the  United  States  fhould  appear  to  have  as  little 
to  do  in  the  negociation  as  poffible  ;  or,  in  other  words,  that 
they  mould  not  appear  at  all  in  it,  until  it  be  neceflary  to  con- 
clude :  For  if  their  agents  are  known  to  be  their  agents,  or 
rather  if  they  are  not  confidered  as  your  agents,  with  our  pow- 
ers, it  will  follow  that  the  Dey  will  immediately  come  t<> 
them  to  treat  with  them  on  the"  part  of  the  United  States,  and 

*  He  declined,  and  Mr.  Baric w  was  then  appointed  in  his  (lead. 


C 

of  courfe  your  mediation  and  influence  will  be  loft.  It  will 
therefore  be  adviLible  to  keep  the  United  States  as  much  out 
of  view  as  pofiible  ;  for  the  purpofe  of  giving  full  weight  to 
your  i:ifiuence  and  the  afiiitance  of  France  there.  I  mention 
this  riiat  you  may  give  a  correfpondent  inftru£Uon,  if  you  ap- 
prove thereof,  to  your  agent  5  and  particularly  inUrucl:  him  in 
:  i..g  us  all  poflible  aid,  to  concert  his  meafures  in  ltri£t 
Jiarmony  \vith  our  agents. 

It  will  likewife  be  expedient  for  you  to  leave  your  agent  ig- 
nonniL  of  the  extent  of  our  funds,  referring  him  to  our  agents 
for  information  upon  that  point,  and  for  reafons  that  were  be- 
fore explained.  One  other  difficulty  only  yet  remains  to  be 
provided  for.  Our  agent  will  proba;  ly  emoark  from  Alicant, 
r.nd  oi  eourfe  muft  carry  the  introductory  prefents  into  Spain. 
It  will  be  improper  that  thefe  fcouM  be  fearched,  or  known 
to  that  government:  Can  you  protect  them  by  a  paiTport  or 
ptnerwife,  from  fuch  fcarch  ;  as  upon  that,  in  fome  meafure, 
will  the  difpatch,  ii  not  the  fuccefs,  of  the  million  depend. 

I  have  only  to  add,  that  as  all  the  preparations  on  our  part 
arc  complete,  we  fhall  be  happy  to  have  thofe  on  yours  as  foon 
?s  poflible. 


from  Mr.  Monroe >  to  Colonel  Plumphreys. 

Paris ,   October  ^dy   1795. 

BY  the  inclofed  extracts,  if  what  they  ftate  is  correcl:, 
it  fsems  as  if  Mr.  Donaldfon  had  afted  from  himfelf,  and- 
without  the  aid  of  the  French  cor-ful.  If  this  be  the  cafe,  he 
v»  il1  doubtleft  explain  to  you  the  caufe.  The  price  is  higher 
than  I  expected  it  would  have  been.  I  could  not  call  on  Jean 
d  Bry  •,  but  Mr  Purviance  did,  the  day  before  yefterd ay,  on 
this  bufmefs  in  rny  name,  and  was  informed,  that  he  had  heard 
roth-Tig  from  H-rrcuhis  on  the  fubjcct:,  and  that  the  only  in- 
flections heretofore  fent  him  (being,  indeed,  thofe  only  which 
they  could  ferd  him)  were,  to  ufe  the  influence  of  this  Re- 
public with  the  Dcy,  to  obtain  a  fufpenfion  of  hoftilities,  on 
his  part,  agate  ft  the  United  States.  However,  this  you  will 
undcrftand  better  when  you  arrive  at  Lifbon.  I  mail  notify 
the  event,  or  rather  the  report,  to  this  government,  that  i 
?t  leaft  for  die  preftnt,  take  no  further  meafure  in  it. 


i1 


C    229    3 

from  Mr.  Monrse,  to  tks  Charge  d?  Affaires  of  Malta. 
Par is>  October  4?^,    1795. 

I  HAVE  juft  received  a  letter  from  our  conful  at  TvIV.r- 
f;illes,  informing  me  that  the  United  States  had  concluded  a 
p  -ace  with  the  Regency  of  Algiers,  and  of  whicJli  }  fend  you  an 
:b.  I  hear  likewife,  that  the  committee  of  public  fafcrty 
has  received  the  like  intelligence  from  their  conful  at  Algiers; 
fo  that  I  conclude  the  communication  is  true  ;  efptcialiy  as  I 
know  the  United  States  have  fought  for  feme  years  pail  to 
mak<r  a  peace  with  thole  powers,  in  preference  to  any  other 
arrangement  •,  and  to  which  confideration  it  was  I  prefixing 
owing,  that  our  fecretary  of  date  declined  inftrucling  me  how 
to  anfwer  your  proportion  refpecHng  thofe  powers,  until  after 
a:i  attempt  to  obtain  p^ace  fiiould  be  made  and  fail.  I  haften 
to  give  you  the  communication  above,  in  the  moment,  and  as 
I  have  received  it ;  and  mail  be  happy  hereafter  to  apprize  you 
of  whatever  I  may  hear  relative  to  the  fame.  Permit  me  like- 
wife  to  affure  you,  that  if  it  is  the  wim  of  your  government  co 
obtain  lands  within  the  United  States,  otherwife  than  in  the 
mode  heretofore  propofed,  I  mail  be  happy  to  give  you  all  the 
information  and  facility  in  rny  power,  in  puifaing  that  object. 


From  the  Secretary  of  Slate  of  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  LI 

June  i/,  1795. 
£/*, 

THE  uneafinefs  which  has  been  difcovered  by  the 
French  R^yuaiic,  in  reference  to  our  late  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  ;  the  comments  which  you  have  made  upon  your  in- 
frrucl:iuns  ;  and  the  anxiety  which  forever  leads  the  Pre- 
f  '_nt  to  maintain  an  honorable  interchange  of  friendfhip  be- 
|  the  United  States  and  France,  have  determined  me  to 

rjvuw  our  conducl:  from  the  commencement  of  the  prei-  t 
war.  In  it,  I  (hall  unrefervedly  expofe  the  policy  of  the  exe- 
cutive, as  it  may  be  collected  from  the  documents  of  this  de- 
partment •,  that  the  imputation  of  an  alien ationTrbm  France, 
fo  fyftematically  and  unremittingly  caft  upon  our  government^ 
jaay  lofe  its  eifcd;  wherefoeyer  that  policy  ihall  be  known. 


C    *3»    1 

There  never  was  a  moment,  when  the  prefident  hefitated 
upon  thefe  truths  :  That  the  ancient  defpotifm  of  France  was 
degrading  tc  human  nature;  that  the  people  were  the  foie 
mailers  of  their  dwn  fortune ;  free  to  overturn  their  old  efta- 
blifnments,  and  fubftitute  new  ;  and  that  any  other  nation, 
which  ihould  prefume  to  dictate  a  letter  in  their  conftitution, 
was  an  ufurper  :  But  as  an  adminiftration  of  ordinary  prudence 
will  not  enter  upon  a  momentous  career,  without  combining 
the  pare  and  prcfent  Hate  of  things,  and,  from  a  comparifon  of 
both,  forming  a  judgment  of  the  future, — it  will  be  necelTary 
to  follow  the  intelligence  poifeiTed  by  the  executive  in  relation 
to  the  great  events  occuring  from  time  to  time  in  France. 

With  the  fate  of  the  king  we  could  have  no  political  concern, 
farther  than  as  it  might  amount  to  an  indication  of  the  will 
of  the  French  people.  That  will,  it  was  interefling  to  us  to 
understand  ;  becaufe,  being  once  fixed,  whether  for  the  confti- 
tution  of  1791,  or  one  more  democratic,  it  would  have  given 
us  the  afiurance,  of  which  we  were  bound  by  public  duty  to 
be  in  queft, — a  fettled  and  (table  order  of  things. 

In  this  fenfe,  Louis  the  fixteenth  attracted  our  notice.  In 
him  was  beholden  a  prince,  fallen  from  the  throne  of  his  ancef- 
tors,  receiving  with  apparent  cordiality,  in  lieu  of  abfolute 
pow^r,  the  title  of  reltorer  of  liberty, — but  diftrufted  by  eve- 
ry man.  His  flight  cut  all  confidence  afumier  ;  and  it  was 
impoilible  that  true  reconciliation  mould  ever  grow  again. 
The  revolution  of  the  loth  Auguft,  1792,  was  the  unavoida- 
ble fequel  of  what  had  preceded,  and  proclaimed  abroad  that 
the  conilitution  was  (hort-livecL 

Immediately  upon  this  event  '  only  one  opinion  prevailed 
*  as  to  the  badnefs  of  the  conftitution.J  No  plan  of  a  new  con- 
ftitution  was  even  reported  for  a  confiderable  time  afterwards  ; 
none  was  adopted  for  many  months :  At  this  inftant  the  pro- 
pofed  permanent  fyftem  is  locked  up  from  operation  ;  but 
what  the  permanent  fyftem  will  really  be  is  a  difficulty  which 
few  can  yet  folve. 

If,  in  (lead  of  fearching  for  the  will  of  the  people,  the  poli- 
tics of  the  reigning  parties  had  been  confulted,  how  tranfitory 
were  they  ?  Administrations  were  hourly  palling  away.  Eve- 
ry member  of  government  was  engaged  in  the  defence  of  him- 
felf,  or  the  attack  of  his  neighbour.  The  Jacobins  were  bu- 
iy  in  exciting  tumults.  The  convention  were  privately  calling 
for  guards  to  protect  themfelves  from  the  people.  The  very 
ministers  declared,  that  the  national  aflembly  could  be  brought 
into  no  kind  of  confiftency.  A  national  bankruptcy,  and  a 
difficulty  of  fuppliesj  were  too  much  to  be  apprekended* 


Strong  fymptoms  of  anarchy  ;  the  (bedding  of  blood  ;  arid 
information  that  the  queftion  Between  abfolute  monarchy  and 
a  republic  mull  be  decided  by  force,  were  prophetic  of  fome 
great  catafbrophe. 

Examine  next  the  external  relations  of  France.  The  foreign 
miniiters,  except  the  miniiter  of  the  United  States,  had  fled. 
The  alliances  againft  her  were  multiplying  ;  the  enemy  nume* 
rous ;  their  object,  to  erecl:  a  military  government  5  the  em- 
pire of  Great  Britain  on  the  fea  uncontrolled  ;  the  French  ar* 
iny  undiicipiincd  \  and  the  affections  of  the  French  people  not 
tlecifively  directed  to  any  fpecinc  object. 

If  the  United  States  had  panted  for  war,  as  much  as  an- 
tient  Rome  ;  if  their  armies  had  been  as  effective  as  thofe  of 
•Pruflia  ;  if  their  coffers  had  been  full,  and  their  debts  anni- 
hilated,— even  then  peace  was  too  precious  to  be  rifqued  lor 
the  moil  flattering  iffue  of  war. 

As  every  political  motive  diffuaded  us  from  war ;  fo  were 
we  without  an  obligation  to  enter  into  it  as  a  party.  No 
tafus  faderis  had  ariien  upon  our  alliance  with  France  :  We 
had  not,  nor  have  we  yet,  been  required  to  execute  the  gua- 
rantee ;  and  therefore  it  was  unneceffary  to  fpeak  concern- 
ing it. 

Had  we  indulged  our  fenfibility  for  the  crifis  hanging  over 
France,  and  aiTociated  our  injuries  with  hers,  the  rafhnefs  of 
the  ftep  would  have  been  proverbial.  An  infant  country  j 
<leep  in  debt  •,  neceffitated  to  borrow  in  Europe  ;  without 
manufactures  ;  without  a  land  or  naval  force  ;  without  a  com- 
petency of  arms  or  ammunition  ;  with  a  commerce  clofely 
-connected  beyond  the  Atlantic  -,  with  a  certainty  of  enhanc- 
ing the  price  of  foreign  productions,  and  diminifhing  that  of 
our  own  ;  with  a  conititution  little  more  than  four  years  old, 
in  a  ftate  of  probation,  and  not  exempt  from  foes ; — fuch  a 
country  can  have  no  greater  curfe  in  {tore  for  her,  than  war. 
That  peace  was  our  policy  has  been  admitted  by  congreis  ;  by 
the  people,  and  by  France  herfelf.  France  could  not  have 
thought  otherwife  :  For  had  \ve  been  a£tive,  fhe  would  have 
been  deprived  of  our  provifions,  except  by  fnatches ;  and  our 
payments  to  her  muft  have  been  fufpended. 

The  proclamation  of  neutrality,  therefore,  which  was  our 
firft  important  a£t,  after  the  eruption  of  the  war,  deferved  to 
be  the  model  of  our  fubfequent  conduct. 

Another  public  ftep  of  the  prefident,  although  it  departed 
not  from  the  line  prefcribed  by  the  proclamation,  was  no  fmall 
indication  of  his  being  reiblved  to  cultivate  a  fricndfhip  with 
ihe  new  Republic.  Mr.  Genet  came  over  as  miniiter,  upon 


ihs  death  of  Louis  the  fixteenth  ;  he  was  the  protrge  o?  a  party, 
wliofc  downfall  had  been  predicted  from  Paris  in  August, 
1792  j  and  it  was  not  improbable,  that  fome  of  the  neutral 
powers  would  endeavor  to  inculcate  an  opinion,  that  our  trea- 
ties with  France  had  expired  with  her  chief  magiitrate,  who 
had  been  the  organ  of  the  general  will,  when  they  were 
-formed.  But  what  faid  the  Prefidcnjt  ?  Did  he  waver  in  re- 
cognizing them,  as  compacts  with  the  French  nation?  Did  lie 
•affect:  delays  ?  Was  he  eager  to  feize  a  pretext  from  the  dif- 
embarking  of  Mr.  Genet  near  the  fouthern  extreme:  of  our 
continent ;  his  diiVibutioa  of  privateering  commlilbns,  as  he 
travelled,  and  his  countenance  of  the  French  confuls  in  arro- 
gating a  judicial  authority  over  prizes  in  the  United  States  ? 
No,  lir  :  Mr.  Genet  was  received  without  a  previous  enqui- 
ry ;  without  a  qualification  or  condition, — immediately  ; 
and  with  an  indifference  to  the  murmurs  of  the  belligerent 
powers.  For  our  miniiler  had  been  before  iniiruc'ted,  that 
«  it  accorded  with  our  principles  to  acknowledge  any  govern- 

*  ment  to  be  rightful,  which  is  formed  by  the  will  of   the  na- 

*  lion  fubilantially  declared/ 

A  few  days  brought  forth  a  third  important  circumflance,  in 
cur  relation  to  France.  HJ  <  communicated  the  decree  of 
c  the  national  convention,  of  February  ipth,  1793,  author- 
c.  izing  the  French  executive  to  propofe  a  treaty  with  u^  on 

*  fuch  liberal  principles  as  might  ilrengtnen  tie  bonds  of 
c  good  will,  which  unite  the  two  nations  j  and  informed   us 
«  in  a  letter  of  May  23d,    1793,  that  he  was  authorized  to 

*  treat  2  jcordingly.' 

I  really  doubt:,  whether,  upon  this  head,  the  French  Repub- 
lic, if  left  to  herfelf,  would  utter  one  remark.  But  party, 
which,  if  it  be  not  aboiiihcd,  mull  be  the  bane  of  tae 
Union,  rights  under  the  popular  banners  of  France,  expecl-* 
ing  to  overthrow  its  adverfary  by  propagating  a  belief  that  (he 
has  been  ill-treated.  Thefe  calumal  5  ca-inot  be  more  effec- 
tually faced,  than  by  examining  the  commercial  relations  al- 
ready fubfifting  by  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
France. 

By  treaty,  the  trade  of  the  two  countries  was  placed,  a- 
mong  other  things,  upon  the  following  grounds. 

lit  Both  parties  (  engage  mutually  not  to  grant  any  parti* 

*  cuiar  favour  to  other  nations,  in  refpecl:  of  commerce  and 
•navigation,  which  (hall  nat'ttnmfdiate/y  become  common  to 
«  the  other  party,  who   lhall  enjoy    the  flame  favour  freely, 
«  if  the  conceflion  was  freely  made,  oy  on  allowing  the  lame 

*  compenfatioi),  ii  the  conceflion  was  conditional.' 


G    '33    3 

ad.  The  French  were  to  pay  in  cur  ports,  fev.  no  other 
or  greater  duties  or  imports  than  thole  which  the  nations 
moil  favoured  are,  or  {hall  he,  obliged  to  psy,  and  fhall  enjoy 
all  the  privileges,  in  trade,  navigation  and  commerce,  whe- 
ther in  padingfrom  one  port  in  the  United  States  to  another, 
or  in  going  to  and  from  the  fame,  from  and  to  any  part  of  the 
world,  which  the  faid  nations  do  or  fhali  enjoy. 

gd.  The  Americans  were  to  enjoy  the  fame  privileges  in 
the  French  ports  in  Europe.  In  this  is  included  an  exemp- 
tion of  one  hundred  fols  per  ton,  eftablimed  in  France  on  fo- 
reign (hips :  Unlefs  their  {hips  fhall  load  with  the  merchan- 
dize of  France  for  another  port  in  the  fame  dominion  ;  they 
are  then  to  pay  the  duty  above  mentioned  fo  long  as  other  na- 
tions, the  molt  favoured,  {hall  be  obliged  to  pay  it;  the  Unit- 
ed States  bviing  at  liberty  to  eilablifh  an  equivalent  duty  in 
the  fame  cafe. 

4th.  '  Free  mips  were  to  give  freedom  to  goods.' 

5th.  American  or  French  property  on  board  of  .enemy 
ihips  was  confifcabie. 

6th.  Regulations  were  made  for  contraband,  and  the  car- 
rying on  of  war  by  either  againll  its  enemies,  io  as  to  prevent 
injury  to  the  other. 

7th.  The  Americans  were  to  have  one  or  more  free  ports 
granted  to  them  in  Europe,  for  bringing  and  difpofing  of  their 
merchandize  ;  and  the  free  ports,  which  had  been,  at  the  date 
of  the  treaty  (May  6th,  1787)  and  v/ere  then,  open  in  the 
French  iflands  of  America  were  to  be  continued  to  the  Ame- 
ricans. 

Mr.  JefFerfon,  in  his  report  to  congrefs,  on  the  (late  of  our 
commerce  and  navigation,  fums  up  the  important  reitriclions 
proceeding  from  France,  to  be  : 

jft.  That  as  far  as  the  fummer  of  1792,  our  rice  was  heavily 
dutied  in  France. 

ad.  That  our  fifli  and  falted  provifions  were  under  prohibito- 
ry duties  in  France. 

3d.  That  cur  veflels  were  denied  naturalization  in  France. 

4th.  That  our  falted  pork  and  bread-ftuff  (except  maize )  were 
received  under  temporary  laws  only  in  the  French  Weft-In- 
dies, and  cur  fait  fifh  paid  there  a  weighty  duty  :  And 

5th.  That  our  own  carriage  of  our  own  tobacco  was  heavily 
dutied  in  France. 

The  fubjoined  extra£ls  from  letters  of  this  department  to 
our  minifter  in  Paris,  on  the  23d  of  January;  icth  of  March  ; 
28th  of  Apr K1 ;  1 6th  of  June,  1792;  and  oa  the  1 2th  of 

H  h 


C    234    ] 

March,  1 793, — befpeak  our  earneftnefs  foi  an  extenfion  of  our 
commercial  treaty  with  France. 

EXTRACTS. 
"January  23^.     '  I  feel  myfelf  particularly  bound  to  recom- 

*  mend,  as  the  moil  important  of  your  charges,  the  pacron- 

*  age  of  our  commerce  and  the  extenfion  of  its  privileges,  both 

*  in  France  and  her  colonies  \  but  more  elpecially  the  latter.' 

March  iQfk.     4  We  had  expected  ere  this,  that    in  con- 
«  fequence  of  the  recommendation  of  their  preiieceflbrs,  fome 

«  overtures  would  have  been  made  to  us  on  the  fubject  of  a 

'  -treaty  of  commerce  j  an  authentic  copy  of  the  recommen- 

*  dation  was  delivered,  but  nothing  fald  about  carrying  it  in- 

*  to  effect :  Perhaps  they  expect  that  we  fhould   declare  our 

*  readinefs  to  meet  them  on  the  ground  of  treaty  ;  if  they  do, 

*  we  have  no  hefitation  to  declare  it :  In  the   mean  time,  if 

*  the  prefent  communications  produce  any  fenfation,  perhaps 

*  it  may  furnifn  a  good  occalion  to  endeavour  to  have  mat- 
'  ters  replaced  in  ftatu  quo ;  by  repealing  the  late  innovations, 

*  as  to  our    {hips,  tobacco   and  whale  oil.     It  is   right    that 

*  things   (hould  be  on  their  ancient  footing   at  opening  the 
«  treaty.' 

April  28/£.     c  I  hope  that  thefe  manifestations  of  friendly 

*  difpoiitions  towards  that  country,  will  induce  them  to  re- 

*  peal  the  very  obnoxious  laws  refpecting  our  commerce, 

*  which  were  paiTed  by  the  preceding  national  aiTembly.     The 

*  preient  felnon  of  congrefs  will  pals  over  without  any  other 
«  notice  of  them  than  the   friendly  preferences  before  men- 

<  tioned  ;  but  if  thefe  mould  not  produce  a  retaliation  of  good 
«  on  their  part,  a  retaliation  of  evil  muft  follow  on  ours  :  It 
(  will  be  impoffible  to  defer,  longer  than  the  next  fefiion  of 

<  congrefs,  feme  counter  regulations  for  the  protection  of  our 
6  navigation  and  commerce.     I  muft  intreat  you,  therefore, 

<  to  avail  yeurfclf  of  every  occafion  of  friendly  remonftrance 

<  on  this  iubjcct.     If  they  wifh  an  e<mal  and  cordial  treaty 
«  with  us,  we  are  ready  to  enter  into  it.     We  would  wi(h 
'  that   this  cculd  be  the  fcene  of  negociation,  from  confi- 

*  derations  fuggefted  ly  the  nature  of  our  government  >  which  will 

<  readily  occur  to  you.' 

'June  \6th.     «  With  .refpedt  to  the  particular  objects  of 

<  commerce   fufccptible  of  being  placed  on  a  better  footing, 
1  on  which  yau  afk  my  ideas, — they  will  mew  themfelves  by 
1  .tjie  enclofcd  table  of  the  fituation    of  our  commerce   with 
6  France  and  England.     That  with  France  is  ftatedas  it  flood 
4  it   the   tiaie  I  left  that  country,    when  die  only  objefU 


r  235  3 

«  whereon  change  was  flill  defirable,  were  thofe  of  faked  pro* 
'<  vifions,  tobacco  and  tar,  pitch  and  turpentine  :  The  firft  was 

<  in  negociation  when  I  came  away,  and  was  purfued  by  Mr. 
«  Short  with  profpe6ts  of  fuccefs,  till  their  general  tariff  fo  un- 
(  expcttedly  deranged  our  commerce  with   them  as  to  ether 
«  articles.     Our  commerce  with  their  Weil  Indies  had 

<  admitted  amelioration  during  my  ilay  in  France.     The  tem- 

*  per  of  that  period  did  not  allow  even  the  ellay  and  it  was  as 

*  much   as  we  could  do  to   hold  the  ground  given  us  by  the 

*  marfhal  de  Caftries'  arret,  admitting  us  to  their  colonies  with 

*  falted  provifions,  &c.  As  to  both  thefe    branches  of  com* 

*  merce,  to  wit,    with  France  and  her  colonies,  we  have  hop- 

*  ed  they  would  purfue  their  own    proportion   of  arranging 
«  them  by  treaty,  and  that  we  could  draw  that   treaty   to  this 
'  place.     There  is  no  other  where  the  dependence  of  thur 

*  colonies  on  our  ftates  for  their  profperity  is  fo  obvious  as 
c  here;  nor  where  their  negociator  would  feel  it  fo   much. 
c  But  it  would  be  imprudent  to  leave  to  the  uncertain  iff 

*  fuch  a  treaty,  the  re-eltablifhment  of  our  commerce  with 

*  France^  on  the  footing  on  which  it  was  at  the  beginning  of 

<  their  revolution.     That  treaty  may  be  long  on  the  anvil ;  in 

*  the  mean  time,  we  cannot   fubmit  to  the   late  innovations 

*  without  taking  menfures  to  do  jultice  to  our  own  n;iv:;;-;-ition. 
(  This  object,,  therefore,  is  particularly  re  o  you; 

*  while  you  will  alfo  be  availing  yourfelf  ci  portunity, 

<  which  may  arife  of  benefiting  our  comm-rcc  ill  .  ny  other 
6  part.     lam  in  hopes  you  will  have  found  the  moment  fa- 

*  vourable  on  your  arrival  in  France,  when  Mr.  Cin<.i*re  \vr-s 

*  in  the  miniftry,  and  the  difpoiitions  of  t!ie  national  aiLmbly 
(  favourable  to  the  minifters.' 

March  I2//6,    1793.     *  Mutual  good  offices    mutual  'lill-c- 

c  tion  and  fimilar  principles  of  government,  iV,r.i 

*  the  two  nations  for  the  moft  intimate  communion  :    and 
«  I  cannot  too  much  prefs  it  on  you  to  improve  every  opportu- 
€  nity  which  may  occur  in  the  changeable   fcencs  which  are 

*  paffing,  and  to  feize  them  as  they  occur,    for   placing  our 

<  commerce  with  that  nation  and   its  dependencies ;  on    the 

*  freed  and  moft  encouraging  footing  polLble.' 

What  were  the  correfponding  eiforrs  of  our  minifcer  rela- 
tive to  a  treaty  of  commerce?  In  June  1792,  he  was  in- 
treated  by  Dumourier,  then  miniiter,  to  defer  it  until  he 
ihould  return  from  the  frontiers  ;  who  intimated  ac  the  fame 
time,  that  France  flood  in  need  of  no  alliance? ;  and  thai,  he 
was  againft  all  treaties  other  than  thofe  of  commerce.  In 
July,  1792,  our  minifter  had  <  repeatedly  called  the  r^i 


C    itf    3 

attention  to  the  obnoxious  a&s  of  the  (then)  late  aflembly, 
and  to  their  propofition  of  a  new  commercial  treaty.     The 
reply  was,  that  forhimftlf  he  would  be  glad  to  fettle  every 
thing  to  ourminiitcr's  latisfaclion  ;  but  that  his  mimfterial 
cxifi^nce  was  too  precarious  to  undertake  any  extenfive  plan; 
that   the  attention  of  government    \vas  turned  too  flrongly 
tovvirds  itfelf  (in  the  prefent  moment)  to  think  of  its  exterior 
iurerejls ;   and  that  the  ailembly,  at  open  war  with  the  exe- 
cutive, would  certainly  rejecl:  whatever  mould  be  now  pre- 
fented  to  them.'     The  following  extracts  of  our  minifter's 
letter  to  Mr.  Chambonas  on  the  o,th  of  July,    1792,  and  of 
his  anfwer  on  the  23d  of  the  fame  month,  mew  the  meafures 
of  our  government' i©r  the  improvement  of  the  treaty. 

[  r RAN  SLA  rioN.~\ 

e  I  mould,  however,  fail  in  my  duty  towards  my  nation,  Sir, 

<  and  1  mould  offer  but  a  feeble   tdtimony  of  the  attachment, 

*  which  I  have  for  fo  many  years  vowed  to  yours,  if  I  were  to 
(  diiiimulate  the  difcontent,  which  the  decrees  of  the  confli- 
c  tuent  ailembly.  infringing  the   fyftem    of   commerce  efta- 

<  biiiheu  between  France  and  the  United  States,  before  the 
«  year   1789,  have   excited  in  America.     I  forego  all  remarks 

on  that  iubjetr.,  becaufe  I  leave  it  to  your  wifdom  and  the 
fentiments  of  your  nation ;  and  I  dare  believe,  that  even  if 
it  concerned  merely  its  own  interefts,  the  national  aflembly 
would  no  longer  fuffer  regulations  to  exift,  which  fall  flill 
harder  upon  the  French  ccnfumers,  than  they  injure  the 
American  traders.  There  is  another  object,  Sir,  to  which 
you  will,  no  doubt,  pay  all  the  attention  that  its  importance 
deferves.  The  conftituent  alTembly  exprefled  ks  defire, 
that  the  king  mould  negociate  a  new  commercial  treaty  with 
America.  It  has  been  communicated  to  the  Prefident  of 
the  United  States,  by  the  minifter  plenipotentiary  of  his 
majefly.  But  this  project  has  until  now  been  without  ef- 

*  feel:.     I  am  directed  to  affaire    you,  Sir,  that  the  United 

*  States   are  ready  to  receive  with  real  pleafure  any  overtures 

*  on  that  fubjec~r,  which  mall  be  made  them,  and  that  they 
'  wifh  to  eftablifh  that  treaty  on  bafes,  juft,  folid  and  recipro- 
cally ufeful  to  both  nations.     The  minifter  plenipotentiary 
of  France  at  Philadelphia,  has  the  beft  opportunity  of  weigh- 
ing its  advantages,  and  I  dare  afTurc  you  before  hand,  that 
if  lie   is  charged  by   the   king  with  that  negociation,    he 
will  meet,  on  our  part,  the  moft  friendly  difpofitions.     You 
will  give  me  very  great  pleafure,  Sir,  when  you  mail  pleafe 


3 

*  to  authorife  me  to  write  that  he  is  entrufled  with  that  bufi- 

<  nefs ' 

July  23^  1792.  «  I  fhall  li::ewife  lay  before  them,  the 
«  ddire  which  the  American  government  exprefTes,  to  ce- 
r  ment  the  union  of  the  two  people,  by  a  new  treaty  of  com- 

<  merce,  ami  I  fh.ill  immediately  take  the  orders  of  the  king 

<  for   commencing   that   important   negociation.     I   do    not 

<  doubt,  but  it  will  foon  be  brought  to  a  happy  conclufion, 
'  fince  the  two  governments  are  equally  defirous  of  eftablifti- 
'  ing  the  new  treaty  on  the  bafis  of  the  ilri£teft  juilice,  and 
(  confequently  of  the  reciprocal  advantage  of  both  people/ 

On  the  1 3th  of  February,  1793,  we  were  informed  by  our 
minifter,  that  he  having  been  mftru£ccl  to  transfer  the  negoci- 
ation  of  a  new  treaty  of  commerce  to  America,  the  thing  wifh- 
ed  was  done  ;  and  that  we  may  treat  in  America. 

Mr.  Genet's  abovementioned  letter  of  the  ^d  of  May,  1 797, 
inclofing  the  decree  of  February  I9th,  1793,  concluded  in 
thefe  words.  c  The  obftacles  raited  with  intentions  hoftile 
f  to  liberty,  by  the  perfidious  minirters  of  deipotifm  ;  the  ob- 

*  ftacles,  whofe  object  was  to  (top  the  rapid  progrefs  cf  the 

*  commerce  of  the  Americans,  and  the  extenfion  of  their  prin- 
'  ciples,  exift  no  more.     Tlie  French  Republic,  feeing  in  them 

*  but  brothers,  has  opened  to  them,  by  the  decrees  now  en- 
«  clofed,  all  her  ports  in  the  t\vo 'worlds-;    has  granted  them 

<  all  the  favors  which  her  own  citizens  enjoy  in  her  vaft  pcf- 
c  feilions  ;  has  invited  them  to  participate  the  benefits  of  her 
c  navigation,  in  granting  to  their  veflels  the  fame  rights  as  to 
c  her  own,  and  has  charged  me  to  propofe  to  your  gevern- 

<  ment,  to  eftablifli  in  a  true  family  compact,  that  is  in  a  na- 
c  tional  compacl:,   the  liberal  and  fraternal   bafis,   on  which 
(  me  wiflies  to  fee  raifed  the  commercial  and  political  fyftern 

*  of  two  people,  all  whofe  interefts  are  confounded. 

c  I  am  inverted,  fir,  with  the  powers  neceflary  to  undertake 
«  this  important  negociation,  of  which  the  fad  annals  of  hu- 
«  manity,  offer  no  example  before  the  brilliant  era  at  length 

*  opening  on  it.' 

I  find  no  aniwer  to  this  letter  from  Mr.  JefFerfon ;  and  he 
notices  the  (leps  which  were  taken  in  confequence  of  it  only 
in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Morris,  on  the  23d  of  Auguii,  1 793,  thus  : 
4  The  fenate  being  then  (23d  May,  1793)  in  recefs,  and  not 

*  to  meet  again  till  the  fall,  I  apprized  Mr.  Genet,  that  the 
c  participate.*:,  in  matters  of  treaty,  given  by  the  confutation  to 
'  that  branch  of  our  government,  would,  of  ccurfe,  delay  any 

*  definitive  anfwer  to  his  friendly  proposition.     As  he  was 


C    238    ] 

<  fehfible  of  this  circumftance,  the  matter  has  been  underfoot 

<  to  lie  over,  till  the  meeting  of  the  fenatc.' 

Upon  this  conduct  of  Mr.  JefFerfon,  many  invidious  com- 
ments have  been  circulated  ;  and  it  has  been  perverted  into  a 
teftimony  of  our  evaiion,  and  of  our  diftirFedtion  to  France, 
with  a  defign  to  foment  diflentions  between  the  two  Repub- 
lics. Your  exertions  will  doubtlefs  fruftrate  the  evil  pur- 
pofe. 

Long  had  we  been  foliating  from  France  a  revifion  of  the 
treaty  of  commerce ;  fulfcring,  in  the  mean  time,  fcverities 
from  her  commercial  regulations.  Can  any  rational  man  be- 
lieve, when  he  reads  the  preceding  confidential  1  jtters  from  the 
department  of  ftate  to  our  minifter  in  Paris,  that  they  were 
fabricated  to  deceive  ?  Deception  muft  have  been  gratuitous, 
—without  an  ojj.ct  and  therefore  too  abfurd  to  be  dwelt  up- 
on. Upon  the  tuppbfition  of  fmcerity  on  our  part,  in  the  pro- 
feiiion  of  a  defire  to  improve  the  treaty,  what  culpable  caufe 
can  be  affigned  for  repelling  an  immediate  negociution  ?  Were 
we  looking  for  an  adverfc  itroke  to  the  affairs  of  France,  in  or- 
der to  fqueeze  out  greater  commercial  indulgencies  ?  We 
have  been  charged  by  Great  Britain  with  too  lively  a  fyrnpa- 
tby  with  her  fuccefles.  Were  we  diilruftful  of  the  liTue  of  the 
co-.iteft  ?  There  were  few  men,  who  were  not  divided  in  t'seir 
fpeculative  opinions  upon  this  occafion.  But  the  prefident 
came  to  an  infbritaneous  clecifion,  by  receiving  Mr.  Genet 
in. the  face  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain  ;  recognizing  the 
treaties,  continuing  to  pay  our  debt  to  France,  and  accommo- 
dating her  with  money  by  anticipation.  Had  the  caufe  of  re- 
publicanifm  any  connection  with  a  change  in  the  treaty  of 
commerce  ?  I  cannot  difcover  it ;  or  if  it  had,  whofoever  {hall 
deny  it  to  be  efpoufed  by  our  government,  or  mail  infmuate  a 
leaning  towards  England,  is  no  lefs  bafe,  than  unfounded  in  his 
calumnies.  In  fhon,  it  is  abfolutely  incomprehenfible,  why 
the  executive  fhould,  from  a  policy  which  it  will  not  avow, 
put  off  a  treaty,  for  the  reforming  of  old  commercial  ftipula- 
tions,  when  every  melioration  of  our  trade  was  fo  clofely  alli- 
ed with  the  expectations  of  profit  to  the  hufbandman  and 
merchant,  created  by  our  neutrality. 

.There  was  no  fuch  evafion ;  and  the  agreement  or  under- 
{landing  between  Mr.  JefFerfon  and  Mr.  Genet,  cannot  be 
wrought  into  fuch  a  fnape.  Being  without  documents,  con- 
taining the  whole  of  their  converfation,  I  have  no  other  clue 
to  it,  than  the  letter  of  Augufl  23d,  1793,  tne  nature  °f  ^ie 
fubject,  and  the  circumftances  of  the  period,  as  explanatory 
of  the  poftponement  of  the  negociation. 


[     239    I 

It  is  of  no  confequence  to  enquire,  \vhether  it  was  or  was 
not  more  agreeable  to  Mr.  Genet,  that  the  negociation  fhould 
lie  over ;  when  he  heard,  that  a  definitive  anfwer  muft  be  de- 
layed, until  the  meeting  of  the  fenate.  Notwithstanding  it 
has  the  appearance  of  being  the  voluntary  aft  of  both  ;  efpe- 
cially  as  Mr.  Genet  fuffered  it  to  reft  upon  an  oral  difcourfe, 
and  never  had,  nor  alked,  a  written  anfwer  ;  yet  let  ir  be  con- 
ceded to  have  been,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  an  act  of  the 
government,  and  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Genet,  a  refpe&ful  fub- 
miffion. 

What  Mr.  Jefferfon  afTerted  is  true ;  becaufe  the  prefident 
can  make  treaties,  only  with  the  advice  and  confent  of  the  fe- 
nate. A  definitive  anfwer  was  therefore  neceflarily  deferred. 
He  did  not  alledge,  that  intermediate  difcufiions  could  not  take 
place  5  nor  indeed  does  it  appear,  that  either  of  thofe  gentle- 
men turned  their  attention  to  the  preliminary  negociation  ; 
which  might  have  been  opened  before  the  afTembling  of 'the 
fenate. 

But  if  Mr.  Genet  had  even  prefled  an  immediate  negocia- 
tion, weighty  obftacles,  very  different  from  evafion^  or  aliena- 
tion from  France,  flood  in  the  way.  i.  *  On  the  declaration 
«  of  war  between  France  and  England,  the  United  States  be- 
«  ing  at  peace  with  both,  their  fituation  was  fo  new  and  unex- 
«  perienced  by  themfelves/  that  it  was  extremely  defirable  to 
exclude  any  bufmefs,  which  would  abforb  much  time,  and 
might  be  poftponed ;  in  order  that  the  executive  might  be 
unembarrafTed  in  its  fuperintendance  of  our  neutrality.  Al- 
though the  labours  of  my  predeceflbr,  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war  to  the  early  part  of  September,  1 793,  have 
been  feen  by  the  world,  yet  cannot  they  judge  of  the  perplexi- 
ties and  refearches  which  were  the  foundation  of  the  docu- 
ments publifhed,  and  which  hourly  occupied  not  only  the 
prefident  himfelf,  but  thofe  ofEcers  alfo,  who  were  around 
him.  Hiftory  had  forewarned  us,  that,  as  a  neutral  nation, 
encompafled  by  the  minifters  of  the  belligerent  powers,  inflam- 
ed with  a  jealoufy  of  the  public  functionaries,  not  a  day  would 
pafs  without  a  complaint,  a  demand,  a  fufpicion,  and  a  thou- 
land  temptations  to  irritability.  Piles  of  papers,  verifying 
thofe  predictions,  are  now  before  my  eyes.  2.  It  \vas  not  to 
be  fuppofed,  that  a  new  treaty  of  commerce  could  be  entered  in- 
to without  much  reflection.  In  this  view,  every  hour  gained 
was  beneficial.  3.  The  power  of  the  prefident  to  authorize  the 
fecretary  of  flate,  or  indeed  any  other  perfon,  to  digefl  the  mat- 
ter of  a  treaty,  has  been  recognized  in  practice  in  feveralformsfc 
«me  of  which  U  barelv  to  nominate,  with  the  advice  and  con-. 


C   240    ] 

fent  of  the  fenate,  and  occafionally  to  confult  them.  The  lafl 
was  the  courfe  which  was  obferved,  in  the  only  treaty  which 
has  been  negociated  at  the  feat  of  government,  the  treaty 
with  the  Creek  indians  at  New  York,  in  1790.  The  fenate 
being  on  the  fpot,  and  therefore  convenient  to  the  negociation, 
were  alked,  as  the  fubje£t  was  palling,  whether  they  would 
ratify  certain  claufes,  if  infcrted  in  the  treaty.  In  the  re-ad- 
juftment  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  with  France,  it  was  pro- 
bably wifhed  to  repeat  the  fame  meafure. 

What  would  have  been  gained  by  France,  by  precipitating 
the  negociation  ?  The  preliminary  difcuflions  might,  perhaps, 
have  been  clofed  a  few  months  fooner  on  the  fide  of  the  prefi- 
dent ;  but  it  is  entirely  uncertain,  whether  the  affair  would 
have  been  expedited  by  any  ftep,  fo  much  as  by  confulting  the 
fenate  upon  points  of  particular  magnitude,  before  the  •whole 
work  was  fubmitted  to  them.  This  is  among  the  advantages 
which  may  be  embraced  in  a  negociation  in  the  United  States, 
and  is  unattainable  in  a  negociation  elfewhere.  However,  if 
a  commencement  had  been  made,  I  queftion  whether  from 
the  time  which  is  indifpenfable  for  'fo  grand  a  tranfaclion, 
and  the  unavoidable  interruption  incident  to  the  new  ftate  of 
things,  we  fhould  not  have  been  obliged  to  interrupt  the  pro- 
grefs,  upon  a  plea  fimilar  to  that  of  the  French  miniftry,  that 
we  were  too  much  employed  in  fleering  clear  of  the  war,  to  at- 
tend for  the  prefer. t  to  the  remoulding  of  the  treaty. 

Had  the  executive  been  indifpofed  to  the  treaty,  why  did 
he  in  a  manner  pledge  himfelf  to  negociate  when  the  fenate 
ihould  meet  ?   Why  was  our  minifier  in  Paris  inftruclied,  on 
the  23d  of  Auguft,   1793,  c  To  explain  to  the  executive  of 
France  this  delay  ;  which  has  prevented,  as  yet,  our  formal 
acceffion  to  their  propofition  to  treat ;   to  ailure  them,  that 
the  prefident  will  meet  them,  with  the  moft  friendly  difpofi- 
tions,  on  the  grounds  of  treaty  propofed  by  the   national 
convention,  as  foon  as  he  can  do  it  in  the  forms  of  the  con- 
ftitution ;   and  of  courfe  to  fugged,  for  this  purpofe,  that 
the  powers  of  Mr.  Genet  be  renewed  to  his  fuccefTor.'     '  A 
formal  acceffion  to  the  propofition  to  treat/  and  a  negocia- 
tion <  in  the  forms  of  the  conllitution/   appear  to  be  ftill 
preferred  to  informal  difcuffions,  for  the  reafons  already  af- 
figned.     It  is  impoilible  to  look  into  this  fubje6t,  without 
remarking,   that  other  principles  may   be  conceived,    upon 
which    the  executive    might  have    refufed    to   treat  imme- 
diately j  but  which  do  not  appear  to  have  influenced  his  de- 
cifion. 


C     *4 1      ] 

His  attention  muft  have  been  arrefted  by  the  die} ion  of 
Mr.  Genet's  overtures.  The  Prefidcnt  and  the  French  Re- 
public had  hitherto  agitated  a  change  in  led  regulations 
only;  when  Mr.  Genet  announces  a  defire  to  modify  the  pa* 
Ihical  conn  action  alfo.  The  precife  meaning  of  the  term  po- 
litical, was  not  very  obvious  ;  though  the  moil  natural  inter- 
pretation was,  that  the  pJit'cal  reLtioiij  eftablifhed  by  the 
treaty  of  alliance,  was  propofed  to  be  revifed. 

The  movements  which  have  been  noticed  cf  Mr.  Genet, 
before  his  arrival  at  Philadelphia  from  Charlcfton,  were  in 
perfect  unifon  with  this  interpretation.  The  very  decree  of 
the  i pth  of  February,  1793,  liberal  as  it  was  in  its  language, 
manifefted  that  the  recent  and  exifting  war  was  a  chief  caufe 
in  dictating  the  coiiceflio*  :  For  the  French  colonies  couM 
not  be  fed  without  fupplies  from  the  United  States;  and  the 
Jufptnfton  of  the  law  of  May  I5th,  1791,  which  had  inhibit- 
ed the  Americans  from  .introducing,  felling  and  arming  their 
yeflels  in  France,  and  from  enjoying  ail  the  privileges  allow- 
ed to  thofe  built  in  the  (hip  yards  of  the  R.- public,  was  cal- 
culated to  convert  our  fhips  into  French  privateers. 

To  confirm  the  real  views  of  the  executive  council  of  Frar.ce 
in  the  regeneration  of  the  treaty,  recollect  thefe  paiuges  in 
Mr.  Genet's  instructions. 

<  That  the  executive  council  arc  difpofed  to  fet  on  foot  a 

*  negcciation  upon  thofe   foundations,  and  that  they  do  not 
4  know  but  that  fuch  a  treaty  admits  a  latitude  Hill  more  ex- 

<  tenfive,  in  becoming  a  national  agreement,    in   wUcn  iv  3 

*  great  people  fhall  fufpend  their  commercial  and  political  in- 

*  terefts  and  eftablifh  a  mutual  underftanding,  to  Befriend  the 

*  Empire  of  liberty,  wherever  it  can  be  embraced;   to  g\     - 
'  anty  the  fovereignty  of  the  people,  and  punifh  thofe  powers 

<  who  iliil  keep  up  an  exclufive  colonial  and  con"  mercial  fyf- 
4  tem,  by  declaring  that  their  velTels  fhall  not  be  received  in 

<  the  ports  of  the  contracting  parties.     Such  a  pact,  w-.^.i 
«  the  people  of  France  will  fupporc  with  all  the  energy  v.     ..\ 

<  diilinguifhes  them,  and  of  which  they  have  already  given  •'  3 
c  many  proofs,    will  quickly  contribute  to  the  general  eman- 
f  cipation  of  the  new  v/orld.      However  vaft  this  project  may 
c  be,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  execute,  if  the  Americans  de- 

*  termine  on  it  ;  and  it  is  to  convince  them  of  its  practicabi- 
«  lity  that  Citizen    Genet  muft  direcl  ail  his  attention  :  For, 

<  beiides  the   advantages  which  humanity  in   general  will 
1  draw  from  the  fuccefs  of  fuch  a  negociation,  we  have  at  this 
c  moment  a  particular  intereit  in  taking  fteps  to  acl:  efficaci- 
«  oufly  againft  England  and  Spain ;  if,  a«  every  thing  an- 

I  i 


?    *4i    7 

*  nounces,  thefe  powers  attack  us  from  hatred  to  our  princi- 
r  pies  ;  if  the  Engliih  miniilers,  in  (lead  of  iharing  in  the  glo- 
«  ry  of  France,  inftead  of  confidering  that  our  liberty,  as  well 

*  as  that  of  thofe  people  whofe  chains  we  have  broken,  for- 
c  ever  eftablhlies  that  of  their  own  country,  fuffer  themfelves 

*  to  be  influenced  by  our  enemies,  and  by  thofe  to  the  liber- 

*  ty  of  mankind,  and  embark  with  every  tyrant  againil  that 
«  caufe  which  we  are  defending.     The  military  preparations 

<  making  in  Great  Britain  become  every  day  more  and  more 
c  furious,  and  have  an  intimate  connection  with  thofe  of  Spain. 

*  The  friendfhip  which  reigns  between  the  minifters  of  the  laft 

*  power  and  thofe  of  St.  James'  proves  it ;  and  in  this  fitua- 
«  tion  of  affairs  we  ought  to  excite,  by  all  poflible  means,  the 

*  zeal  of  the  Americans,  who  are  as  much  intereited  as  our- 

<  felves,  in  difconcerting  the  deftruclive  projects  of  George 

*  the  third ;  in  which  they  are  probably  an    objeft.     Their 
«  own  fafety  ilill  depends  on  ours,  and  if  we  fail  they  will 

<  fooner  or  later  fall  under   the  iron  rod  of  Great  Britain. 
«  The  executive  council  has  room  to  believe,  that  thefe  rea- 
c  foiis,  in  addition  to  the  great  commercial  advantages  which 
f  we  are  difpofed  to  concede  to  the  United  States,  will  deter- 
«  mine  their  government  to  adhere  to  all  that  Citizen   Genet 

*  fhall  propofe  to  them  on  our  part.     As  it  is  poflible,  how- 

*  ever,  that  the  falfe  reprefentations  which  have  been  made  to 

*  congrefs   of  the  fituation  of   our  internal  affairs  ;    of  the 

*  ftate  of  our  maritime  force  ;  of  our  finances,  and  efpecially 

<  of  the  ftorms  with  which  we   are   threatened,    may   make 

<  her  minifters,  in  the  negociations  which  Citizen  Genet  is  en- 

*  trufted  to  open,  adopt  a  timid  and  wavering  conduct:,  the 

*  executive  council  charges  him,  in  expectation  that  the  A- 

<  merican  government  will  finally  determine  to  make  a  com- 
1  mon  caufe  with  us,  to  take  fuch  Heps  as  will  appear  to  him 
«  exigencies  may  require,  to  ferve  the  caufe  of  liberty  and  the 
«  freedom  of  the  preople.' 

The  project,  therefore,  of  a  treaty  on  the  bafis  of  Mr.  Ge- 
net's proportions,  ought  to  have  been  well  explored  before 
the  firft  advance.  To  aflent  to  them,  if  it  would  not  have 
been  a  departure  from  neutrality,  would  at  lead  have  mag- 
nified the  fufpicion  of  our  faith,  without  a  confidence  in  which 
that  neutrality  muft  always  be  infecure  :  To  reject  them  was 
to  incur  difcontent,  pofhbly  a  breach  with  our  ally.  The 
touncils  of  nations  ought  to  be  fuperior  to  the  paflions  which 
drive  individuals.  Permanent  good  being  the  polar  ftar  of 
the  former,  they  will  often  have  to  encounter  the  impetuo- 


C      213      ] 

fity  of  the  latter,  who  fubfbtute  occafional  feelings  for  found 
policy. 

Admitting  that  the  non-eftabliihment  of  a  confdturion, 
and  the  rapid  fucceffions  in  the  adrniniftrative  bodies,  ccuUl 
not  weaken  an  agreement,  once  fixed,  even  under  the  pref- 
fure  of  war,  there  was  no  probability  that  the  party,  whofe 
millionary  Mr.  Genet  was,  would  much  longer  tread  the 
ftage  ;  nor  any  fecurity,  that  his  overtures  would  equally 
pleafe  thofe  who  mould  rife  upon  the  ruins  of  his  friends. 
We  knew  from  letters;  that  as  far  back  as  Augufl,  1792, 
the  movers  of  the  revolution  on  the  I  oth  of  that  month  were 
fooner  or  later  deftined  to  be  victims:  That  in  January,  1 793, 
they  were  confcious  of  the  downfall  which  awaited  them : 
That  in  March,  1793,  an  infurrection  was  brewing  for  the 
deftru&ion  of  the  Gironde  ;  and  that  the  revolutionary  tribu- 
nal, vaft  and  unbounded  in  its  domination,  had  been  erected. 
Was  this,  then,  a  feafon  for  «  modifying  the  political  connec- 
tion ;'  when  we  might  have  drawn  hoflility  upon  our  headsg 
by  betraying  a  fpirit  not  impartial,  and  by  taking  meafures, 
which  amid  the  fluctuations  in  the  leaders  of  the  French  poli- 
tics, might  not  have  been  fanClioned  ?  And  what  did  actual- 
ly happen  ?  The  conduct  of  the  Robefpierrian  facYion  was  di- 
rectly the  reverfe  of  the  BriiTotine :  The  one  encouraged,  the 
ether  abolifhed,  private  trade.  For  the  evidence  of  this  fa  cl, 
I  refer  you  to  your  own  knowledge;  to  the  vexations  of  our 
commerce  ;  to  the  decrees  which  violated  our  treaty;  and  to^ 
the  decree  of  October,  1793,  which,  took  all  trade  into  tli£ 
bands  of  government.  Nor  can  I  omit  the  demon ftration  of 
a  general  inftability,  as.it  was  delivered  in  a  late  report  of  the 
five  committees. 

*  Let  us  be  perfuaded,  and  let  us  proclaim  it  openly  ;  it  is 
«  to  that  perpetual  change  that  all  our  evils  are  owing.     Our 
«  republican  annals  do  not  yet  include  three  years,  and  by  the 

<  multiplicity  of  events,  twenty  centuries  appear  required  to 

*  contain  them.    Revolutions  have  followed  revolutions;  men, 

*  things,  events  and  ideas, — all  have  changed ;  every  thing 
«  changes  yet,  and  in  this  continual  ebb  and.  flow  of  oppofite 

*  movements,  in  vain  would  the  government  pretend  to  thai 
'  confidence  which  can  only  be  the  refult  of  a  fteady  and  wife 
'  conduct,  and  of  a  conftant  attachment  to  principles. 

*  Commerce  neceflarily  difappeared  through  this  aftonifh- 

<  ing  fucceflion  of  contrarieties;  and  in  a  country,  where  in- 

<  dividuals,  incapacitated  for  making  any  fure  calculations,  fee. 

*  around  them  nothing  but  a  wide  profpect  of  changes* 


t     244     ] 

*  Credit  is  a  tender  plant  which  needs  gentle  and  regular 
winds,  and  cannot  grow  in  a  tempeituous  clime,  or  foil  of- 
ren  diiturbed. 

4  It  is  time  we  mould  put  a  period  to  the  reign  of  uncertain- 
tics,  and  fix  invariably  the  principles  of  juftice,  equity  and 
loyalty,  which  mould  be  the  guides  of  our  conduct.  Let 
usknten  to  iubjecl  the  internal  admimftration  to  a  regular 
iyiltm  :  Let  us  efpecially  take  care  that  no  meafure  ever 
rifj  to  fears  concerning  the  folidity  of  the  mortgage  of 


our  allignats. 

f  TV  hen  the  government,  flcady  in  its  march,  (ball  have 
f  fhewn  the  real  end  they  aim  at;  when  it  ihall  have  render- 
f  cd  an  account  to  itfdf  and  to  others,  of  the  fyftem  it  in- 
«  t  jnds  to  adopt  ;  when  the  convention,  difmiffing  thofe  un- 

<  iortunate  bickerings  which  have  too    often   impeded  their 
f  progrefs,  fhali  attend  folcly  to  the  happinefs  of  the  people  ; 
«  when  they  mail  not  ccafe  to  reject  with  indignation  all  mea- 
'  fares  which  can  infringe,  in  the  lead  degree,  the  principles 
«  of  juilice  and  good  faith  which  mould  direct  them  ;  —  then 

<  all  alarms  will  be  at  an  end,  and  the  reiteration  of   the  fi- 

*  nances,  of  credit  and    of  commerce,  may  be   undertaken 

*  with  aflurance  of  fuccefs.? 

Why  the  fubject  was  not  rcf  timed  with  Mr.  Genet,  is  well 
known  to  every  body,  who  has  heard  of  his  excefTes,  and  our 
declaration  to  the  French  Republic,  that  we  mould  expect  his 
fucceilbr  to  be  charged  with  fimilar  powers.  His  letter  of  the 
3oth  of  September,  1793,  wiiiten  after  the  application  for 
his  recal  was  announced  to  him,  was  prevented,  by  the  ma- 
lady of  Philadelphia,  from  being  received  by  this  department, 
until  the  5th  of  November,  1793.  We  were  then  counting 
upon  a  return  of  the  veiTcl  .fent  to  France  on  that  errand. 
Congrefs  met  in  December,  1793.  Our  minifter's  letter, 
notifying  his  recal,  came  to  hand  January  I4th,  1794;  and 
Mr.  Fauchet  actually  replaced  him  on  the  2  1  it  of  February, 
1794.  Let  me  obfervc,  however,  in  paffing  from  Mr.  Genet 
to  Mr.  Fauchet  ;  that  his  threat  to  withdraw  the  privileges  in 
the  decree  of  March  26th,  1793,  an^  ^e  c^e-cree  itfelf,  are 
ftrong  fymptoms  of  the  defign  of  the  negociation  being  more 
than  one  merely  commercial.  For  the  different  altercations 
between  him  and  Mr.  Jefferfon  I  refer  you  to  the  printed  cor- 
refpondcnce. 

Mr.  Fauchet  demanded  thearreft  of  Mr.  Genet,  for  punifh- 
mcnt.  Our  co-operation  was  refufed  upon  reafons  of  law  and 
Magnanimity. 


C     245     3 

A  hi1.!  paired,  at  his  Inflance,  for  relief  of  the  veflels  which 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States. 

We  have  advanced  money  fafler  than  was  due  ;  and  full  as 
faft  as  prudence  in  refpeel:  to  our  own  wants  would  permit. 

The  ftoppage  of  the  Camilla,  a  provifion  veflel  of  the 
French  Republic,  was  the  effect  of  the  embargo,  which  ope- 
rated equally  on  all. 

Our  minifter  was  recalled  as  he  dcHred.  Mr.  Fauchet  com- 
plained of  Britifh  veflels  being  differed  to  depart,  during  the 
embargo,  with  Frenchmen  who  meant  to  a£l  againft  their 
country  in  the  Weft-Indies.  Occafional  relaxations  of  the  em- 
bargo were  made  in  favour  of  all  nations  ;  French,  Englifh, 
feV.  In  the  particular  cafe  complained  of,  the  pafTports  were 
fuppofed  to  be  granted  to  American  bottoms  •,  for  the  humane 
purpofe  of  returning  to  the  lilands  fome  of  the  unhappy 
French  fugitives  from  thence;  and  one  of  them,  given  to^a  vef- 
fel  at  his  in  fiance,  exported  a  large  quantity  of  powder, 
doubtlefs  without  his  privity. 

The  government  fupprefled  the  profecution  againfl  conful 
Juteau  cf  Bofton,  as  Mr  Fauchet  defired.  Whatever  irri- 
tation may  have  been  occafioned  by  the  attorney  of  the  dif- 
tri&  was  owing  to  no  inftruclion  from  the  Prefident. 

The  demand  for  difmantling  Cooper's  veflel  was  inevitable; 
as  (he  had  been  fitted  out  in  our  ports ;  and  where  foe  ver,  in 
any  cafe,  reftitution  of  veflels  was  required  from  us,  the  rules 
of  our  neutrality  fully  jufhiried  it. 

We  reitored  the  (hip  William  of  Glafgow,  and  the  dama- 
ges during  her  detention  have  been  allured  to  the  agent  of  the 
captors. 

The  fteps  adopted,  and  promifed,  for  executing  the  confu- 
lar  convention,  in  the  apprehenfion  of  deferters,  are  as  much 
as  could  be  done  or  expedte'd. 

The  government  has,  indeed,  differed  from  Mr.  Fauchet, 
in  the  conftruftion  of  the  treaty ;  not  holding  themfelves 
bound  to  exclude  Britifh  {hips  of  war,  except  when  they  came 
in  with  prizes. 

The  general  executive  has  given  every  inftru6lion  in  his 
power,  to  prevent  French  prizes  to  Britifh  veflels  coming  into 
our  ports.  Mr.  Fauchet  has  exprefsiy  by  letter  approved  our 
condudl  in  one  inftance.  But  this  fubjecl:  is  fully  detailed  in 
my  letter  of  the  29th  ultimo,  a  copy  of  which  is  now  forward- 
ed to  you. 

I  prefurne,  that  the  diflatisfa&ion  at  the  arms  taken  from 
the.  Favourite  in  New-York,  and  the  omiflion  to  falute  the 
French  (hip  of  war,  have  been  completely  expiated, 


C    246    5 

The  tonnage  duty  was  remitted  to  French  veflels,  which 
had  been  injured  by  the  Britiih. 

It  was  impoffible  to  refcue  .from  the  law  William  Talbot, 
\vlio  was  charged  with  being  a  citizen  of  the  United  States* 

uing  a  privateering  commiifion  from  France. 
•LJ  are  the  moil  material  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  tranfa6Hons 
with  the  government ;  except,  indeed,  the  abolition  of  the 
embargo  ',  the  whole  of  which  bufmels  you  witnefled  your- 
fclf,  and  can  ihew  to  have  ari fen  from  very  different  motives, 
than  thole  of  difregard  to  France. 

Although  it  was  requcfted,  that  Mr.  Genet's  fucceflbr 
(liotild  be  charged  with  commercial  powers ;  yet  is  it  not 
known  or  believed  that  he  brought  any.  No  writing  from 
him  announced  it :  Nor  yet  any  convcrfation  with  me  •,  unlefs, 
indeed,  in  November  or  December  lait;  when  Macpherfon's 
blues  were  coming  into  town,  and  he  and  I  were  together 
looking  out  at  them  from  his  euftcrn  window.  He  then 
made  ioivie  cafual  obfervations  refpetling  Mr.  Jay's  negocia- 
tion,  and  faid  foinething  indefinite  as  to  our  treaty  of  com- 
merce. My  anfwer  was;  that  I  mould  be  ready  to  receive  his 
overtures.  It  would  have  been  indelicate  to  afk  him  formally 
whether  he  had  fuch  powers  ;  but  a  diltant  hint  was  given, 
by  me  to  him,  two  or  three  months  after  his,  arrival,  upon  the 
fubjecb  ,  and  from  his  reply,  I  did  not  infer,  whether  he  had 
or  had  not  them,  I  am  rather  difpofed  to  conclude,  that  he 
had  them  not ;  becaufe  he  was  appointed  miniftcr  during  the 
reign  of  Robefpierre  -,  who,  as  we  have  feen,  almofl  extin- 
guiihed  commerce  ;  and  when  a  decree  was.  in  force  affuming 
into  the  hands  of  government  all  trade. 

If  Mr.  Fauchet  had  been  ready,  we  iliould  have  proceeded 
fincercly  and  without  procraftination. 

If  then,  in  the  circumftances  attending  the  proportion  of* 
commercial  treaty  from  Mr.  Genet,  or  in  the  conduct  of  the 
United  States  towards  France  fince,  nothing  improper  can  be 
found,  we  ought  to  conildcr,  whether  in  thofe  of  the  lute 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  a  fource  of  blame  can  be  detected. 

The  mcrTage,  in  which  the  prefident  nominated  Mr.  Jay  as 
envoy  extraordinary  to  his  Britannic  majefty,  was  dated  on  the 
1 6th  of  April,  1794,  and  is  the  text,  the  examination  of  which 
will  develope  the  total  matter,  previous  to  Mr.  Jay's  depar- 
ture. 

4  The  communications,'  fays  the  mefTage,  (  which  I  have 

made  to  you,  during  your  prefent  feflion,  frpm  the  dif- 
patches  of  our  miniiter  in  London,  contain  'd  ferious  afpe£fc 
*  of  our  affairs  with  Great  Britain.' 


C 

The  firft  of  theife  communications  was  to  congrefs  on  the 
5th  of  December,  1793  ;  in  .which  are  the  following  paffages : 
'  The   vexations  and   ipoliation,    underftood   to   have   been 
*  committed  on  our  veflels  and  commerce  by  the  cruifers  and 
officers  of  fome  of  the  belligerent  poweis,  appeared  to  re- 
quire attention.     The  proofs  of  thefe,  however,  not  having 
been  brought  forward,  the  defcription  of  citizens  fuppofed 
to  have  fuffered,  were  notified  5  that,  on  furnifhing  them  to 
the  executive,  due  meafurcs  would  be  taken  to  obtain  re- 
drefs  of  the  pail,  and  more  effectual  provifions  againit  the 
future.     Should  fuch  documents  be  f urnifhed, proper  repre~ 
fentattcns  will  be  made,  with  a  juft  reliance  on  a  redrefs, 

*  proportioned  to  the  exigency  of  the  cafe.' 

4  The  Britiih  government  having  undertaken,  by  brder  to 

*  the  commanders  of  their  armed  vefiels,  to  reftrain  gene- 
«  rally  our  commerce  in  corn  and  other  proviiions,  to  their 

<  own  ports  and  thofe  of  their  friends,  the  in  (true!:  ions,  now 

*  communicated,  were  immediately  forwarded  to  our  minifter 

*  at  that  court.     In  the  mean  time,  fome  difcuffions  on  the 

<  fubject  took  place  between  him  and  them.     Thefe  are  alfo 

*  laid  before  you.  and  I  may  expect  to' learn  the  refult  of  hi* 

<  fpecial  inftruclions,  in  time  to  make  it  known  to  the  legif- 

*  lature,  during  their  prefent  feilion.' 

«  Very  early  after  the  arrival  of  a  Britim  minifter  here,  mu- 

*  tual  explanations  on  the  inexecution  of  the  treaty  of  peace 

*  were  entered  into  with  that  minifter.     Thefe  are  now  laid 
(  before  you,  for  your  information/ 

From  the  documents  accompanying  this  mefiage  of  Decem- 
ber 5th,  1793,  thefe  fubjects  emerge,  as  depending  for  adjuft- 
ment  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain : — 

1.  The  inexecution  of  the  7th  article  of  the  treaty  of  peace, 
in  carrying  away  negroes  and  other  property  of  American  in- 
habitants,  and  the  not  withdrawing  the  garrifons  from  the 
•pcfts  within  the  United  States. 

2.  Regulations  on  the  part  of   the  Britifli   government, 
with  refpect  to  the  commerce  of  the  two  countries  •,  which,  if 
reciprocally  adopted,  would  materially  injure  the  interefts  of 
the  two  nations ;  and  an  overture  from  Mr.  JerTerfon,  as  far  back 
as  November,  1791,  to  conclude  or  negociate  arrangements, 
which  might  fix  the  commerce  between  the  two  countries  on 

o 

principles  of  reciprocal  advantage. 

3.  The  afcertainment  of  the  river  intended  by  the  treaty  as 
the  river  St.  Croix. 

4.  The  additional  inftruclions  of  the  8th  of  June,  1793, 
which  rendered  provifions  to  a  certain  degree  contraband ; 


c  248  i 

and  the  letter  to  Mr.  Pinckney  from  this  department  in  con- 
fcquence  thereof.  • 

5.  Other  meafures  of  the  Britifii  government,  in  violation 
of  neutral  rights. 

6.  The  expofure  of  American  feamen  to  impreffment  ; 
and, 

7.  The  Britifh  complaints  of  infraction  of  the  fourth,  fifth, 
and  fixth  articles  of  the  treaty,  relative  to  the  omiflions  of  con- 
grefs  to  inforce  them;  the  repealing  of  laws  which  exifted  an- 
tecedent to  the  pacification  ;  the  enacting  of  laws  fubfequent 
to  the  peace,  in  contravention  of  the  treaty,  and  the  deciiions 
of  the  ftate  courts  upon  quellions  affecting  the  rights  of  Britiih 
fubjecls. 

The  defpatches  tranfmitted  to  congrefs  from  Mr.  Pinckney, 
on  the  22d  of  January,  1794,  manifc.(l  a  continuation  of  th« 
fame  unfriendly  fpirit  in  the  Britifh  Government. 

With  the  meflage  of  February  24,  17945  was  fent  to  con- 
grefs a  letter  from  Mr.  Pinckney,  forwarding  his  converfation 
with  lord  Grenville  concerning  )3ritifh  agency,  in  fomenting 
the  Indian  war,  and  Algerine  hoilility. 

On  the  4th  of  April,  1794,  was  conveyed  to  congrefs, 
Mr.  Pinckney's  letter,  enclofing  the  inftrudions  of  the  6th  of 
November,  1793. 

In  addition  to  this  involved  and  injurious  ftate  of  things  be- 
tween us  and  Great  Britain,  it  had  been  collected  and  report- 
ed to  congrefs,    from  the  papers  refpecting  fpoliation ;  that 
the  Britifh  privateers  plundered  the  American  veflels  ;  threw 
them  out  of  their  courfe,  by  forcing  them,  upon  groundlefs 
fufpicion,  into  ports,  other  than  thofe  to  which  they  were 
dcitined  j  detained  them  even  after  the  hope  of  a   regular 
confifcation    was  abandoned ;    by   their  negligence,,  while 
they  held  the  pofleffion,  expofed  the  cargoes  to  damage,  and 
the  veflels  to  deilruction,  and  maltreated  the  crews :'  That 
our  occafional  trade  to  the  Britifii  Weft  Indies  was  burthened 
imneceHarily  ;  that  our  veflels  were  captured  in  going  to  the 
French  Weit  Indies  •,  and  that  the  proceedings  in  the  Britifli 
vice-admiralcies    were   rigorous  ;  tranfgrefled    ftricl:   judicial 
purity,    and  heaped  the  molt   intolerable   and  fruitlefs  ex- 
pences  upon  our  citizens,  who  defended  their  property  before 
them. 

It  makes  no  part  of  my  object  to  compare  the  various 
fchemes  which  were  circulating  to  face  thofe  public  diftrefies  ; 
nor  to  prove  the  fuperiority  of  the  policy  adopted  by  the  execu- 
tive, to  commercial  reprifals,  fequeftration,  and  the  ftoppage  of 
intercourfe.  It  is  enough  to  fay,  that  his  policy  is  affirmed  to 


C    249    j 

be,  to  purfuc  peace  <  with  unremitted  zeal,  before  the  laft 

<  resource,  which  had  ib  often  been  the  fcouvge  of  nations,  and 
'  could  not  fail  to  check  the  advanced  profperity  of  the  Uni- 
«  ted  States,  fhould  be  contemplated.' 

By  what  means  did  the  prefident  expect  to  execute  the 
work  of  peace  through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Jay  ?  By  <  an-, 

*  nouncing  to  the  world  our  folicitude  for  a  frie/u!-:;  adjuft- 
f  went   cf  our  complaints,  and   a_  reluctance  to  hoitiliiy  :     i3y 

*  fending  a  man  who,  going  directly  from  the  United  States, 
'  would  carry  with  him  a  full  knowledge  of  tl.e  cxiftin^  tem- 

*  per  and  fenfibility  of  our  country  ;  and  would  thus  be  taught 
«  to  vindicate  our  rights  with  nrmnefs,  and  to  cuh'. 

<  with  fmcerity/     The  fenate,  therefore,  did  probably  antici- 
pate what  might  be  the  objecls  of  this  million,    when  they 
confirmed  the  nomination.     For  the  prefident  details  no  pow-? 
ers,  and  founds  his  nomination  upon  the  information  poileif- 
ed  by  themfelves. 

It  has  been  or  may  be  objected,  i.  That  the  fenate  did  not 
contemplate  the  making  of  any  treaty  whatsoever.  2.  That  a 
treaty  of  commerce,  especially,  was  very  diftant  from  their 
mind.  3.  That  the  declarations  to  the  rainiiter  of  the  French 
Republic  here,  and  the  inftmctions  to  our  own  minifter  at 
Paris  induced  a  perfuafion,  that  the  Prefident  had  not  veiled 
in  Mr.  Jay,  powers  as  extenfive  as  a  treaty  of  commerce  ;  and, 
4.  That  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  is  juftly  oirenfive  to 
France. 

i.  Recapitulate  the  feveral  heads  of  intelligence  in  the 
power  of  the  fenate,  when  the  nomination  was  affented  to. 
Scarcely  one  of  them  could,  in  the  ordinary  courfe  of  pro- 
ceeding, be  accommodated  without  an  agreement :  Some  ex- 
prefsly  ftruck  at  the  inexecution  of  the  pad  treaty.     Upon, 
others,  no  treaty  had  ever  exifted,  though  overtures  fe 
purpofe  had  been   repeated  by  the   United  States.     T; 
treaty  would  fpring  from  fuch  miffion,  and  the  extinction  of 
our  differences,  is  too  clear  to  be  in  need  of  further  eluci- 
dation. 

And  why  mould  not  a  treaty  be  concluded  with  Great  Bri- 
tain ?  Was  it  becaufe  (he  had  defpciled  us  ?  The  objection 
would  lie  with  equal  ftrength  againft  even  a  treaty  of  peace. 
It  would  forbid  a  treaty  of  peace  even  with  Algiers.  The 
fac"r,  is,  that  treaties  are  propoied  by  one  nation,  and  accepted 
by  another,  only  becaufe  they  can  be  mutually  hurtful  by  pofi- 
tive  enmity,  or  by  the  withholding  of  fome  benefit.  We  are 
in  no  danger  of  being  corrupted  by  importing  foreign  vices  ^ 

Iv  k 


C      2*«      3 

i'f  treaties  merely,  and  not  our  own  propenfities,  fhould  fa- 
vor them. 

2.  A  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain  has  for  many 
years  been  anxioufly  puflied  by  the  United  States  :  Witnefs 
the  powers  given  by  the  old  congrefs  to  Mr.  Adams,  to  nego- 
ciate  it  :  Witnefs  the  clamors  againft  her  for  declining  it: 
Witnefs  the  argument  drawn  from  thence,  for  a  more  ener- 
getic government,  which  fhould  infpire  a  dread  of  reprifal : 
Witnefs  the  bill  which  pafled  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  at 
an  early  feflion,  difcriminating  between  nations  having  no 
commercial  treaty  with  us,  and  thofe  which  had.  What, 
too,  was  the  report  of  the  late  fecretary  of  ftate,  but  a  plan 
for  forcing  the  Britifh  government  into  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce ?  Has  he  not  clearly  unfolded  this  fentiment  ?  What 
were  the  commercial  proportions,  but  emanations  from  the 
fame  fyflem  ?  The  want  of  a  commercial  treaty  was  the  fin- 
gle  circumftance,  which  propped  up  the  feverity  of  the  pro- 
pofed  diftinclion  of  duties,  and  carried  through  one  of  the  re- 
folutions. 

Exclufively  of  thefe  various  a£ls,  the  facilities  to  our  com- 
merce, both  European  and  Weft  Indian,  which  would  flow 
from  fuch  a  treaty,  rendered  it  very  defirable. 

Perhaps,  for  a  treaty  of  commerce  alone,  an  envoy  would 
not  have  been  thought  of.  But  furely,  to  include  in  one  ge-» 
neral  arrangement  controverfies,  as  well  as  ufeful  compacts, 
was  the  faving  of  one  negociation  at  leaft.  Some  of  our  vex- 
ations on  the  water  were  owing  to  the  non-exiftence  of  the 
cuflomary  appendages  to  a  commercial  treaty.  Paft  fpolia- 
tions  might  have  been  compenfated  without  a  treaty;  but  a  trea- 
ty was  the  beft  aflurance  of  the  future.  In  a  word,  the  fenate 
rauft  have  been  fenfible  of  many  particulars  being  compre- 
hended by  the  general  outlines  of  the  nomination. 

When  the  prefident  nominates  minifters,  he  may,  if  he 
pleafes,  reftrift  himfelf  to  the  name,  the  grade,  and  the  prince 
or  (late.  He  might,  for  example,  have  nominated  Mr.  Jay 
thus :  (  I  nominate  John  Jay,  as  envoy  extraordinary  to  his 
*  Britannic  majefty.'  The  fenate,  in  their  turn,  might  have 
rejected  him.  But  if  they  had  approved  him,  the  prefident 
would  have  been  at  liberty  to  employ  him  in  any  negociation 
with  that  king.  Their  power  being  ample  on  the  completion 
of  die  treaty,  they  are  not  a  neceiTary  conftitutional  party  in 
the  concoction  of  it;  unlefs  the  prefident  fhould  find  it  expe- 
nieiit  to  requeft  their  intermediate  advice.  It  would  be  fuper- 
tlucus  to  difcufs  how  far  he  might  have  limited  himfelf  by 


C      2J«      1 

the  terms  of  the  nomination  ;  as  I  again  contend,  and  hope  1 
have  (hewn,  that  he  did  not  limit  himfelf. 

3.  We  cannot  forefee  the  reprefentations,  which  Mr.  Fau- 
chet  is  underftood  to  be  meditating,  to  the  French  Republic. 
But  as  the  duties  of  nation  towards  nation  did  not  compel  us 
to  divulge  to  the  French  minifler  more  in  regard  to  the  treaty 
with  Great  Britain,  than  that  our  treaties  with  France  were 
forbidden,  by  the  inftru&ions  to  the  envoy,  to  be  infringed, — 
fo  did  die  prefident  approve,  that  the  reftriction  mould  be 
communicated  to  him.  This  was  conformable  with  the  truth, 
and  wears  no  deceptive  countenance. 

Your  own  inftru&ions  fpeak  thus  :  * To  remove  all  jealoufy 

*  with  refpecl:  to  Mr.  Jay's  minion  to  London,  you  may  fay ; 

*  that  he  is  pofitively  forbidden  to  weaken  the  engagements 
<  between  this  country  and  France.     It  is  not  improbable, 
c  that  you  will  be  obliged  to  encounter,  on  this  head,  fufpi- 
«  cions  of  various  kinds.     But  you  may  declare  the  motive t  of 

that  miflion  to  be,  to  obtain  immediate  compenfation  for 
our  plundered  property,  and  reftitution  of  the  ports.  You 
may  intimate,  by  way  of  argument,  but  without  afcribing  it 
to  the  government;  that  if  war  mould  be  neceflary,  the  affec- 
tions of  the  people  of  the  United  States  towards  it  would 
be  better  fecured,  by  a  manifeflation,  that  every  ftep  had 
been  taken  to  avoid  it ;  and  that  the  Britifh  nation  would 
be  divided,  when  they  found  that  we  had  been  forced  into 
it.  This  may  be  briefly  touched  upon,  as  the  path  of  pru- 
dence with  refpecl:  to  ourfelves ,  and  alfo  with  refpecl;  to 
France,  fmce  we  are  unable  to  give  her  aids  of  men  or  mo-. 
«  ney.  To  this  matter  you  cannot  be  too  attentive  ;  and  you 

*  will  be  amply  ju  (lifted,  in  repelling  with  firmnefs  any  im- 
c  putation  of  th?  mod  diftant  intention  to  facrifice  our  con-. 
'  ne&ion   with  France  to  any  connection   with  England/ 
When  we  exprefied  a  wifh  «  to  remove  all  jealoufy  with  re- 

*  fpe&  to  Mr.  Jay's  miflion/  it  could  not  have  been  intended 
to  abandon  felf  dignity,  by  fubmitting  to  the  pleafure  or  ani- 
madverfions  of  France,  any  part  of  his  inftrucHons  with  which 
France  had  no  concern.    A  contrary  conduct  would  have  been 
irreconcilable,  alfo,   with  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  and  would  have  put  them  into  leading  firings.     It 
would  have  been  little  fhort  of  trepidation  under  a  mailer,      i . 
A  treaty  of  commerce  was  altogether  eventual :  It  was  to  be 
-kept  out  of  fight,  until  the  polls  and  depredations  mould  be 
fo   adjufled  as  to  promife  a  continuance  of  tranquillity,     z. 
It  was  eventual  in  another  fenfe  :  Being  to  be  concluded  or 
not,  according  to  the  degrees  of  advantage.     3.  It  was  deem- 


t  252  } 

ed  important,  that  Mr.  Jay  (liould  communicate  or  not  com- 
municate his  commercial  powers  to  the  Britifh  miniftry.  4. 
ry  coimnierci.il  privilege,  which  Great  Britain  fhould  ac- 
quire, would  devolve  on  France  on  like  conditions.  What 
\vouk!  France  fay,  if  we  were  to  infill,  that  every  embryo  of 
her  commercial  treatif  v  poffibility  of  new  commerci- 

al arrangements,  ihould  be  laid  before  our  government  ? 
Certainly  this  ;  that  no  iellowfhip  between  the  two  countries 
authorises  an  expectation,  that  one  will  throw  itfelf  upon  the 
diicretion  of  the  other  to  mar  or  not  its  negociations  ;  and 
that  national  honor  is  an  ample  guardian  of  our  treaties. 

Among  the  numberlefs  difguits,  which  nations  have  enter- 
tained againft  each  other,  I  do  not  remember  that  a  treaty  of 
commerce,  which  did  not  undermine  the  rights  of  fome  par- 
ty, was  ever  magnified  into  complaint  by  foreigners.  Let  me 
cite  only  two  :  When  Portugal,  early  in  this  century,  fur- 
fendered  many  of  her  commercial  advantages  to  Great  Britain; 
and  France,  not  ten  years  ago,  contracted  a  difadvantageous 
treaty  with  the  fame  power; — who  remonflrated  but  their  own 
fubjech  and  people  ?  If  we  are  told  that  we  ought  not  to 
draw  our  connection  clofer  with  Great  Britain,  and  that 
France  will  be  jealous  ;  the  anfwer  is,  that  if  we  can  multi- 
ply the  markets  for  our  great  ftaples  ;  if  we  can  purchafe  our 
foreign  goods  cheaper,  by  having  many  manufacturing  nations 
to  refort  to ;  or  if  even  in  the  maintenance  of  neutral  pri- 
vileges, we  can.  by  a  flipulation,  not  derogatory  from  the 
rights  of  others,  avert  vexations; — this  is  a  connection  unafTail- 
ablt  by  any  reafonable  oppofition.  The  romantic  extent  to 
which  contrary  ideas  may  be  carried,  would  abolifh  our  trade 
with  every  nation,  inr  whofe  inftitutions  appeared  falfe  govern- 
ment, falle  religion,  falfe  niorals,  falfe  policy,  or  any  other 
political  defect. 

Your  infhuttions  juftify  you  in   affirming,    that    Mr.  Jay 

*  is  pofitively  forbidden  to  weaken  the  engagements  between 
c  this  country  and  France.'  After  veiling  a  general  latitude  of 
powers  in  him,  this  cafe   is  declared  to  be  an  exception  and    ; 
immutable  :  «  That  as  the  Britim  miniftry  will   doubtlefs  be 

c  folicitous  to  detach  us  from  France,  and  may  probably  make 

*  fome  overture  of  this  kind,  you  will  inform  them,  that  the 

*  government  of  the  United  States  will  not  derogate  from  our 
«'  treaties  and  engagements  with  France.' 

You  intimate,  however,  .that  your  inftructions  amount  to- 
an  exclufion  from  Mr.  Jay's  million  of  every  object,  except 
cbmpenfotion  for  plundered  property,  and  reftitution  of  the 
pofts.  For  a  moment  let  mo  iiurcat  you  to  call  to  mind  the 


C    253    ] 

.different  topics  for  negotiation,  which  were  actually  before 
the  fenate  at  the  time  of  Mr.  Jay's  nomination,  and  which 
were  not  included  in  either  of  thofe  points.  Were  not  Mr. 
Jeffe.foiAanimadV'erfions  upon  the  reiufal  of  Great  Britain  to 
enter  into  a  commercial  treaty,  and  his  plan  for  commercial 
reprifals,  before  you  ?  Would  it  not  have  been  extraordinary 
to  pafs  by  ib  fair  an  opportunity  of  bringing  forward  all  our 
difccntents?  Was  it  not  urged  as  an  objection  to  the  meafure, 
that  the  terms  of  the  nomim.tion  were  fufTiciently  broad  for 
any  purpofe  of  negociation  ?  But  appeal  to  the  words:  *  You 
<  may  declare  the  motives  of  that  ncg'cciation  to  be'  fb  and  fo. 
Thefe  <uxre  the  motives  ;  for  if  they  had  been  away,  it  is  pro- 
bable, that  our  Kiinifter  in  London  would  have  been  directed 
to  purfue  his  efforts  in  the  ordinary  tract  as  to  every  thing  elfe. 
This  was  the  true  idea,  when  your  inltructions  were  prepared. 
'  We  were  defirous  of  repelling  any  imputation  of  the  moft 
c  diftant  intention  to  facrifice  our  connection  with  France  to 
€  any  connection  with  England.'  It  was  enough  toalTign  the 
kadi ng  motives  of  Mr.  Jay's  errand  ;  which  were  of  a  nature 
warranting  the  aiTcrtion,  that  we  would  not  facrifice  the  one 
connection  for  the  other.  Mr.  Jay  was  5nltru6ted  to  this  ef- 
fect :  f  One  of  the  caufes  of  your  million  are  thg  vexations 

*  aiid  fpcliations  committed  en  cur  commerce  by  the  audio- 
'  rity  of  Jnllruclions  from  the  Britifh  government.'     *  A  ic- 

*  cond  caufe  of  your  rniaicn,  but   not  inferior  in  dignity  to 
'  the  preceding,  though  fubfequcnt  in  order,  is  to   draw  to 
'  a  conclufion  all  points  of  diircrcnce    between  the  United 

States  and  Great  Britain,  concerning  the  treaty  of  peace.' — 
It  is  referred  to  your  discretion ;  whether,  in  cafe  the  two 
preceding  points  mould  be  fo  accommodated,  as  to  promife 
the  continuance  of  tranquillitv  between  die  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  the  fubject  of  a  commercial  treaty  may 
net  be  liftened  to  by  you,  or  even  broken  to  the  Britifh  rm- 
niftry.  If  it  mould,  let  thefe  be  the  general  objects/ — 
Your  inilrudtions,  therefore,  were  comrnemurate  with 
fa£t  and  propriety. 

I  ft.     They  were  literally  true  ;  becr.ufo  the  motives  were  the 

vexations  of  our  commerce  and  the  polls. 
2d.     The  declaration  of  two  cardinal   propofitions  does    not 

exclude  another,  which  is  fubordinate  and  eventual, 
gd.     The  confidential  proceedings  of  the  United  States,  nre 

not  demandable  by  another  nation,  except  wiie' 

tkm  is  injured  by  them. 


t    254    3 

4th.  Otherwife,  every  modification  of  a  direct  and  peremp- 
tory challenge  of  our  rights  ;  every  compenfation,  but  the 
downright  payment  of  money  ;  every  mode  of  reflitution 
which  was  not  inftantaneous  and  unqualified,  ought  to  have 
been  avoided  by  Mr.  Jay  ;  becaufe  they  were  not  ftated  in 
yourinftructions  as  motives  to  his  million.  But, 

5th.  To  fcout  the  fufpicion  of  a  deception  on  the  French 
Republic  ;  what  manoeuvre  could  have  been  more  ptltry, 
than  one  which  a  few  months  muft  certainly  exhibit  in  open 
day  ?  What  emotions  could  the  French  Republic  have 
fliewn,  if  Mr.  Jay's  inftructions  had  been  infpected  by 
them  ?  Would  they  have  hazarded  a  hint,  that  we  muft 
have  no  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain?  We  fhould 
have  quoted  their  own  example,  in  having  repelled  by  arms 
the  meddling  of  other  nations  in  their  internal  affairs  :  We 
fhould  have  quoted  our  own  independence,  which  will  not 
tolerate  the  controul  of  any  human  authority.  Would 
they  have  pronounced  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great 
Britain  to  be  neceflarily  a  contravention  of  our  treaties  with 
France  ?  We  fhould  have  fearched  in  vain  for  fuch  a  pro- 
vifion  in  thofe  treaties.  Would  they  have  argued,  that  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain  contributed  to 
uphold  her  warlike  operations?  Not  a  fyllable  in  the  inftruc- 
tion  can  be  fo  tortured.  Mercantile  advantages  to  our- 
felves,  and  a  fecurity  for  neutral  rights  were  our  aim  in  a 
commercial  treaty.  It  remains  to  be  difclofed,  whether 
the  contents  of  that  treaty  are  inconfiftent  with  our  rela- 
tion to  the  belligerent  parties.  Would  the  French  Repub- 
lic have  requefted  us  to  interdict  our  trade  with  Great  Bri- 
tain ?  They  could  not  have  been  gratified.  Rather  ought 
they,  as  friends,  ferioufly  to  have  reflected  on  the  prejudi- 
cial footing  of  our  trade  with  Great  Britian.  The  Britifh 
ftatefmen  have  for  many  years  been  ecnfcious,  that  Great 
Britain  enjoys  an  immenfe  harvefl  from  its  loofe  fituation. 
Our  own  ftatefmen  have  inceflantly  lamented  it,  and 
fought  a  remedy.  France  was  no  ftranger  to  our  early 
opinion,  that  the  remedy  was  to  be  found  in  a  commercial 
treaty.  She  was  no  ftranger  to  the  facts  already  enume- 
rated, as  to  Mr.  Adams's  powers;  to  Mr.  Jefferfon's  report; 
to  the  commercial  propositions  in  congrefs  ;  to  the  preflure 
on  Mr.  Hammond  -,  and  to  the  refentful  fpeeches  and  mo- 
tions of  every  feflion,  predicated  on  the  reluctance  of  Great 
Britain  to  treat  with  us  on  commerce.  And  yet,  that 
France  has  ever  lifped  a  diflatisfadtion  on  the  fcore  of  inju- 
ry, is  hidden  from  me.  On  the  contrary,  fome  who  were 


C     '5J     ] 

privy  to  the  French  councils  have  endeavoured  to  rivet  an 
odium  on  Great  Britain,  becaufe  {he  would  not  negociate, 

4.  You  are  by  this  time  probably  acquainted  with  the  trea- 
ty with  Great  Britain,  through  the  communications  of  Co- 
lonel Trumbull,  and  mult  have  determined  in  your  own 
mind  its  probable  effect  upon  the  French  Republic.  Until  it 
fhall  be  ratified,  it  will  be  a  wafte  of  time,  which  I  can  little 
fpare,  to  comment  upon  it.  If  it  is  ratified  or  rejected,  you 
fhall  receive  an  immediate  and  copious  communication,  and 
more  particularly  in  relation  to  the  4th  inquiry;  whether  the 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  affords  juft  caufe  of  offence  to 
France.  I  am  the  rather  inclined  to  wave  this  inquiry  for  the 
prefent,  in  confequence  of  information,  that  the  French  mi- 
nifter  is  concerting  an  attack  on  the  ratification  of  the  trea- 
ty ;  and  that  fentiments,  no  lefs  eccentric,  than  fatal  to  our 
independence,  are  to  be  fcattered  at  random,  from  a  confi- 
dence in  the  popularity  of  the  French  caufe. 

Be  the  iffue  of  this  bufineis  what  it  may,  our  government 
will  neither  renounce  its  profeflions  and  friendly  conduct  to 
the  French  Republic,  nor  afcribe  to  them  any  intemperate- 
nefs,  which  their  agent  may  difplay.  But  you  ought  to  put 
them  on  their  guard.  The  viciffitudes  in  their  parties  have 
already  (if  newfpapers  may  be  credited)  revived  the  old  machi- 
nations and  malicious  ftories  of  Genet.  The  fuel  which  his 
fucceffor  may  add,  from  confiderations  and  fources  which  I 
may,  perhaps,  hereafter  explain,  will  receive  a  direction  beft 
calculated  to  excite  a  flame.  A  late  letter  from  him  bears 
every  fymptom  of  an  inflamed  temper.  My  anfwer  to  it,  which 
will  accompany  this  letter,  is  our  refutation.  We  acknowledge 
nothing  to  be  undone  on  our  part,  which  friendihip  would 
dictate ;  our  faculties  could  accomplim,  and  our  neutrality 
would  permit.  If  injuries  are  complained  of,  let  us  reafon 
together  like  cordial  allies;  and  compenfate  where  either  may 
have  been  in  fault.  But  let  it  be  the  lad  blot  in  the  annals  of 
the  world,  that  the  United  States  and  France  ceafe  to  be,  what 
they  ought  to  be,  friends,  who  will  endure  no  feparation. 

I  now  quit  this  lengthy  fubject ;  and  (hall  in  other  del- 
patches  more  precifely  reply  to  the  different  letters  which  I 
have  lately  received  from  you. 

I  am,  $*fc. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State, 


From  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

Philadelphia,  July  id,   1795. 
SIR, 

I  UNDERSTAND  by  a  letter  from  colonel  Barr,  that 
Mr.  John  B.  Prevoft  takes  an  immediate  paflage  for  France, 
to  enter  into  your  family  :  His  expectation  being  founded 
on  the  new  office  of  conful-general,  which,  at  your  inftance, 
has  been  created,  and  given  to  Mr.  Skipwith,  I  inclofe  his  com- 
miffion. 

Before  this  time  you  muft  have  feen  Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr. 
Trumbull ;  and  from  them  will  have  collected  the  particulars 
of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  My  long  letter  of  the  ift 
of  June,  will  alfo  have  reached  you  within  a  few  days  from 
the  prefent.  Overwhelmed  as  I  am  with  moft  urgent  bufi- 
nefs,  I  can  only  communicate  to  you  a  copy  of  the  treaty, 
and  the  vote  of  the  fenate  j  and  ftate  to  you,  that  the  Prefi- 
dent  has  not  yet  decided  upon  the  final  meafure  to  be  adopted 
byhimfelf;  that  a  copy  has  been  delivered  to  Mr.  Adet; 
that  he  laft  evening  tranfmitted  to  me  fome  remarks  upon  it ; 
that  this  morning  they  will  be  laid  before  the  Prefident ; 
and  that  I  (hall  probably  make  explanations  to  Mr.  Adet, 
which,  as  far  as  I  fee  into  the  fubjeft,  ought  to  quiet  his  ap- 
preheniions.  I  need  not  repeat  to  you  how  much  we  have  at 
heart  a  pure  friendship  with  France,  uninterrupted  and  per- 
petual. 

I  am,    tsfc. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH, 

Secretary  of  State. 


Frzm  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

July  I #h,  1795. 
SIR, 

MY  indifpoHtion  difables  me  from  writing  a  long  let- 
ter at  this  moment.  But  the  opportune  conveyance  by  Mr. 
Gibfon,  fupercargo  of  the  (hip  Molly  (whom  I  recommend  to 
your  notice  and  patronage, on  public  and  private  confiderations) 
will  not  fuffer  me  to  omit  the  forwarding  of  the  papers  at 
foot.  Among  them  is  the  treaty,  fc?V,  as  publiflied,  and  a 


C    ^57    3 

eorrefpondence   between    Mr.    Adet    and    myfelf    upon   it. 
Since  mv  letter  to  him,  I  have  heard  nothing  from  him. 

The  treaty  is  not  yet  ratifvjd  by  the  prefident  ;  nor  will  it 
be  ratified,  I  believe,  until  it  returns  from  England,:  —  if  then. 
But  I  do  not  mean  this  for  a  public  communication,  or  for  any 
public  body  or  men-.  I  am  eng  iged  in  a  work,  which,  when 
finilhed  and  approved  by  the  piciidqnt,  will  enable  me  to 
fneak  precifeiy  to  you.  The  late  Britifh  order  for  fcizing 
provisions  is  a  weighty  obftacle  to  a  ratification.  I  do  not  . 
iuppofe,  that  fuch  an  attempt  to  itarve  France  will  be  coun- 
tenanced. 

By  Mr.  Prevoft,  \vho  leaves  the  United  States  for  France 
the  day  after  to-morrow,  I  ihall  write  to  you  again  ;  and,  if 
poffible,  more  at  large. 


I  am, 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 

P.  S.  Be  fo  good  as  to  protect  the  veiTel,  the  defcription  df 
Which  is  inclofed. 

Duplicate,  E.  Randolph  to  James  Monroe,  i  ft  June,  1795* 
Ditto  ditto  yth  June,  1/95,  as  i» 

money  for  Madame  la  Fayette. 
Ditto  ditto  8th  June. 

Ditto  ditto  2nd  July. 

Copy  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  arid  Great 
Britain,  and  the  newfpapers  including  this  day's. 

Firft  copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Adet,  of  3oth  of  June  ;  and 
Mr.  Randolph's  anfwer  of  6th  July,  relative  to  the  trea- 
ty between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 


Frcm  the  Secretary  cf  State  of  the  United  States,  to  fi£r.  Monroe. 

Philadelphia,  July  2  1/?,  1795. 


BY  a  paft  opportunity,  I  did  myfelf  the  honor  of  fend- 
ing to  you  a  printed  copy  of  the  propofcd  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  :  With  it  was  bound  up  a 
copy  of  the  act  of  our  fenate.  The  want  ef  precedent  for  fucfa 


[    258    ] 

a  mode  of  ratification  ;  the  doubts,  whether  they  meant  to  fit 
in  judgment  again  upon  the  article  to  be  added;  whether  th<3 
prefident  can  ratify  without  re-fubmitting  the  new  article  to 
them  5  whether  he  can  ratify  before  he  himfelf  infpects  the 
new  article,  after  it  fhall  have  been  aflented  to  by  the  Britifh 
king;  and  what  effect  the  fufpenfion  of  the  i2th  article  will 
have  upon  all  thofe  fubfequent  to  the  icth, — create  difficul- 
ties and  delays,  even  independent  of  the  real  merits  of  the 
treaty.  The  ne/wfpapers  which  have  been  forwarded  to  you, 
will  Ihew  the  unpopularity  of  the  treaty  at  Bofton. 

The  day  before  yciterday,  New  York  exhibited  a  fimilar 
fcene  :  It  will  probably  be  re-acted  in  Philadelphia  to-mor- 
row ;  and  will  travel,  perhaps,  further.  The  complaints  are 
numerous,  from  the  friends  of  the  treaty,  that  the  condemna- 
tions of  it  have  proceeded  from  unfair  practices.  Upon  this 
I  can,  as  yet,  fay  nothing ;  but  will  wait  until  fome  counter- 
aiTemblies,  which  are  faid  to  be  contemplated,  fhall  have  pub- 
lifhed  their  appeal  to  the  world.  When  I  inform  you  that 
the  prefident  has  not  yet  ratified  the  treaty,  his  character  will 
convince  you,  that  nothing  will  deter  him  from  doing  what  he 
thinks  right;  and  that  the  final  queftion  lies  open  from  caufes 
unconnected  with  any  confiderations  but  the  intereft  and  du- 
ties of  the  United  States.  He  is  at  prefent  in  Virginia  ;  and 
will,  doubtlefs',  very  foon  take  his  conelufive  ftep.  If  I  were 
permitted  to  conjecture  what  that  would  be,  I  fhauld  fufpect, 
that,  at  any  ratej  he  would  not  fign  it  until  it  fhould  return 
from  England,  with  the  addition  of  the  fufpending  article; 
and  probably  not  even  then,  if  a  late  Britifh  order  for  the  cap- 
ture of  provifions  going  to  France,  fhould  have  been  iffued,  at 
•we  fuppofe,  and  increafe  the  objections  which  have  been  la- 
vrfhed  upon  it. 

The  prefent  may  be  well  confidered  as  a  crifis,  taken  either 
upon  the  fuppofition  of  a  ratification  or  rejection.  In  the 
latter  cafe,  the  refult  with  Great  Britain  is  not  fo  eafily  fore- 
feen:  In  the  former,  the  refult  in  our  own  country  is  invol- 
ved with  many  delicate  and  hazardous  topics.  It  is  my  con- 
folation,  however,  that  he  who  guides  the  helm,  will,  by 
his  fortitude  and  wifdom,  fteer  us  into  fafe  port. 

I  am,  &c. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH, 
Secretory  o 


Minifter  Pknipst&itwry  of  the  French  Republic,  to  the  Se- 
cretary of  State  of  tie  United  States. 

Philadelphia^   1'Zff)  Mc$dory  ^d  year  of  the  Republic. 

(Jime^th,   1795.^ 


I  HAVE  received  tire  treaty  of  amity,  commerce  and 
navigation,  negociated  between  the  United  States  and  Great- 
Britain,  which  the  Prefident  has  been  pleafed  that  I  ihcuki  bfe 
jKjfiefled  of  in  order  to  enable  me  to  make  luch  obftrvations 
thereon  as  I  might  judge  proper.  This  frank  meal  arc  is  tb 
me  a  fure  guaranty  of  the  fr-ie-ndmip  of  the  American  govenv 
-ment  towards  France,  and  of  ihe  fidelity  with  which  it  always 
marks  its  conduct  towards  a  faithful  ally.  It  is  therefore 
with  confidence  that  I  am  about  to  iubmit  the  reflections  tb 
which  the  reading  of  the  treaty  has  given  birth.  They  will 
not  be  founded,  Sir,  upon  general  cueilions;  they  mail  be 
confined  merely  to  the  itipulations  of  the  treaty  concluded 
with  England  j  which,  contrary  to  the  interests  of  France, 
appear  to  me  to  deitroy  the  effect  of  her  treaty  with  the  Li- 
nked States. 

I  (hall  npt  fpeak  of  the  I2th  article,  fmce  that  is  Append- 
ed. I  (hall  not  rcprefent  to  you  how  injurious  it  may  be  to 
-France  and  the  United  States.  It  necefTarily  paralizes  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  with  the  French  colonies.  Iri 
fa&j  would  an  American  merchant  be  willing  to  treat  with 
our  colonies  for  the  exportation  of  produce,  which  he  eanndt 
vend  in  Europe  ?  Is  not  this  an  indirect  metrns  of  preventing 
>the  colonies  from  participating  in  advantages  which  the  Englifli 
referve  to  themfelves  ?  But,  Sir,  this  is  not  the  only  articfe 
oipon  which  I  can  prefeni  obfervations  to  you. 

The  1  7th,  i8th,  24th  and  25th  articles,  appear  to  merit 
great  n-ttention,  when  we  compare  them  with  the  23d,  24^1 
-and  1  7th  of  our  treaty.  Indeed,  Sir,  fubfequent  to  the  iyth, 
-which  ftates  that  the  contracting  parties  agree,  that  the  .re- 
fpedKve  veflels  may  be  arrefted  and  detained  upon  juft  fufpi- 
cion  that  they  are  laden  with  merchandize  belonging  to  an 
enemy,  or  that  they  are  carrying  to  the  enemy  articles  which 
are  contraband  of  w?.r,  &c.  is  the  1  8th  article  defcribing  thofe 
articles,  and  which  ftates:  <  It  is  agreed  that  under  the  faid  de- 
'  nomination  (hall  be  comprifed  all  arms  and  implements  fervirrg 
*for  tfce  purpofts  of  war,  by  tea-d  or  feaj  fuch  as  cannon,  rau^ 


[      260      ] 

«  kets,  mortars,  petards,  bombs,  grenadoes,  carcafies,  fau* 
«  cifics,  carriages  for  cannon,  mufkct  refts,  bandoliers,  gun- 
«  powder,  match,  faltpetre,  balls,  pikes,  fwords,  heads  pieces, 

<  cuiraiics,  halberis,  lances,  javelins,  horfe  furniture,  holders, 

*  beltsu  and  generally   all  other  implements  of  war  •,  as  alft* 

*  timber  fir  fiipbuilding,  tar  or  rofin,  copper  in  fleets,  fails,  hemp 
f  and  con' age,  ttnd  whatever  may  ferve  directly  to  the  :  equipment 

*  °f  vffii* '*    unwrought  iron  and  fir  planks   only   excepted  ; 

*  and  all  the  above  articles  are  hereby  declared  to  be  jvjl  objects    of 

*  confiscation  whenever  they  are  attempted  to  'be  carried  to  an  enemy.' 
The  23-d  articb  of  the  treaty  between  France  and  the  United 
States,  which  fecures  the  liberty  of  commerce  to  the  citizens 
of  both  countries,  contains  this  (tipulation  :     *  It  is  flipulated 
«  by  the  prefent  treaty,  that  free  ihips  mall  make,  free  goods, 
«  and  that  every  thing  ihall  be  judged  free  which  may  be  found 

<  on  board  of  the  veiTcls  belonging  to  the  fubjeds  of  the  con- 
«  trading  parties,  if  even  the  lading  or  a  part  thereof JJjould  be- 
'  long  to  the  enemies  of  one  of  them;  it  being  neverthelefh  under- 

<  flood  that  contraband   articles   (hall   always  be   excepted.' 
The  24th  article  explains  the  articles  of  contraband  and  pro- 
hibited merchandize  in  the  following   manner  :  «  Under  the 
'  name  ofc  contraband  or  prohibited  merchandizes,  are  com- 

<  prehended,    cannon,    bombs  .vvith   their  fufees,  and  other 

*  things   thereto   belonging,    bullets,    gunpowder,    matches, 

<  pikes,  fwords,  lances,  fpears,  halberts,  mortars,  petards,  gre- 

<  nadea,faltpetre,muikets,mu{ketballsjbucklers,helmets,brea{l- 

*  plates,  coats  of  mail,  and  the  like  kinds  of  arms,  proper  for 
«  arming  icldiers,  muiket  reds,  belts,  horfes  with  their  fur- 

*  niture,  and  all  other  warlike  inft rumen ts  whatever.     Thefe 

*  merchandizes  which  follow  ihall  not  be  reckoned  among 

<  contraband  or  prohibited  goods;.' that  is  to  fay,  all  forts  of 
'  cloths,  and  all  other  manufactures  woven  of  any  wool,  flax, 

*  fiik,  cotton  or  any  other  niatcrials   whatever,  all   kinds  of 

<  wearing    apparel,  together  with  the   fpecies  whereof  they 
«  are  u!ed  to  be  made  ,  gold  and  filver,.  as  well  coined  as  un- 
coined ;    tin,  iron,  latten,    copper,    brafs,  coals  :  As  alfo 
wheat  arid  barley,  and  any  other  kind  of  corn   and  pulfe  ; 
tobacco  and  Hkewife  all  manner  of  (pices •,  falted  and  fmoak- 
ed  flefh,  falted  Jim,   cheefe  and  butter;  beer,   oils,  wines, 
fug/.rs  and  all  forts    of  falts ;  and  in    general  all  provifions 
which  ferve  for  the  nourifiiment  of  mankind  and  the  fuf- 
tenance  of  life  :  Furthermore,  all  kinds  cf  cotton,  hemp,  fax, 
tar,  pitch,  ropes,  cables,  fails,  fail  cloth,  anchors,  and  any  parts 

*  of  anchors  ;  alfojhips'  majls,  planks,  boards  and  beams  of  -what 
f  trees J~oever  ^  arid,  allothtr  things  proper  either  for  bluffing  or  re^ 


C    afii    1 

pairing  fops,  and  all  other  goods  whatever,  which  have  cot 
been  worked  into  the  form  of  any  initrument  or  thin?  pre- 
pared for  war,  by  land  cr  by  fea, — fhall  not  be  reputed  con- 
traband ;  much  lefs  fuch  as  have  been  already  wrought  and 
made  up  for  any  other  ufe  \ — all  which  ihall  be  wholly  reck- 
oned emong  free  goods  :  as  likewile  all  ether  merchandizes 
and  things  which  are  not  comprehended  and  particularly 
mentioned  in  the  foregoing  enumeration  of  contraband 
goccis  ;  ib  that  they  may  be  tranipci  ted  and  carried  in  the 
ft  manner,  by  the  fubjects  of  both  confederates,  even 
to  places  belonging  to  an  enemy,  fuch  towns  or  places  be- 
ii;g  only  excepted,  as  a\e  at  that  time  bef.eged,  blocked  up 
or  inverted.' 

The  law  of  the  I3th  Nivofe,  in  die  3d  year,  fecurestothe 
treaties  a  full  execution,  and  the  arret  of  the  committee  of. 
public  fafety,  dated  die  2;th  of  the  fame  month,  tranfmittcd 
to  you  by  Colonel  Monroe,  refts  upon  the  entire  execution 
of  the  article  of  our  treaty  which  1  have  juft  cited  to  you. 
The  United  States  therefore,  in  virtue  of  thefe  acb,  may  free- 
ly tranport  to  England,  hemp,  flax,  tar,  pitch,  cordage, 
cables,  fails,  fail  clodi,  £frV.  and  every  other  thing  proper  for 
the  con  ft  ruction  or  repair  of  veffels,  without  apprehending 
any  hindrance  on  our  part ;  while  by  the  articles  of  the  trea- 
ty wiih  England,  the  United  States  cannot  carry  to  us  any 
of  the  articles  proper  for  the  conftruclion  of  veflels,  fince  the 
Engliih  have  the  power  of  feizing  them.  The  United  States 
have,  therefore,  granted  to  England  a  right  which  we  have  not, 
and  v.  hich  in  the  courfe  of  the  prefent  war,  inclines  the  bal- 
ance in  favor  of  England. 

The  23d  article  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
England,  dates  that  Engj^ih  veiTels  and  thofe  of  the  United 
Slates,  fhall  be  hofpitably  received  in  the  refpetlive  ports  of 
the  two  contracting  nations;  and  article  24th  Rates :  <  It  mall 

*  not  be  lawful  for  any  foreign  privateer  (not  being  fubjecls  or 
«  citizens  of  either  of  the  faid  parties)  who  have  commiilions 

*  from  any  other  prince  or  ftatc  in  enmity  with  either  nation, 
to  arm  their  fliips  in  the  ports  of  either  of  the  faid  parties, 
nor  to  fell  what  they  have  taken,  nor  in  any  other  manner 
to  exchange  the  fame,  nor  fhall  they  be  allowed  to  purchafe 
more  provifions  than  fhall  be  neceflary  for  their  going  to  the 
nearefl  port  of  that  prince  or  ftate  from  whom  they  obtain- 
ed their  commiflions.' — And  article  25th,  <  It  mail  be  law- 
ful for  the  {hips  of  war  and  privateers  belonging  to  the  faid 
parties  refpe&ively,  to  carry  whitherfoever  they  pleafe,  the 
jjiips  and  goods  taken  from,  their  efle.mjies;   without  being 


*  obliged  to  pay  airy  fee  to  the  ciRcers  of  the  admifaky,  or  te 

*  any  Budges  whatever ;  nor  {hail  the    faid   prizes  when  they 
«  arrive  at,  and  enter  the  ports  of  the  laid  parties.,  be  detained 

*  or  feized  ;  neither  i'hall  the  iearchers  or  other  officers  of  thefe 

<  places  viih  fuch  prizes  (except  for  the  purpofe.  of  preventing 

<  the  carrying  of  any  part  of  the  cargo   thereof  on   fhore,  in 

*  any  manner  contrary  to  the  eftablifhed  laws  of  the  revenue, 

*  navigation  or  commerce)  nor  (hail  fuch  oilicers  take  cogni- 
«  zance  of  the  validity  of  fuch  prizes  ;  but  they  mail  be  at  1*. 
«  berty  to  hoi{l  fail,   and  depart  as  fpeedily   as  may  be,    r.r;d 
«  can  v  their  faid  prizes  to  the  place  mentioned  in   their  coin- 

*  nuiJK-r>5  or  patents,   which  the  con:  mi;  mi  errs  of  the  faid  {hips 
«  of  war  or  pn\  atcers  fhuil  be  obliged  to  {hew.     No  fnelter  or 
«  r..  j  be  given  in  their  ports  to  fuch  as  have  made  a 
c  prize  u  pea  th:  i\:p;ecls  or  citizens  ct  eitiier  of  the  hiid  partivf1-; 
«  but  if  forced  by  itrefs  of  weather,  or  the  danger  of  the  iea, 
«  to  ent^r  therein,  particular  care  ihaU  be  taken  to  haften  their 

*  dcp^rtuie,  <n;d  to  taufc  tJirm.  to  retire  as   icon   as  poiiibie. 
'  Nothing  in  this  treaty  contained,  flmll  however  be  conftru- 

*  eel  or  operate  contrary  to  former  exuUng  public  treaties  with 
«  oLT.tr  fovereigns  or  ilates.     But  the  two  parties  agree,   that 

*  \vhilc  tlicy  continue  in  amity,  neither  of  them  will  in  future 

*  make  any  treaty  that  fhali  be  inconfiitent  with  this  or  the  pre.- 
'  ceding  article.'  Bat  the  1 7111  article  of  cur  treaty  fiates-,  that 
Frtnch   ihips   of  war.   and   thofe    which   France   fhall   Jiave 
.'.rrncd   for   w.r  ;  as  aifo  the  veiiels  of  the   United  States   or 

:  eir  inhabitant?,  may  conduct  their  prizes  into  tlie  refpec- 
f;ve  ports  of  ths  two  nations  ;  that  neither  afyiurn  nor  refuge 
ilrill  be  given  in  their  ports  or  havens  to  thofe  who  mail  have 
rnade  prizes  on,  the  refpeclive  inhabitants  of  the  two  countries, 
and  if  they  arc  forced  to  enter  by  tempeii  or  danger  of  the  fea, 
they  fliail  be  obliged  to  go  out  ns  foon  as  pcilible.  If  we  com- 
pare this  article  with  thofe  of  the  treaty  made  with  Great.  Bri- 
tain, it  will  be  cafiiy  feen,  that  during  dta  prefent  war  it  K 
(ieftroyed  by  the  firth  For  although  the  2^th  article  of  the 
treaty  with  Groat  Britain  ilates  :  <  Nothing.  In  this  treaty 

*  contained,  ihall  however  be   conftrued  or  operate  contrary 

*  to  former  and  exifting  public  trouties  \vith  other  fovereigus 

<  or  fta'tcs,'  and  \vecught   to  infer  therefrom,  that  .France, 
though  not  named,  will  always  enjoy   the  advantages  M&ch 
article  lyth  of  her  treaty  allows  her  ;  yet  it  is  very  clear  that 
the  Englifh  will  have  the  right  cf  claiming  the  -execution  of 
the  23'J   and  2.4 th   articles  of  tlieir  treaty  with  the  linked 
iStates;  th;it  they  will  have  during  the  prefent  war  the  .privi- 
lege of  cond'uciing  tlicir  prices  into  die  ports  of  the  United* 


C    2*3    ] 

,  and  confequently  the  ftipulations  cf  the  lyth  article 
of  our  treaty  are  deftrc 

Moreover  this  article  contains  this  chine  :  <  But  the  two 
(  parties  agree  that  while  they  continue  in  amity,  neither  cf 
'  them  will  in  future  make  any  treaty,  that  (hall  be  inconfiii- 
<  ent  with  this  or  the  preceding  article  -,'  which  feems  to  pre- 
vent the  eftablifhing  of  a  new  negotiation  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  France  •,  fince,  in  a  new  treaty,  France  could 
n  :t  renounce  the  advantages  fecurcd  to  her  by  article  lyth  of 
her  former  treaty,  and  it  is  poflible  that  they  would  be  rcfufed 
to  her  in  virtue  cf  that  article. 

Such,' fir,  are  the  obfervations  which  I  have  thought  it  my 
duty  to  prefent.  I  (hall  wait  for  your  anfwer  in  order  to 
tranfmit  the  treaty  to  the  committee  of  public  fafety  of  the 
national  convention.  It  has  never  doubted  the  attachment  of 
the  American  government  towards  France,  and  I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  prefent  circumftances  will  furnifh  a  new  proof 
of  their  good  intentions. 

Accept,  Sir,  the  affurance 
of  my  refpedl  and  efteem, 

P.  A.  ADET. 


mi:  tie  Secretary  cf  Slate  of  ike  United  Stales,  to  the  Minlllef 
Plenipotentiary  cf  ths  French  Republic. 

Philadelphia,  July  6tb>  1795. 


I  ACCEPT  as  a  pledge  of  that  harmony  which  you  arc 
anxious  to  cultivate  between  our  two  nations,  your  letter  of 
the  30th  ultimo,  received  on  the  ift  inftant  at  night.  Let  it 
be  our  unvaried  practice,  to  fuffer  no  fufpicion  to  ripen  into 
an  unfriendly  fentiment,  until  it  (hall  have  been  imparted  to 
each  other  ;  and  let  us  repel,  with  firmnefs,  the  artifice  by 
Which  ill-afFecled  perfons,  under  the  guife  cf  attachment  to 
the  French  republic,  enxlcavcr  to  embroil  k  with  the  United 
States. 

When  you  exprcfled'to  me,  on  Monday  laft,  fome  uneafinef*.' 
which  the  report  of  the  contents  of  the  prcpofed  treaty  with. 
Great  Britain  had  excited  in  yonr  breafr.,—  I  the  more  readily 
informed  you  of  my  intention  to  ?.fk  the  present's  pen: 


to  fiirnifli  you  with  a  copy  ;  as  I  was  convinced  that  an  entire 
view  of  it  would  not  only  enable  you  to  ftate  all  the  parts  ob- 
jectionable to  our  ally,  but  would  alfo  remove  the  prejudices 
which  detached  reprefentations  might  occafion.  Having  deli- 
vered to  you  a  copy,  I  arn  now  to  examine  the  provifions, 
which  feem  to  you  irreconcileable  with  our  engagements  to 
France. 

Upon  this  head,  it  has  been  often  declared  by  the  prefident 
of  the  United  States,  and  is  now  repeated,  that  thofe  engage- 
ments fhall  not,  with  his  afient,  be  infringed.  As  far,  there- 
fore, as  he  is  concerned,  you  need  only  prove,  at  any  time,  that 
a  given  meafure  will  infringe  it,  and  he  will  not  countenance 
that  meafure.  The  fame,  I  am  perfuaded,  may  be  affirmed  of 
the  other  branches  of  our  government.  But  after  a  clofe 
fcrutiny  of  the  points,  which  alone  you  have  felected  for  ani- 
madverfion,  it  is  not  difcerned  that  the  rights  of  France  are  in 
any  degree  impaired. 

In  faying  this,  I  muft  call  to  your  recollection  the  manner 
in  which  the  making  of  treaties  is  arranged  by  our  conftitution. 
The  fenate  advife  and  confent  to  their  being  made ; — the  prefi-< 
dent  ratines  them  ;  and  the  courts  are  afterwards  at  liberty  to 
conftrue  them,  as  particular  cafes  arife,  requiring  their  deci- 
fion.  The  opinions,  therefore,  of  the  prefident,  are  not  obli- 
gatory on  the  courts.  He  judges  for  himfelf:  They  judge 
for  themfelves  ;  and  if,  by  the  interpretation  of  the  one  or  the 
other,  the  rights  of  the  French  Republic  are  aflailed,  die  ac- 
cuftomed  modes  of  remonftrance  and  negotiation  will  dill  be 
open ;  and  the  principles  upon  which  national  redrefs  is  de- 
manded, wi-ll  ftill  have  their  force. 

After  this  explanation,  I  proceed  to  ftate  to  you  the  refult 
of  the  prefident's  reflections  on  your  exceptions  to  the  propo- 
fed  treaty. 

Theie  exceptions  are;  ift.  That  the  23d  and  24th  articles 
of  our  commercial  treaty  with  France  are  violated  by  the  i  )th 
and  1 8th  of  die  propofed  treaty.  2nd.  That  the  iyth  article 
of  the  former  is  deftroyedby  the  23d,  24th,  and  25th  articles 
of  the  latter ;  and,  3d.  That  the  laft  fentence  in  the  firft  para- 
graph of  the  25th  article  of  the  propofed  treaty  «  appears  to 
*  prevent  a  new  negociation  between  the  United  States  and 
c  France.' 

I.  The  eflence  of  your  firft  objection,  as  drawn  from  the 
reafoning  in  your  letter,  is  reducible  to  this  ftatement  :-^-By* 
the  treaty  with  France,  hemp,  flax,  tar,  pitch,  ropes,  cables, 
fails,  fail- cloth,  anchors  and  parts  of  anchors,  mafts,  planks, 
boards  and  beams,  of  what  trees  foever,  and  all  other  things 


C    265    ] 

proper  for  building  or  repairing  fhips,  fhall  not  be  reputed 
contraband  of  war,  but  mail  be  reckoned  among  free  goods, 
and  may  be  transported  in  the  freed  manner  by  the  contracting 
parties,  even  to  places  belonging  to  an  enemy ;  fuch  only 
cxcepted,  as  are  actually  befieged,  blocked  up,  or  inverted. 
But  the  propofed  treaty  defignates  as  contraband,  timber  for 
{hip-building,  tar  or  rofin,  copper  in  fheets,  fails,  hemp  and 
cordage,  and  whatever  may  ferve  directly  to  the  equip- 
ment of  veflels  (unwrought  iron  and  fir  planks  only  except- 
ed)  and  they  are  declared  to  be  juft  objects  of  confifcation, 
whenever  they  ihall  be  attempted  to  be  cariied  to  an  enemy. 
From  hence  you  conclude,  that  the  United  States  may  freely 
carry  into  England  all  things  proper  for  the  building  or  re- 
pairing of  veflels,  without  fearing  any  obftacle  on  the  part  of 
France,  while  they  can  carry  none  of  them  to  Fiance ;  and 
that  they  have  thus  granted  to  England  a  right  which  France 
enjoys  not,  and  which,  in  the  courfe  of  the  exifting  war, 
inclines  the  balance  in  favor  of  England. 

The  United  States  have  certainly  cppofed  the  extenfion  of 
contraband,  whenever  the  Britifh  government  has  fought  to 
fwell  the  catalogue.  But  it  never  could  be  denied,  under 
the  law  of  nations,  and  independently  of  a  treaty,  that  ma- 
terials for  the  building  and  repairing  of  vefiels  are  contra- 
band. The  propofed  treaty,  then,  does  not  grant ^  but  re- 
cognizes  only,  a  right  to  Great  Britain ;  which,  even  with- 
out that  recognition,  (lie  would  have  poflcfTed  and  exercifed. 

This  recognition  might  have  been  omitted  cr  inlerted, 
without  changing  the  nature  of  the  fubjett ;  though  it  was 
more  natural,  in  commercial  arrangements,  to  particularize 
die  articles  of  contraband. 

It  was,  indeed,  anxioufly  defired  to  dirr.inifh  the  lift,  as 
much  as  poilible.  But,  it  no  reciprocity  could  accomplifh 
this  end  j  if  no  equivalent  could  be  offered  by  us  to  Great 
Britain,  powerful  enough  to  induce  her  to  renounce  her 
rights  under  the  law  of  nations, — what  was  to  be  done  ?  Ma- 
ny reaibns  will  occur,  fir,  why  it  was  not  to  be  extorted  by 
force  :  To  become  a  party  in  the  war  was  neither  our  policy, 
nor  the  wifh  of  your  republic  :  To  become  a  party  in  the  war 
for  a  caufe,  which  the  armed  neutrality  itfelf  never  would 
have  aflerted,  would  have  been  fupported  by  no  civilized  na- 
tion. 

The  United  States  have,  therefore,  wilfully  furrendered  ns» 
right,  relative  to  contraband. 

Nor  is  the  treaty  with  France  contravened  by  this  acknow- 
ledgment of  contraband.  It  ftipulates,  that  if  France  be  ar 

Mm 


[    266   ] 

war,  and  the  vefiels  of  the  United  States  carry  naval,  ftores  to 
her  enemy,  French  cruizers  fhall  not  capture  them.  The 
propofed  treaty  admits  the  right  of  Great  Britain  to  feize  fuch 
veflels  going  to  her  enemy.  The  inference  is,  that  France 
has  relaxed  her  ftricl.  rights,  in  confideration  that  the  United 
States  have  relaxed  theirs,  in  this  refpeft ;  but  that  Great 
Britain  will  not  relax  hers.  The  treaty  with  France,  there- 
fore, remains  uninfluenced  by  the  propofed  compa6l  with 
Great  Britain* 

•  The  true  light,  in  which  the  fubjecl:  is  to  be  viewed,  is 
that  which  you  have  caught ;  when  you  allude  to  the  efrecl:, 
which  the  right  of  Great  Britain  to  feize  naval  ftores,  going 
from  the  United  States  to  France,  may  have  upon  her  intereft, 
while  me  continues  bound  not  to  feize  like  ftores,  going  from 
the  United  States  to  England. 

Our  treaty  with  France  was  entered  into,  with  a  perfect 
knowledge,  on  both  fides,  that  they  were  ftriking  out  from 
the  clafs  of  contraband  articles,  which  the  laws  of  nations 
denominated  fuch.  They  were  both  apprized,  that  if  the  U- 
nited  States  fhould  be  at  war  with  Great  Britain,  the  {hipping 
of  France,  carrying  naval  ftores  to  Great  Britain,  could  not  be 
feized  by  American  cruizers  ;  while  the  fame  fhipping, 
bringing  naval  ftores  to  the  United  States,  might  be  fei- 
zed by  Britifh  cruizers.  They  faw,  therefore,  the  reci- 
procity of  the  provifion.  Why  then  was  not  the  cafe,  which 
has  now  happened,  being  forefeen,  guarded  againft  ?  Perhaps 
on  account  of  this  very  reciprocity..  Perhaps  from  a  belief, 
that  it  was  not  over-important.  Perhaps,  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  from  a  confidence  that  their  internal  fupplies 
would  be  ample  ;  and,  on  that  of  France,  that  their  home  re- 
fburces,  their"  own  fhipping  and  convoys  would  accommodate 
them  with  thofe  ftores.  Or  more  probably,  neither  of  the 
contracting  powers  was  difpofed  to  cramp  the  commerce  of 
the  other,  but  upon  the  moft  demonftrable  neceility  :  How- 
fqever  this  may  be,  the  propofed  treaty  does  not  vary  the  fi- 
tuation  of  France,  nor  better  the  rights  of  Great  Britain,  in 
one  iota  of  contraband. 

There  was  a  time,  indeed,  when  France  felt  herfelf  ab- 
folved  from  the  ftipulation,  that  free  mips  make  free  goods  ; 
•  becaufe  Great  Britain,  by  capturing  hoftile'property  in  Ame- 
rican bottoms,  rendered  it  difadvantageous  to  France  to  fpare 
Britim  property  in  thofe  bottoms.  But  the  law  of  the  I3th 
Nivofc,  in  the  31!  year,  to  which  you  refer,  has  banifhed  that 
cle  of  reafjr.bg,  and  has  created  a  precedent  for  our  mode- 


Hitherto,  however,  I  have.fpoken  upon  principles  of  right, 
Upon  any  other  principles,  and  more  efpecially  upon  thole  of 
hardfhip  and  injury  to  a  friend,  it  {hall  be  a  topic  of  the  nego- 
ciation,  now  opening  between  us.  With  the  temper  which- 
will  pervade  the  whole  of  it,  I  cannot  doubt,  that  fome  modifi- 
cation may  be  devifed  ;  and  it  may  be  feparated  from  the  ge- 
neral treaty,  fo  as  not  to  be  delayed  by  it. 

2.  In  my  judgment  you  misconceive  the  propofed  treaty, 
when  you  imagine  that  the  Englim  will  have  a  right  to  claim 
the  execution  of  the  23d  and  24th  articles  of  it,  in  derogation 
of  the  iyth  article  of  our  treaty  with  France ;  that  is  to  isy, 
that  in  the  courfe  of  the  prefent  war  they  may  conduct  their 
prizes,  made  from  the  French,  into  the  ports  of  the  United 
States.  They  will  not  poflefs  fuch  a  privilege,  during  the 
prefent  or  any  other  war  with  France.  For  «  nothing,'  in 
the  propofed  treaty  contained,  «  mall  be  conilrued,  or  operate, 
<  contrary  to  former  and  exifting  public  treaties  with  other 
'  fovereigns  or  flates.'  The  Britiili  plenipotentiary  was  here 
admonilhed  of  our  prior  engagements,  and  cf  our  determi- 
nation to  poftpone  to  them  a;:y  new  contract  with  Great  Bri- 
tain. Our  treaties  with  France  are  laved  by  die  general  de- 
fcription,  which  was  the  mod  eligible  form  of  -txpreffion ; 
becaufe  it  was  ihorter,  and  equally  well  adapted  to  compre- 
hend all  our  treaties  It  is  the  fame  form  of  expreflion  with 
that  which  was  adopted  in  the  year  1-786,  in  the  treaty  between 
France  .and  Great  Britain. 

The  4oth  article  of  the  laft  mentioned  treaty,  and  the  25th 
of  the  propofed  treaty,  are,  in  fubftance,  alike;  and  yet  it  was 
clearly  and  properly  underftood,  when  the  French  and  EngHfh 
treaty  was  made,  that  our  commercial  treaty  with  France  was 
not,  in  this  refpec~t,  (haken.  We  have,  at  lead,  never  com- 
plained of  any  infraction  of  ours  from  this  cauie  ;  and  there- 
fore are  fincere  in  believing,  that  France  can  be  as  little  arTctl- 
ed  by  our  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  as  the  United  States  were 
by  hers  with  Great  Britain. 

In  your  quotation  of  the  23d  article  of  the  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  you  obferve,  that  the  vejjels  of  the  Englifh  are  to 
be  received  with  hofpitality  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States. 
Theyarethe(JhipsofeiVary'  the  public  navy,  not  the  priva- 
teers, which  are  to  be  fo  received.  Now  the  Britiili  mips  of 
war  are  not  prohibited  by  our  treaty  with  France,  from  viiiting 
our  ports,  unlefs  under  certain  exceptionable  circumftances. 
From  thefe  they  are  not  releafed  by  the  propofed  treaty ;  be- 
caufe our  treaty  with  France,  which  is  a  iupreme  law  of  the 
land,  is  decisively  contrary. 


C    2(58    3 

"The  2/fth  article  of  the  propofed  treaty  is,  with  a  very  fmall 
and  uneflential  difference,  the  fame  with  the  i6th  article  of 
the  French  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  And  here  this  remark 
occurs  :  That  the  propofed  treaty  faves  every  right  of  France, 
arifing  from  our  treaty  of  commerce  ;  but  the  treaty  between 
France  and  Great  Britain  does  not,  by  any  general  or  parti- 
cular expreflion,  fave  the  rights  of  the  United  States,  which 
might  fland  in  oppofition  to  that  \  6th  article.  We  have  never 
reriionilrated,  becaufe  we  always  thought  ourfelves  fecure  un- 
der the  faith  of  France,  and  the  law  of  nations. 

3.  Upon  the  third  and  laft  head  of  objection,  which  you 
urge  againft  the  propofed  treaty,  little  need  be  faid.  You 
{hall  continue  to  enjoy  your  rights  under  the  1 7th  article  of 
our  treaty  with  France.  We  will  not  afk  you  to  renounce 
the  advantages,  which  that  article  aflures  to  you.  The  pro- 
hibition on  which  you  lay  fo  much  ftrefs,  is  not  againft  paft, 
but  future  treaties.  If  a  new  treaty  of  commerce  with  France, 
including  the  fame  matter  with  the  old  one,  would  be  pre- 
vented by  the  25th  article,  the  confequence  may  be  eafily 
avoided,  by  declaring,  that  fo  much  of  the  old  one  as  is  con- 
nccled  with  any  particular,  for  which  it  may  be  defirable 
to  retain  a  priority,  mall  remain  in  force.  This  is  a 
remedy  fo  obvious  that  I  flatter  myfelf  it  will  remove  any 
difficulty  in  the  v/ay  of  a  new  negociation. 

Should  an  embarrafirnent  full  hang  upon  thefe  points,  I 
mull  entreat  you  to  afford  me  an  opportunity  of  meeting1 
them,  before  your  communications  are  defpatched  to  the  com- 
mittee of  public  fafety. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  feV. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 


From  tie  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  French  Republic^  to  tht 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States. 

Philadelphia,  ^d  Meffldory  -$d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(Julywtb,    1795.; 


I  RECEIVED  on  the  6th,  the  letter  dated  the  fame  day, 
which  you  have  addrefled  to  me  in  anfwer  to  the  obferva- 
tions  which  I  prefented  to  you  upon  the  treaty  propofed  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  I  fhould  have 


t  269  ] 

anfwered  you  fooner  if  my  health,  always  precarious  fmce  my 
arrival  in  'the  United  States,  had  not  obliged  me  to  abftain 
from  bufinefs  for  a  fortnight  back.  I  tranfmit  it  to  the  French 
government  with  my  obiervations,  and  the  treaty.  In  cir- 
cumftances  fo  important,  it  belongs  to  my  government,  ex- 
clufively,  to  adopt  a  deciiion,  and  I  cannot  permit  myfelf  to 
make  any. 

In  a  few  days  I  (hall  have  the  honor  of  feeing  you,  and  of 
taking  the  neceflary  meafures  to  begin  the  work  relative  to  the 
framing  of  the  new  treaty,  and  new  confular  convention. 

Accept,  Sir,  the  afiurance  of  my  efteem,  and  of  my  higlx 
confederation. 

P.  A.  ADET. 


No.  XXIII.  ] 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  Srv. 

Paris  ,   Qcliber  iota,  1795- 


THE  breach  which  I  lately  intimated  to  you  had  taken 
place  between  feveral  of  the  fe&ions  of  this  city,  and  the 
convention,  refpe&ing  two  decrees  of  the  5th  and  1  3th  FrutH- 
dor,  and  whofc  object  was  to  transfer  from  the  convention  fo 
many  of  its  members,  as  would  conititute  two  thirds  of  the 
legifiature  of  the  new  government,  continued  daily  to  widen 
afterwards  till  at  length  all  hope  of  amicable  compromife  was 
gone.  A  final  appeal,  therefore,  was  made  to  arms  ;  and 
which  took  place  on  the  5th  inftant  (i3th  Vendemiaire)  and 
in  which  the  convention  prevailed.  The  details  of  this  con- 
teft,  though  very  interefting,  are  not  lengthy.  In  the  morn- 
ing of  the  5th,  a  force  was  inarfhalled  out  by  the  revolting  fec- 
tions  upon  their  refpeclive  parades,  in  concert  ,  and  under 
officers  already  engaged,  and  who  led  it  on  by  different  ave- 
nues towards  the  national  palace  ;  fo  that  by  four  in  the  even- 
ing the  convention  was  nearly  inverted  en  every  fide.  With- 
in the  garden  of  the  Thuiileries  and  around  the  national  pa- 
lace were  collected  the  troops  deftined  for  the  defence  of  the 
convention  *,  and  which  were  advantageoufiy  polled  with  can- 
non to  guard  the  feveral  avenues  by  which  approaches  might 


C      *?0      ] 

be  made.'  The  members  remained  within  the  hall,  prepared 
to  await  the  iflue  of  the  day.  The  difpofition,  therefore,  was 
that  of  befiegers  againft  befieged,  and  which  grew  out  of  the 
difparity  of  numbers  on  each  Tide  •,  for  on  that  of  the  conven- 
tion, taking  the  whole  together,  there  were  not  more  than  fix 
thoufand  ;  whilft  on  the  fide  of  the  factions,  there  were  in 
activity  at  lead  ten  thoufand,  and  a  ftill  greater  body  in  arms, 
which*  was  fuppofed  to  be  on  the  fame  fide,  or  at  leaft  neu- 
tral. The  countenance  too  of  the  parties  befpoke  a  ftrong 
fympathy  with  their  refpective  fituations  ;  that  of  thofe  with- 
out exhibited  an  air  of  cheerfulnefs  and  alacrity,  and  which 
nothing  but  the  confidence  of  fuccefs  could  infpire,  whilft 
that  of  thofe  within  was  dejected  and  melancholy.  The  ac- 
tion commenced  a  little  after  five  in  the  evening  by  the  ad- 
vance of  the  troops  of  the  fections,  and  ended  about  ten  by 
their  retreat.  Wherever  they  approached  they  were  re- 
pulfed  by  heavy  difcharges  of  artillery  and  mufketry,  which 
ranged  and  cleared  the  ftreets  of  their  columns,  as  foon  as  pre- 
lented.  For  fome  time,  towards  the  clofe,  the  conteft  was 
fuftained  on  the  part  of  the  fections,  from  the  windows  of 
the  neighbouring  houfes  ;  from  whence,  perhaps,  more  of  the 
troops  were  flain  than  from  any  other  quarter.  The  lofs  on 
either  fide  is  unknown,  and  perhaps  will  continue  fo,  and  the 
reports  are  fo  various  and  contradictory,  that  they  furnifh  but 
little  data  whereon  to  found  a  conjecture.  Judging,  howe- 
ver, from  what  I  faw  of  the  difpofition  of  the  troops  who 
were  prefented  at  the  corner  of  ftreets,  or  when  advanc- 
ing by  the  head  of  the  column  only,  and  by  the  time  and  na- 
ture of  the  action,  which  was  by  intervals,  I  cannot  think 
that  more  than  five  hundred  were  killed  and  wounded  on 
both  fides ;  though  fome  of  the  reports  make  it  as  many  thou- 
fands.  It  was  generally  underftood  by  the  affailants,  that  lit- 
tle or  no  oppofition  would  be  made,  and  that  two  of  the  re- 
gular regiments,  in  particular,  were  on  their  fide,  and  that 
thSy  would  fo  declare  themfelvr s  when  the  crifis  approached. 
But  in  this  they  were  miftaken  ;  for  all  thofe  troops  behaved 
with  great  bravery  and  intrepidity,  acquiting  themfelves  as 
they  had  done  before  on  the  Rhine  ;  having  been  drawn  from 
the  army  of  the  north.  Indeed,  the  probability  is,  the  re- 
port was  only  circulated  to  infpire  the  troops  of  the  fections 
with  confidence,  and  to  produce  a  fuitable  imprefiion  on  the 
citizens  of  Paris  in  general.  Many  circumftances  occurred  in 
the  courfc  of  the  commotion,  to  countenance  this  opinion,  of 
which  the  flrongeft  is  th  •:,  although  it  lafted  until  about  ten 


at  night,  yet  by  the  citizens  generally  it  was  abandoned  or 
feebly  fupported  after  the  firil  onfet,  and  repulfe  which  im- 
mediately followed  *,  and  after  which  it  was  fuftained  princi- 
pally by  thofe  who  were  really  and  truly  the  parties  tc  it ;  for 
as  fuch  the  great  bulk  of  thofe  who  M  ere  in  the  rank  ought 
not  to  be  confidered.  This  opinion  is  likewife  countenanced 
by  a  train  of  incidents  which  attended  this  movement,  from 
ten  at  night  to  its  clofe,  and  which  was  about  1 2  the  next  day. 
The  troops  of  the  convention  kept  their  ground  all  night,  be- 
ing unwilling  to  prefs  as  far  as  they  might  have  clone,  the 
advantage  gained ;  fmce  it  appeared,  that  by  fuch  preiTure 
they  might  flay  more  of  their  countrymcB,  but  not  gain  a  more 
complete  victory.  On  the  other  hand,  the  troops  of  the  fec- 
tions  filed  off  gradually  in  fmall  parties,  as  the  darknefs  of  the 
night  or  other  circumftances  favoured  •,  till  finally  none  were 
left,  except  thofe  who  were  not  properly  of  that  defcription. 
By  the  morn  every  thing  was  tranquil,  as  if  nothing  had  pall- 
ed. At  the  entrance  of  every  ilreet  you  faw  the  pavements 
taken  up,  and  waggons  and  other  impediments  obiliucHng  the 
paiTage  j  but  not  a  centinel  was  to  be  feen.  The  only  armed 
force,  remaining  in  oppofition  to  the  convention,  was  of  the 
fe£Hon  of  Lepelletier,  confining  of  a  few  hundred  only,  and 
which  had  in  part  retired  and  was  retiring  to  its  commune  ns 
a  place  of  retreat,  rather  than  of  defence.  But  now  the  fcene 
began  to  change  and  exhibit  to  view  precifely  the  reverfe  cf 
what  was  fcen  the  day  before, — the  befieged  becoming  the  be- 
fiegersj  for  by  this  time  the  troops  of  the  convention  were  ad- 
vancing towards  the  commune  of  this  fe6tion3  under  the  com- 
mand of  Barras,  who  had  commanded  formerly  on  the  great 
epoch  of  the  pth  Thermidor,  and  of  Berruyer,  who  made  re- 
gular approaches  and  by  different  routs,  till  finally  this  corps 
was  completely  furrounded.  A  peremptory  fummons  was 
then  fent  to  it  to  furrender,  and  which  was  immediately  obey- 
ed, by  laying  down  their  arms  and  fubmitting  to  the  \vill  cf 
the  conquerors  ;  and  thus  was  this  movement  crufhed;  the 
authority  of  the  convention  vindicated,  and  Paris  reftcreci  to 
complete  tranquillity,  and  within  lefs  than  twenty-four  hcur* 
after  the  action  commenced. 

Such  was  the  order,  and  fuch  the  ilTue  of  this  ccntcil :  A 
conteft,  in  many  refpects,  the  moil  interfiling  and  critical  lh<:i. 
I  have  yet  witnefled,  and  which  promifed,  had  the  rifiiiilants 
fucceeded,  not  perhaps  eiTentially  to  impede  or  vary  the  direct 
courfe  of  the  revolution  ;  but,  moil  probably,  to  involve  the 
nation  in  a  civil  war ;  open  a  new  fcene  of  carnage  mere 
frightful  than  any  yet  feen,  and  deluge  the  country  by  k'n- 


[    272    3 

tired  arms  with  kiudrcd  blood.  In  this  view  the  charafter  and 
object  of  the  movement,  on  the  part  of  the  infurgents,  merit 
fome  attention. 

You  ^have  already  feen  that  the  decrees  above  mentioned 
were  the  oftenfible,  if  not  the  real,  caufe  of  this  controverfy, 
and  thefe  you  have.  But  to  enable  you  to  form  a  jufl  efti- 
mateofits  merits  in  other  refpects,  and  thereby  of  the  proba- 
ble views  of  the  infurgents,  it  will  be  necefiary  for  me  to 
ftate  other  facls,  and  which  preceded  the  final  appeal  to  arms. 
Thefe  decrees,  as  you  likewiie  know,  were  fubmicted  with  the 
conftitution.  to  the  people,  and  according  to  a  report  of  the 
convention  by  them  adopted.  But  the  verity  of  this  report, 
of  which  I  herewith  fend  you  a  copy,  was  denied  by  the  fec- 
tions.  By  the  report,  however,  you  will  perceive  that  the 
names  of  the  departments  voting  for  and  againft  the  decrees, 
were  publimed  fome  time  fmce,  and  to  which  it  may  be  add- 
ed, that  no  department  or  commune  has  fmce  complained ; 
that  the  ftatement  given  of  its  votes  was  untrue.  Still  a  doubt 
arifes  upon  it,  admitting  that  a  majority  of  thofe  who  voted, 
was  in  favor  of  the  decrees,  whether  thofe  who  did  vote  for 
them  conftituted  a  majority  of  French  citizens  entitled  to 
vote,  and  upon  which  I  cannot  yet  pofitively  decide.  The 
feet  ions  affirm  the  contrary,  and  likewife  contend,  that  all 
who  did  not  vote  ought  to  be  counted  againft  the  decrees.  It 
is  probable  that  fome  of  the  communes,  forefeeing  a  ftorm 
gathering  from  that  fource,  did  not  choofe  to  vote  for  or  againft 
them,  and  therefore  evaded  the  queftion  by  defign  ,  and  it  is 
certain  that  in  others,  it  was  underftood  by  the  people,  that  the 
queftion  was  taken  upon  the  conftitution  and  the  decrees  toge- 
ther ;  for  latterly  this  was  notified  to  the  convention  by  feveral 
who  had  voted  for  the  decrees,  and  particularly  Nantes,  to 
prevent  a  mifopprehenfion  of  what  their  real  intention  was. 
I  fend  you,  however,  the  feveral  papers  which  illuftrate  this, 
point,  and  by  which  you  will  be  enabled  to  form  as  correct' 
an  opinion  on  it,  as  prefent  lights  will  admit :  Obferving  fur- 
ther, that  the  report  made  by  the  convention  rcfpe&ing  the 
decrees,  was  made,  as  you  will  perceive,  at  the  fame  time 
with  that  upon  the  conftitution  j  and  that  another  report,  con- 
taining a  complete  detail  of  the  proceedings  of  every  coin- 
niune,  is  making  out  for  the  fatisfaclion  of  the  community 
at  large,  and  \vhich  was  commenced  by  order  of  the  conven- 
tion, immediately  after  the  firft  one  was  rendered.  It  is  to 
be  wifhed  that  this  had  been  fome  time  fmce  publifhed  ;  but 
when  it  is  recollected  that  the  publication  muft  contain  the 
proceedings  of  up  wards, of  fcven  thoufand  primary  affemblies, 


t  273  ] 

many  of  which  are,  perhaps,  lengthy;  impartial  people  Will 
perceive,  that  it  could  not  be  fcon  done,  efpeciully  when  it  is 
alib  recollected,  that  the  whole  of  the  interval  fmce  the  or- 
der was  given,  has  been  a  time  of  unufual  fermentation  and 
trouble. 

Under  thefe  circumftances,  the  electoral  afiembiies  were 
to  meet,  and  the  day  of  meeting  was  not  diftant.  The  de- 
crees, and  the  evidence  of  their  adoption  were  before  Prance, 
and  would,  of  courfe,  be  before  thefe  aflemblies  :  Nor  were 
the  electors  bound  by  any  legal  penalty  to  regard  them,  it 
they  thought  they  were  not  adopted,  or  even  difapproved 
them.  The  prefumption,  therefore,  was  (and  efpecialiy  if 
they  difcredited  the  report  of  the  convention)  that  every  af- 
fembly,  whofe  constituents  voted  againft  the  decrees,  would, 
difregard  them  ;  and,  rejecting  the  two  thkds  of  the  prefent 
convention,  vote  for  whom  they  pleafed ;  leaving  it  to  thofe 
who  were  elected,  by  the  feveral  departments,  to  the  legifla- 
ture  of  the  new  government,  whether  they  were  entirely  new 
men,  or  partly  fuch,  and  partly  of  the  convention, — accord- 
ing to  the  mode  that  each  department  might  adopt,  to  fettle 
the  point  among  themfelves,  and  with  the  convention,  who 
{hould  conititute  the  legiflature  of  that  government ;  or  whe- 
ther the  whole  proceeding  mould  be  declared  void,  and  a  new 
conftitution  called  for ;  and  which,  in  that  event,  would  moft 
probably  have  been  the  cafe.  But  the  party  oppofed  to  the 
convention,  preferred  a  different  ferics  of  meafures,  whereby 
to  forward  its  views;  the  details  whereof,  fo  far  as  I  have  any 
knowledge  of  them,  I  will  now  communicate. 

The  primary  aflemblies  were  to  meet  by  law,  on  the  loth 
of  Fru£tidor,  and  dilTolve  on  the  15111.  In  general,  howe- 
ver, thofe  of  Paris  prolonged  their  fitting  beyond  the  term 
appointed ;  and  many  of  them  declartd  their  frffions  perma- 
nent, and  exhibited,  in  other  refpects,  a  tone  of  defiance  and 
great  animofity  towards  the  exifting  government.  Finally, 
however,  the  primary  aiTemblies  were  diiTolved  ;  and  after 
which  the  fettions  of  Paris,  to  whom  the  fame  fpirit  was  now 
communicated,  became  the  channel,  or  rather  the  inftru- 
ments,  of  the  fame  policy  ;  many  of  whom  likewife  declared 
their  feflions  permanent,  and  afiumed,  in  other  refpe£ts,  a 
tone  equally  unfriendly  and  menacing  towards  the  convention. 
The  fection  of  Lepelletier  in  particular,  which  is  in  the  centre 
of  Paris,  and  which  always  was,  and  ftill  is,  the  theatre  o£ 
the  greateft  gaiety  and  diflipation,  took  the  lead  in  thefe  coun- 
cils. At  one  time  it  prefented  an  addrefs  to  the  convention, 
copioufly  defcanting  upon  the  horrors  of  terrorifm,  demanding 

N  a 


•C     274     ] 

t!mt  tliofe  who  were  called  terrorifls,  fliould  not  or.ly'be  inhi- 
bited the  right  of  voting,  but  forthwith  punifhed  •,  and  that 
the  troops  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris  fhould  be  flat'oned 
further  off,  although  there  were  then  in  the  neighbour  ioou  not 
IT: ore  than  three  hundred  foot,  and  fix  hundred  horfe,  ;nd 
ihere  for  fix  months  before.  At  another  time  it 
placed,  by  its  own  arret,  under  the  fafe- guard  of  the  prima- 
ry affcmblies,  all  thofe  who  had  delivered  their  opinions  in 
thofe  tifieniblies,  and  invited  the  other  fe&ions.of  Paris  to 
form  a  meeting  of  forty -eight  commiflioners,  to  declare  to  all 
France  the  fentiments  of  this  commune  upon  the.  (late  of  af- 
fairs in  the  prefer) t  juncture.  On  the  loth  Vendemiaire,  this1 
fection  reibJved  that  a  meeting  of  the  electoral  corps  mould 
be  held  at  the  Theatre  Francais  on  the  next  day,  and  admo- 
niihed  the  other  fecHons  to  a  like  concurrence  *,  as  likewife 
to  efcort  the  electors  to  the  place  of  rendezvous,  and  protect 
theaffembly  whilfl  fitting,  with  an  armed  force,  if  neceifary. 
A  partial  meeting  was  in  confequence  held  there,  and  which 
continued  its  fitting  for  fome  time  after  a  proclamation  was 
iffued  by  the  convention,  ordering  the  electors  to  difperfe. 
Indeed  it  was  not  without  great  difficulty  that  this  proclama- 
tion was  read  before  the  door  of  that  aiTembly.  An  armed 
force  was  then  ordered  out  under  general  Menou,  the  com- 
mandant of  the  guard,  to  fupport  the  proclamation  ;  but  they 
were  gone  before  he  arrived.  On  the  1 2th,  this  fe£tion  iffu- 
ed other  inflammatory  arrets  ;  and  on  the  night  of  the  1 2th, 
another  fruitlefs  attempt  was  made  by  the  government  to  fur-/ 
round  the  commune  of  the  fe&ion,  and  fecure  its  members 5 
for  which  failure,  general  Menou,  who  withdrew  the  troops 
after  he  had  furrounded  it,  was  degraded,  and  the  command 
transferred  to  Barras.  On  the  I3th,  the  cataftrophe  took  place 
and  ended  as  I  have  already  ftated. 

That  the  party  in  queftion  meant  to  fubvert  the  revolution, 
and  reftore  the  ancient  monarchy,  and  that  the  definition  of 
the  convention  was  the  firft  flep  in  the  train  of  thofe  meafures, 
which  were  deemed  neceffary  to  accomplifh  it,  cannot  be 
doubted.  A  flight  attention  only  to  the  above  fa£ts  fufficient- 
ly  demonftrates  the  truth  of  this  affertion  in  all  its  parts.  Even 
in  the  primary  arTemblics,  a  ground  was  taken  incompatible 
with  the  prefent  fyftem  :  Some  free  latitude,  it  is  true,  the 
people  have  a  right  to  take  in  thofe  afTemblies,  however  limit- 
ed or  fpecial  the  object  may  be,  upon  which  they  are  convened 
to  decide.  But  as  foon  as  the  fe&ions  took  the  fame  ground, 
afting  in  harmony  with  the  electoral  corps,  in  contempt  of 
the  law,  and  in  defiance  of  the  convention,  the  cafe  was  aJU 


t      *7>      1 

tcred.  From  that  moment  rebellion  was  announced  in  form, 
and  the  fword  of  civil  war  was  completely  uniheathed ;  nor 
could  it  be  reftored  whilft  the  convention  furvived,  or  without 
a  counter-revolution,  otherwifc  than  by  reducing  the  revolted 
feclions  to  order.  Fortunately  the  latter  was  the  iiiue,  and  in 
comequence  whereof  every  tiling  has  fince  progrciled  as  the 
friends  of  the  revolution  have  wiihed.  The  revolted  factions 
were  immediately  afterwards  difarrned,  and  without  oppofi- 
tion,  and  the  electoral  corps  is  now  legally  convened  (thole 
of  it  who  have  not,  in  dread  of  pumihment,  made  their  cfcape) 
and  with  a  difpoiuion  to  be  moreobfervantof  the  decrees,  and 
accommodating  to  the  exiiting  government. 

But,  if  this  party  had  f  in  its  attack  upon  the  con- 

vention, what  would  have  'followed  ?  Would  it  like  wife  have 
fucceeded  in  the  other  object,  to  which  this  was  only  a  (Up  ? 
A  conjectural  anfwer  can  only  be  given  to  a  fuppofuious  cafe. 
My  opinion  then  is,  that  although  the  impreflion  would  have 
been  a  deep  one,  yet  the  ultimate  iiTiie  would  have  been  the 
fame.  It  is  laid,  and  perhaps  with  truth,  that  in  cafe  the  at- 
tack fuceeeded,  it  was  intended  the  electoral  corps  mould  im- 
mediately aiTemble,  and  place  itfelf,  in  fame  meafure,  at  the 
head  of  France.  The  overthrow  of  the  convention  would 
have  left  the  nation  without  a  government  or  head,  to  influ- 
ence public  meafures ;  and  in  which  cafe,  this  corps,  being  a 
legal  one,  and  at  the  head  of  this  great  city,  would  have  had 
fironger  pretenfions  to  the  public  attention,  than  any  whatever. 
It  is  not,  however,  to  be  prefumed,  that  it  would  have  aflurned 
the  reins  of  government-,  but  it  would  doubtlefs  have  underta- 
ken to  admoniih,  and  the  probability  is,  that  in  fuch  a  ftate 
of  things,  its  admonition  would  have  been  regarded.  With 
this  view,  it  is  believed  that  the  crifis  was  brought  on,  at  the 
precife  point  of  time,  before  the  meeting  of  the  electoral  afTem- 
biies,  to  admit,  in  the  interval,  the  communication  of  the 
event  (in  cafe  it  were  perpetrated)  to  all  France,  without 
allowing  to  the  people  fuificient  time  to  recover  from  the  difi 
may  and  confufion  into  which  they  would  be  thereby  thrown. 
In  fuch  a  ftate  of  things  this  corps  might  have  made  a  great  im- 
preiHon  upon  the  whole  nation,  fupported  as  it  would  appear 
to  be,  by  all  Paris ;  and  as  it  really  would  be,  at  leail  to  that 
ftage,  by  a  considerable  portion.  At  the  head  of  this  corps 
was  already  placed  the  old  ci-devant  Duke  of  Nivernois, — a 
man  not  without  fome  literary  merit,  and  whofe  character 
had  been  fo  free  from  enormity,  and  his  temper  fo  dormant, 
that,  although  imprifoned,  and  in  the  lift  of  thofe  who  wer$ 
deemed,  under  what  is  called  the  reign  of  Robefpierre,  a  %. 


[       27<5      3 

fubjecl  for  the  guillotine,  yet  he  furvived  that  reign,  and  re- 
ceived his  life  as  a  boon  from  thofs  who  were  now  threatened 
with  deitru6lion.  It  was  faid  he  declined  the  prefidency  •,  but 
it  is  alfo  believed,  that  his  modeft  difqualification  was  more  the 
effeft  of  an  accurate  calculation  of  chances,  in  the  great  game 
they  were  playing,  than  of  principle  ;  and  of  courfe,  that  if 
the  blow  fucceeded,  he  might  be  prevailed  on  to  ferve.  A 
majority  of  the  corps,  many  of  whom  were  likewife  ci-devant 
nobles,  was  believed  to  be  of  the  fame  principles.  The  na- 
tion would  therefore  have  beheld,  on  the  one  fide,  the  con- 
vention overthrown,  perhaps  mailhcred,  and  whofe  members 
were,  in  general,  known  to  be  attached  to  the  revolution  ;  and 
on  the  other,  the  electoral  corps,  with  this  perfon  at  its  head, 
and  which  it  would,  of  courfe,  conclude  was  decidedly  of  op- 
pofite  political  principles  •,  the  latter  advanced  forward  upon 
the  ruin  of  the  former,  and  in  fome  fort  poficfled  of  the  reins 
of  government.  Surely  no  opportunity  more  favorable  to  the 
views  of  the  royalifls  could  have  been  foughtrthari  this  would 
have  prefented.  How  they  meant  to  improve  it,  had  fortune 
placed  them  in  that  fituation,  is  not  known,  nor  is  it  probable 
it  will  be  ;  for  it  is  to  be  prefumed,  that  whatever  the  plan 
was,  admitting  there  was  one  already  formed  for  fuch  an 
event,  it  had  been  concerted  by  the  leaders  only,  and  was 
not  to  be  unfolded,  until  after  the  fed  ions  were  thus  far 
plunged  into  the  fame  atrocity  with  themfelves.  There  were 
two  ways  by  which  this  opportunity  might  have  been  impro- 
ved ;  the  firfl,  by  an.  immediate  declaration  of  royalty ;  the 
iecond,  by  electing  their  own  deputies,  and  inviting  the  other 
departments  to  do  the  fame,  for  the  purpofe  of  putting  the 
conititution  in  motion.  Had  the  firft  been  adopted,  the  nation 
would,  doubtlefs,  have  been  greatly  confounded,  and  in  the 
moment  of  difmay,  the  royaliils  would,  moft  probably,  have 
come  forward,  and  the  patriots  lain  quiet.  Soon,  however, 
in  Paris  herfelf,  fymptoms  of  difcontent  would  have  been  feen, 
and  perhaps  even  in  fome  of  thofe  fe£lions  which  were  fore- 
moft  in  the  revolt ;  many  of  whofe  citizens  had  joined  the 
oppofition  from  principle,  in  refpeft  to  the  right  of  fufFrage  ; 
fome  becaufe  they  had  been  perfecuted,  or  cenfured  as  terror- 
ifts,  and  only  becaufe  they  were  patriots;  and  others  becaufe 
they  doubted  the  political  integrity  of  the  prefent  houfe,  and 
wiihed  it  changed.  All  of  thefe  would  have  been  flruck  with 
confirmation,  when  they  heard  that  a  king  was  proclaimed, 
and  would  have  looked  back  with  horror  at  the  fcene  through 
which  they  had  paffed» 


t    277    3 

By  tins  time  too,  fome  of  the  armies  would  have  been  feen 
advancing  towards  Paris,  and  which  would  mod  probably 
have  had  little  to  do  :  For  I  am  perfuaded,  that  as  foon  as  the 
citizens  recovered  from  the  extravagance  into  which  they  had 
been  betrayed,  they  would  be  among  the  firlt  to  fall  upon 
their  betrayers.  Had  the  fecond  been  adopted,  it  is  probable 
it  would  have  fecured  the  elections  in  favor  of  the  royalifls  ; 
the  decrees  would  of  courfe  have  been  rejected;  nor  would  anycf 
the  prefent  members  have  been  re-elected.  Soon,  however,  this 
would  have  been  feen  by  the  people,  and  being  feen,  half  the 
danger  would  have  been  provided  againft.  In  the  memory  of 
thofe  who  were  friendly  to  the  revolution,  and  the  catalogue 
of  its  friends  muft  be  a  long  one,  counting  thofe  only  whole 
fathers  and  fons  were  ilaughtered  in  its  defence  on  the  fron- 
tiers, the  deftruction  of  the  convention,  under  whofe  ban- 
ners they  had  bled,  would  form  a  moral  caufe  that  would 
hang  heavy  on  the  moulders  of  the  fubfequent  adminiftration. 
The  manner  of  the  fuffrage,  though  in  form  free,  would  be 
deemed  an  ufurpation,  and  the  flighted  deviation  afterwards 
become  a  fignal  for  revolt.  If  they  ufed  their  power  with  vi- 
olence, the  fame  effect  would  be  produced  as  if  a  king  were 
immediately  proclaimed,  and  if  they  ufcd  it  with  moderation 
they  might  perhaps  prevent  the  calamity  of  another  crifis  ;  and 
whiling  away  in  office  the  time  allotted  by  the  conftitution, 
be  enabled  in  the  interim,  fo  far  to  efface  the  memory  of  what- 
ever was  pafled,  as  to  fecure  themfelves  afterwards  a  retreat 
which  would  exempt  them  from  punifhment.  But  in  neither 
cafe  would  they  be  able  to  reftore  the  ancient  monarchy. 
You  will  obferve  that  my  reafoning  is  founded  upon  a  belief 
that  the  army  is  found  ;  that  the  great  bulk  of  the  citizens  of 
Paris  are  fo  likewife  ;  and  that  the  farmers  or  cultivators  in 
general,  if  not  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  revolution,  though 
in  my  opinion  they  are,  are  at  leafl,  not  againft  it;  and  which 
belief,  though  perhaps  erroneous,  is  the  refult  of  an  attentive 
obfervation  to  fuch  facts  and  circumftances  as  have  appeared 
to  me  to  merit  attention. 

But  you  will  afk,  if  Paris  is  on  the  fide  of  the  revolution, 
how  happened  that  fuch  a  force  was  formed  there  againft  the 
convention,  whilft  fo  fmall  a  one  was  marlhalled  on  its  fide  ? 
Let  us  firft  eftablifh  facts  and  then  reafon  from  them.  Paris 
confifts  of  forty-eight  fections  ;  and  of  which  eight  only  were 
actually  in  arms  againft  the  convention,  three  for  it,  and  the 
others  neutral.  Of  thofe  too,  who  were  fent  by  the  eight  fec- 
tions,  it  is  prefumable  from  the  peremptory  manner  of  their 
retreat,  and  the  cafe  with  which  they  were  afterwards  dif. 


C    *7S    3 


armed,  as  likewife  by  their  uniform  declarations,  "at  the  time 
and  fmce,  —  that  the  greater  number  did  not  expert  to  be  led 
againit  the  convention,  or  if  they  did,  that  they  went  with 
reluctance  ;  fq  that,  in  my  opinion,  the  real  force  which 
marched  out  for  the  purpofe  of  actual  hoftility  was  inconfi- 
!c  :  And  this  too,  it  is  faid,  M-as  in  part  compofed  of  ad- 
venturers from  other  quarters,  and  in  feme  inftances  even  of 
foreigners.  .  Still  however,  there  was  an  atlual  revolt  by  thofe 
:-s,  and  at  beft  a  neutrality  on  the  part  of  the  others; 
the  three  who  declared  themfelvcs  for  the  convention  except- 
cd.  How  account  for  this  ?  That  the  royalifts  had  gained  the 
preponderance  in  fonie  few  of  the  feclions,  and  particularly 
that  of  Leptlletier,  is  certain.  But  that  this  was  not  the 
cafe  with  many  is  prefumable.  It  is  well.  known  that  the  in-. 
habitants  of  Paris  in  general,  wifhed  to  get  rid  of  their  pre- 
fcut  deputies,  and  for  rcafons  heretofore  explained.  The  op- 
pofition  to  the  decrees,  therefore,  may  be  thus  accounted  for; 
and  with  the  greater  ;  propriety,  becaufe  it  is  certain  they 
\vcre  oppofecl  and  even  by  the  royalifts,  upon  republican  prin- 
ciples ;  the  unalienable  right  of  fulifrage,  &c..  and  by  which 
an  imprciilqn  was  made  in  the  primary  afiemblies  upon  the 
audience,  and  thence  gradually  extended  throughout  the  city. 
In  the  primary  aflemblies  too  every  perfon  was  allowed  to 
ipeak  ;  and  it  happened,  that  among  the  royalilts  there  were 
jtome  good  fpcakers,  and  who  by  taking  popular  ground,  en- 
groffed  for  the  time  the  public  attention  -,  by  means  whereof 
they  were  enabled  to  pracrife  more  extenfively  upon  the  cre- 
dulity of  the  lefs  enlightened  of  their  countrymen,  than  they 
were  aware  of.  It  often  happens  .when  a  collifion  .takes 
place  between  friends,  and  even  upon  a  trivial  caufe,  one  a£l 
of  irritation  begets  another,  till  finally  the  parties  become  ir- 
reconcilable. How  much  more  eafy  then  was  it  for  artful 
men,  at  the  prefent  moment,  to  prevail  over  the  ignorant,  and 
feduce  them  into  error  ,  efpecially  when  it  is  known  that  the 
latter  already  wifhed  a  change  ;  that  they  thought  they  had  a 
right  to  make  it,  and  of  which  right  they  could  not  be  depriv-. 
ed  without  the  facrifice  of  their  liberty,  in  whofe  caufe  they 
bad  already  fo  long  contended,  and  fo  greatly  fuffered.  , 

How  explain  the  extraordinary  phenomenon,  why  the  very 
fection5i,  who  on  the  4th  Prairial  v/ere  on  oppofite  fides,  fhould 
now  Unit  their  ground,  —  fo  as  that  thofe  who  then  fupported 
die  convention,  ihould  now  be  againll  it,  and  thofe  who  op- 
pofed  mould  now  be  for  it  ?  Taking  the  convention  as  the 
ifcandard,  it  remains  only  in  any  cafe  to  explain  the  motive  of 
fuch  party  as  wanders  from  it  j  for  that  circumftance 


C    279   ] 

creates  doubt,  and  of  courfe  alone  requires  explanation.  No 
one  will  alk  why  fuch  a  party  fupports  the  convention,  becaufe 
there  can  be  no'  motive  for  fuch  an  enquiry.  In  fome  cafes 
a  party  yielding  fuch  fupport  may  have  lei's  honorable  mo- 
tives for  it  than  another  party  had.  I  think  I  have  feen  fuch 
myielf :  But  in  no  cafe  can  the  object  be  a  counter-revoluti- 
onary one.  To  this  enquiry  then,  in  this  view,  I  have  al- 
ready given  a  fatisfa£tory  anfwer,  at  leaft  fo  far  as  I  am  able 
to  do  it ;  for  I  have  already  explained  what  I  deemed  in  ge- 
neral the  caufe  of  the  aberration  of  the  fettions  upon  the  pre- 
fent  occafion,  as  I  did  upon  the  former  one  ;  that  of  the 
Faubourg  of  St.  Antoine  and  whofe  prefent  conduct  warrants 
the  opinion  then  given  upon  that  head. 

But  how  happened  it,  that  fo  many  of  the  difaffected  wers 
chofen  into  the  electoral  corps,  as  to  give  the  royaliits  a  pre- 
ponderance there  ?  How  could  a  people  attached  to  the  revo- 
lution commit  the  care  of  it  to  thofe  who  were  its  foes,  efpe- 
cially  to  fuch  as,  by  their  ilation  and  character,  were  univer- 
faily  known  to  be  fuch  ?  This  touches  a  fubject  extremely  in- 
terefting  ;  for  it  leads  to  facts  over  which  a  veil  has  yet  been 
thrown,  but  to  which  hiitory  will  doubtlefs  do  juitice  ,  and  in 
which  cafe  it  will  prefent  to  view  a  fcene  of  horror,  in  fome  re- 
fpe6ts,  perhaps  not  lefs  frightful  than  that  which  was  exhibited 
under  the  reign  of  terror.  Behind  the  curtain,  as  it  were,for  it  has 
made  but  little  noife  in  feveral  of  the  departments,  the  terrible 
fcourge  of  terror  has  fliifted  hands,  and  latterly  been  wielded 
by  the  royaliils  ;  who,  beginning  with  the  fubaltern,  and 
perhaps  wicked  agents  of  the  former  reign,  had  perfecuted 
and  murdered  many  of  the  founded  patriots,  and  beft  of  men. 
To  fuch  a  height  had  this  evil  rifen,  and  fo  general  was  the- 
imputation  of  terrorifm,  that  in  certain  quarters  the  patriots 
in  general  were  not  only  difcouraged,  but  in  a  great  meafure 
depreiTed.  It  is  affirmed  to  be  a  fact,  by  thofe  who  ought  to 
know,  and  who  merit  belief,  that  in  fome  of  thofe  quarters, 
and  even  where  the  preponderance  in  point  of  numbers  was 
greatly  in  their  favour,  none  attended  the  primary  aflcmblies ; 
and  that  in  others  a  few  only  attended,  and  who  took  no  part 
in  the  proceedings.  This  therefore,  will  account  why  the 
royalifts  took  the  lead  in  thofe  aiTemblies,  and  why  fo  many 
of  them  were  chofen  in  the  electoral  corps. 

But  by  what  ftrange  viciffitude  of  affairs  was  this  effect  pro- 
duced ?  How  could  it  happen  under  an  adminiftration  un- 
friendly to  royalty  ?  In  truth,  the  explanation  is  diftinctly 
marked  by  preceding  events,  and  has  been  in  part  unfolded, 
in  preceding  communications,  f  errorifm,  or  what  was  then 


[      2SO      ] 

called  To,  the  perfecution  of  the  royalifts,  had  gone  to  fuch* 
length,  that  it  became  indifpenfibly  neceilary  to  end  it.  To 
this  object,  therefore,  the  whole  force  of  the  government  was 
directed,  and  with  effect,  for  it  was  accomplifhed.  But  in 
linking  at  terrorifm,  perhaps  by  the  unguarded  manner  of 
the  blow,  perhaps  by  thofe  confequences  which  are  infepara- 
ble'from  fuch  vibrations,  and  which  I  deem  the  moil  likely, — 
an  elevation  was  given  for  a  while  to  the  oppofite  extreme. 
The  terrorifm  of  that  day  was  the  excefs  of  the  pafficn  for  li- 
berty, but  it  was  countenanced  by  thofc  in  office,  as  neceffa- 
ry  in  their  judgment,  to  bring  about  the  revolution  •,  nor  were 
its  acts  diiplayed  in  private  aflalTmations  :  On  the  contrary, 
they  were  fanctined  by  public  judgments  and  public  execu- 
t'o.is.  The  mcfl  culpable,  therefore,  were  thofe  who  expi- 
ated for  their  crimes  on  the  pth  Thermidor.  But  with  others 
in  general,  and  even  where  the  excefs  was  criminal,  the  in- 
tention was  otherwife.  At  that  point,  therefore,  which  dif- 
criminated  between  the  vicious  extravagancies  of  the  moment, 
and  the  fpirit  of  patriotifm  itfelf,  mould  the  fcale  have  been 
fufpended  :  And  there  by  the  law  it  was  fufpendedj  for  I  do 
not  recollect  any  act  of  the  convention  which  pafled  beyond 
it :  Special  outrages  were,  it  is  true,  fpechlly  corrected  ;  but 
even  in  thefe  cafes,  I  do  not  know  an  inflance  where  the  cor- 
rection was  difproportionate  to  the  offence.  But  fo  nice  was 
the  fubject  upon  which  they  had  to  act,  and  fo  delicate  is  the 
nerve  of  human  fenfibility,  that  it  was  impoflible  for  the  go- 
vernment under  exifting  circumftances,  to  moderate  its  rigor 
towards  the  royalifts,  without  giving,  in  a  certain  degree, 
encouragement  to  royalty.  In  this,  therefore,  it  is  to  be  pre- 
fumed  the  late  event  will  produce  a  beneficial  effect ;  for  as 
the  views  of  the  royalifts  were  completely  unmafked,  and  de- 
feated, and  which  were  always  denied  to  exift,  until  they 
were  thus  unmafked, — it  cannot  otherwife  than  tend  to  open 
the  eyes  of  the  community  in  that  refpect,  and  in  the  degree 
to  reprefsthe  arrogant  fpirit  of  royalty.  To  your  judgment, 
however,  thefe  facts  and  obfervations,  in  refpect  to  the  late 
movement,  are  refpectfully  fubmitted. 

I  have  lately  been  honored  with  your  feveral  favors  of  May 
Zpth,  June  the  ift  and  7th,  and  of  July  the  2d,  8th,  I4th, 
2 1  ft,  29th  and  3Oth;  all  of  which  came  to  hand  about  the 
fame  time,  and  generally  by  the  rout  of  England-,  and  to  which 
1  will  certainly  pay  the  utmoft  attention.  As,  however,  this 
letter  has  already  gone  to  an  unreafonable  length,  and  efpeci- 
ally  as  I  wifh  you  to  be  correctly  informed  of  the  character  and 
fate  of  the  movement  in  queftion,  I  think  itbeft  to  defpatck 


tKis  immediately,refervmg  ?.  more  particular  reply  to  thcfe  favors 
future  communication.     Fox1  the  prefent,  however,  per- 
ir.it  me  to  add,  thai  no  ccmphint  has  been  made  to  ttfe 

againft  the  treaty  ;  I  heard  any  thin;,;  from  the  com- 

mittee on  the  fubjecr,  iince  the  application  requeuing  infor- 
mation, in  what  light  they  were  to  view  the  reports  refpeclinr* 
it ;  and  which  was  made  ibon  after  the  tu, 
If  any  thing  is  intended  to  be  faid,  I  think  it  will  net  be  faid 
until  after  the  new  government  is  organized;  nor  then,  until 
after  it  is  known  that  the  trcr.ty  is  ratified  ;  and  in  which  cafe 
I  have  reafon  to  apprehr  .  hear  from  them  on  the  fub- 

jecl.     I  trait,  hov/-  :  in  tlu.t  reipecl .  or  the 

opinion  which  the  coiVimittee  rm:y  entertain,  be  wh 
I  fliall  find  that  .the  lame  amicable  a-  -.incils 

e  time 

pail.  Toiiicu: 
merits  and  .ii^h: 
crwn  imperfect  exn-.-Lv-ice,  and  often  to 

.applied  h.y  bee:i.  a;ul    bj  to  be, 

eou^liy  the  oljedl  of  iri\ 
ellbrts. 

P.  .5.  As  the  veffdby  which-this  will  ".  rde  1  v/ill 

not  fail  until  a  gentleman,  who  is  now  hc\  I^vre, 

I  have  kept  the  .  :;i  me  for  the  puvou:::  et"  ;-;Hing  to  it 

what  might  iiti  i-ia'depaxtin-e.     Ga 

tht  day  after  to-mcrrov, .  is  ro  convene, 

and  the  profpcer.  is  i  convene, 

and  precifely  ur  in  the  ;;:  L^ter. 

Some  fyaipton. 

prehenlion,  that  the  expiring  moments  of  the  conv-. 
wouW  be  momer.ts  of  rroat  ap,ony  ;::id  convulibii.  U 
ciations  and  countsr-'.ler.unciativ'iis  were  -roceeding 

jaufes  connected  withtl.e  late  movement;  but:-iapp:ly 
..re  over,  without  producing  any  ferious  efl  com- 

miiHon  of  five  was  appointed  to  make  a  iuppiemental  report, 
relpefting  that  moveir.eil^'-and  it  was  expeile'd    bv  m, 
weak*  eud  in  a  propofai  to" annul  the  proceedings  of  lev. 
the  departments,  whofe  primary  to  be 

•  coniuraint  by  the  ropiifts,  and  pro:  in  the  ar- 

reltr.tion  of  fevtfal' deputies  ;  but  'that   cornmiilicn  has 
everyone  from  ilneafinels  on  that  account,  bv    a  report  juil 
made  ;  and  which  propcfes  only  fome  new  provifions  for  the 
trial  of  offenders  in  that  movement,  and  others  in  feveral  of 
the  departments,  who  have  committed  atrocities  of  various 

Oo 


t  282  ] 

kinds,  under  •  the  pretext  of  punching  the  terrorifts.  Every 
moment  muil  be  deemed  critical,  in  the  exifting  circumftari- 
ces  of  this  country  ;  being  at  the  eve  of  a  great  revolution,  a 
tranfition  from  one  government  to  another;  and  efpecially 
ivhen  it  is  known,  that  there  is  a  party,  not  defpicable  in  point 
of  numbers,  and  lefs  fo  in  activity  and  talents,  always  ready 
to  feize  every  incident  that  occurs,  to  throw  every  thing  into 
confufion  ;  and  which  party  is  connected,  not  only  with  the 
emigrants  abroad,  but  with  the  furrounding  powers,  by  whom 
the  neceflary  means  are  furnifhed  for  the  purpofe.  But  yet  it. 
feems  as  if  the  convention  would  retain  its  ftrength  to  the  lafl 
moment  of  its  exiftence,  and  tranfmit  its  powers  unimpaired 
to  its  fucceflbr.  The  decrees  are  faid  to  be  univerfally  ob- 
ferved,  and  the  leading  members  of  both  fides  of  the  houfe 
are  in  general  re-elected  »  thefe  are  to  ele&  the  others,  fo  as 
to  make  up  the  two- thirds  of  the  new  government. 

Lately  Jourdan  received  a  check  on  the  other  fide  of  the 
Rhine,  and  which  occafioned  his  falling  back  to  the  Rhine* 
upon  which  river  both  his  and  Pichegru's  army  are  pofted. 
The  caufe  of  this  is  not  diftinctly  known  ;  but  certain  it  is, 
that  the  deputy  of  the  military  fe£Hon  of  the  committee  of 
public  fafety  has  been  fince  arrefted,  upon  a  fufpicion  of  trea- 
chery ;  as  ave  three  others,  upon  a  charge  of  treafonable  cor- 
refpondence  with  their  enemies  •,  but  with  what  propriety  I 
cfo  not  pretend  to  determine.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that 
it  was  known  in  England  and  in  Baile  before  it  happened, 
that  there  would  be  a  movement  here  at  the  time  it  happen- 
ed ;  at  which  time  too,  the  count  d'  Artofs  landed  from  Eng- 
land upon  the  iile  of  Dieu,  near  the  French  coaft,  oppofite 
the  Vendee,  where  he  ftill  is. 

A  report  was  yeflerday  made  to  the  convention,  of  an  im- 
portant advantage  gained  in  a  rencounter  in  the  Mediterra- 
nean, in  which  the  French  took  a  fhip  of  the  line  and  damag- 
ed greatly  two  others ;  and  likewife  took  fourteen  merchant 
{hips  richly  laden  and  eftimated  at  an  enormous  fum.  Two 
other  advantages  in  other  quarters  are  fpoken  of,  ftill  more 
fjgna!  than  this,  but  not  by  authority. 

Mdneron  is  returned,  but  whether  by  order  of  the  French, 
government  (as  I  fufpe£t,  and  in  confequence  of  the  fortunate 
ifTue  of  the  late  movement)  or  the  failure  of  his  million,  be  it 
what  it  might,  is  uncertain.  Be  aiTured  if  Mr.  Jay's  treaty 
is  ratified,  it  will  excite  great  difcontent  here.  Of  this,  how- 
ever, I  ihall  be  able  to  fpeak  with  more  certainty,  after  thq 
new  government  is  organized. 


C    283    1 

I  No.  XXIV.  ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  November  $tb,   1795. 


ON  the  ayth  ultimo,  the  convention  ended  its  career, 
by  declaring  that  its  powers  ceafed  ;  and  immediately  after- 
wars  the  inilallation  of  the  new  government  began  in  the  fame 
hall,  by  a  verification  of  the  powers  of  its  deputies,  and  their 
diftribution  into  two  branches,  according  to  the  mode  pre.r 
fcribed  in  the  confutation  ;  and  which  was  completed  in  that 
and  the  fucceeding  day.  It  was  found  upon  inipecHon,  that 
the  decrees  heretofore  noticed,  were  univerfaliy  obeyed  ;  and 
that  of  the  two-thirds  of  its  legiflative  branches,  who  were  to 
be  taken  from  among  the  members  of  the  convention,  more 
than  a  majority  were  elected  by  the  departments  ;  fo  that  the 
duty  impofed  upon  thofe  who  were  elected,  of  fupplying  the 
deficiency  by  their  own  fuffrage,  became  proportionably  more 
eafy  and  lefs  objectionable.  This,  therefore,  was  immediate- 
ly executed  by  ballot  j  and  after  which  the  interior  organiza- 
tion of  each  branch  followed,  and  which  took  up  a  day  or 
two  only  ;  then  the  members  of  the  Dire6toire,  or  executive, 
were  cho  fen,  and  which  was  done  on  the  31(1  ultimo,  and 
whereby  the  new  government  was  completely  inftalled. 

When  I  obferve  that  the  fcene,  which  was  exhibited  upoa 
this  great  occafion,  refembled  in  many  refpe£bs  what  we  fee 
daily  a£ted  on  our  fide  of  the  Atlantic,  in  our  national  and 
ftate  aflemblies,  you  will  have  a  better  idea  of  the  tranquillity 
which  reigned  throughout,  than  I  can  otherwife  defcribe.  — 
Nor  (hall  I  be  accufed  of  an  unbecoming  partiality,  if  I  draw 
from  the  increafmg  fimilitude  in  their  and  our  political  inftitu- 
tions,  which  this  conftitution  and  other  proceedings  furnith, 
the  mod  favorable  hopes  of  the  future  'prosperity  and  welfare 
of  this  Republic. 

The  adoption  of  a  new  conftitution,  founded  upon  the 
equality  of  human  rights,  with  its  legiflative  powers  diftribut- 
ed  into  two  branches,  and  other  improvements  in  the  execu- 
tive and  judiciary  departments,  though  ft  ill  perhaps  imper- 
fect, yet  certainly  far  beyond  what  paft  experiments  here 
gave  reafon  to  expect,—  is  an  event  of  great  importance,  not 
only  to  France,  but  perhaps  to  mankind  in  general.  Its  com- 
plete inauguration  too  afiures  us  that  its  merits  will  be  tried  : 


Though,  indeed,  under  the  exifting  circumftances  of  a  war 
with  the  neighbouring  powers,  who  are  interefted  in  its  over- 
throw; of  a  ftrong  party  within,  inccflantly  labouring  to  pro- 
mote the  fame  object  ;  together  with  the  derangement  of 
the  finances  and  other  embarrafTments  vrhich  were  infcpara- 
ble  from  the  difficulties  they  had  to  encounter  ; — the  experi- 
ment ought  not  to  be  called  a  fair  one.  If,  however,  it  does 
fucceed,  and  the  republican  fyftem  is  preferved  here,  not- 
withftanding  the  various  and  complicated  difficulties  which 
oppofed  its  eftablifhment,  and  itili  makes  its  foundation, — it 
will  certainly  furnifh  a  complete  refutation  of  all  thofe  argu- 
ments, which  have  been  in  all  ages  and  nations  urged  againft 
the  practicability  of  fuch  a  government,  :\nd  efpecially  in  old 
countries. 

Reveillere  Lepeaux,  Rewbell,  Sieves,  Le  Tourneur  and 
Barras  are  elected  into  the  dirc&oire  ;  arid  who  are  all  diftin- 
guifhed  for  their  talents,  and  integrity,  as  likewife  their  de- 
votion to  the  revolution  ;  a  circumilance  which  not  only  fur- 
nifhes  reafonablc  ground  whereon  to  eftimate  the  principles  of 
thofe  who  chofe  them,  but  which  will  likewife  tend  eflential- 
ly  to  give  (lability  to  the  revolution  itfelf. 

I  write  you  at  preftnt,  only  to  communicate  this  import- 
ant event,  and  will  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  keep  you  regularly 
advifed  of  what  fhaJl  appear  to  me  to  merit  communication. 

P.  S.  Sieyes  has  declined  accepting  his  feat  in  the  direc- 
toire,  and  Carnot  is  appointed  in  his  ftead. 

Mr.  Fauchet  is  lately  arrived,  and  as  he  appears  to  be  ex- 
tremely diflatisfied  with  Mr.  Jay's  treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
and  is  apparently  well  received  by  his  government,  I  doubt 
not  his  communications  on  that  head  will  be  attended  to. 


From  Mr.  Pickering,    to  Mr.  Monroe. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Sept.  i2/£,  1795. 


to?, 

THE  office  of  fecretary  of  flate  being  at  prefent  va- 
cant by  the  refignatioa  of  Mr.  Randolph,  I  have  it  in  com- 
mand from  the  Prefidenr,  to  acknowledge  your  letters  dated 
November  7th,  1794*  January  13th;  February  I2th, 
1 8th  ;  March  6th,  7th,  i2th,  I3th;  May  7th,  lyth;  June 
1 4th  and  26th,  1795  :  And  to  communicate  fuch  infor- 
mation as  the  prefent  itate  of  things  appears  to  require. 


C    283    ] 

You  have  already  beer.  ith  a  copy  of  the  treaty 

lately  ucgociated  between  til..' United  States  and  GIL:.::  Britain; 
but  ieit  that  Ihouid  have  unlearned,  you  will  find  another  in- 
cloied.  This  treaty  has,  alter  the  mod  mature  deliberation, 
been  ratified  by  the  Prefident,  on  the  condition  propofed  by 
the  fen  ate  ;  and  has  been  tranfmitt.d  to  London.  On  the 
prefumption  that  it  will  receive  an  equivalent  ratification  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain,  and  thus  become  a  compact  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  it  is  proper  that  you  fliouici  be  pof- 
fefled  of  the  opinions  of  the  government ;  efpecially  as  it  ap- 
pears probable  from  your  letters  and  from  the  movements  of 
difaifected  perfons  here,  that  unfavourable  impreihons  upon 
the  government  and  people  of  France  may  be  apprehended. 
As  we  have  ever  been  moil  fincerely  defirous  of  cultivating 
friendfhip  with  that  nation,  the  mod  prompt  and  candid 
meafures  were  taken  in  every  ilage  of  the  negociation,  to  pro- 
duce tranquillity  and  fatisfacHon,  \vhich  the  rules  prefcribed 
by  cuftom  in  fuch  cafes  would  juflify  or  permit.  The  refult, 
now  made  public,  will  evince  that  the  rights  of  France,  whe- 
ther founded  on  the  laws  of  nations  or  their  treaties  with  us, 
remain  tin  violated  and  uni; 

It  is  already  known  to  you,  that  Mr.  Jay  was  fpecialiy  in- 
ftrucled  by  the  Preiident,  to  itipulate  nothing  with  Great  Bri- 
tain contrary  to  the  engagements  of  t  States  to 
France.  This  part  of  the  Prefident's  inihr.cYions  was  cfaci- 
ally  communicated  to  Mr.  Fauchet,  the  mimiter  of  the  Re- 
public ;  and  independent  of  the  obligation  iniprefled  upon  our 
envoy,  the  honor  of  the  government  became  pledged,  to  re- 
fufe  the  ratification  of  any  article  derogatory  from  OUT  engage- 
ments to  France,  which  might  be  inad>  admitted  by 
our  negociator. 

Accordingly,  foon  after  the  decihon  of  the  fenate  had  been 
given,  and  previous  to  the  ratification  bv  the  Prefident,  Mr. 
Adet,  the  prefent  miniiler,  wab  furniihcd  with  a  copy  of  the 
treaty  and  rcquefled  to  communicate  hi*  observations  thereon. 
A  copy  of  his  letter,  and  of  the  reply  of  the  fecretary  of  ftate, 
are  inclofed  ,  by  which  you  will  perceive  the  nature  of  the 
objections  which  were  urged,  and  that  fuch  explanations  wcr  \ 
immediately  given  and  fuch  conftru£Uons  adopted,  as  muli: 
have  been  fatisfaclcry.  We  infer  this,  nc  lefs  from  the  ex- 
planations themfelves,  than  from  the  fubicqu,.:  c  of 
the  niinifler. 

The  late  conduct  of  Great  Britain  in  detaining  the  vefiels 
of  the  United  States,  laden  with  provifions  and  bound  to 
France,  is  however  calculated  to  create  in--;  \  it  isj 


[     ?S6     ] 

therefore,  proper  to  explain  the  1 8th  article  more  particular- 
ly than  Mr.  Randolph  has  done  ;  efpecially  as  this  part  of  the 
treaty  has  been  mifreprefented  in  this  country,  as  being  un- 
friendly to  France. 

It  cannot  be  doubted,  that  the  United  States  have  a  power- 
ful intereft  in  diminifhing  by  treaty  the  catalogue  of  contra- 
band articles  as  much  as  poflible  ;  to  this  they  are  invited  no 
lefs  by  their  pacific  policy,  which  inclines  them  to  cultivate 
and  extend  neutral  rights,  than  by  the  operation  of  the  law 
of  nations  upon  feveral  valuable  articles  of  export,  the  pro- 
duce of  our  own  country.  No  nation  can  be  fufpefted  of 
infmcerity,  in  the  purfuit  of  objects  connected  with  its  im- 
mediate intereft  ;  accordingly  the  moft  zealous  exertions  have 
been  uniformly  made  by  the  United  States,  to  eftablifh  prin- 
ciples favourable  to  free  commerce.  A  time  of  war  was, 
however,  moft  unfavorable  for  this  purpofe,  efpecially  when 
the  object,  as  in  the  prefent  cafe,  was  to  induce  a  powerful 
maritime  nation,  to  make  conceffions  in  favour  of  a  neutral 
and  defencelefs  commerce. 

The  refult  of  the  negociation  with  Great  Britain  has  there- 
fore fhewn,  that  me  will  not  relax  in  our  favor,  from  the 
ftricl:  maxims  of  the  law  of  nations,  defining  contraband,  the 
the  principles  of  which  are  adopted  in  the  treaty  :  Thus, 
though  the  firft  claufe  of  the  i8th  article  embraces  general 
kinds  of  merchandize,  which  the  policy  of  modern  times  has 
by  fpecial  treaties  admitted  to  be  articles  of  free  commerce  ; 
yet  it  is  believed,  that  not  a  fmgle  one  is  included  as  contraband, 
which  has  not  been  ranked  as  fuch  by  approved  writers  on  the 
law  of  nations.  It  is  not,  therefore,  correctly  faid,  that  we 
have  relinqui/hed  any  neutral  rights,  the  exercife  of  which  would 
have  been  beneficial  to  France  ;  and  yet  this  is  the  ftrongeft 
charge  which  has  been  advanced  againft  the  treaty,  with  the 
ihadow  of  reafon.  The  treaty  has  barely  recited  in  the  lift  of 
contraband,  what  was  before  fo,  under  a  law  which  we  could 
not  mitigate  ;  and  though  we  were  defirous  of  relaxing  the  ri- 
gor of  this  law,  yet  a  recital  of  it  in  the  prefent  treaty,  was 
the  belt  which  could  be  done,  and  was  neceflary,  in  order  to 
admonifli  our  maritime  and  commercial  citizens  of  a  rifque 
which  really  exifted. 

The  fecond  claufe  of  the  1 8th  article  clearly  refers  to  the 
doctrine  aflerted  by  Great  Britain,  that  provifions  may  become 
contraband,  when  deftined  to  places  not  invefted  or  blockad- 
ed. To  this  pretenfion,  which  is  contrary  to  our  interefts, 
and  as  we  are  inclined  to  believe,  unwarranted  by  the  law  of 
nations,  efpecially  in  the  extent  afierted  by  Great  Britain,  we 


tould  not  accede:  The  opinions  of  our  government  on  this  fub- 
je6t,  formerly  exprefied,  and  well  known  to  you,  being  am- 
ply detailed  in  the  correspondence  of  Mr.  Jeffcrfon  and"  Mr. 
Pinckney  in  the  year  1793.  Though  we  have  not  been  able  to 
induce  Great  Britain  to  relinquifh  her  conftru&ion,  we  have 
not  abandoned  ours ;  and  the  refult  has  been  a  flipulation, 
that  whenever  provifions,  and  other  articles,  not  generally  con- 
traband, fhall  become  fuch  and  for  that  reafon  be  feized,  they 
(hall  not  be  confifcated ;  but  paid  for,  with  a  reafonable  mer- 
cantile profit,  including  freight  and  the  expenfes  incident  to 
the  detention. 

It  is  obvious,  that  if  the  Britifli  conftru£lion  of  the  law  of 
nations  were  admitted  to  be  jufl,  the  flipulation  in  the  treaty 
would  be  favourable  to  neutral  commerce  ;  we  do  not,  how- 
ever, admit  their  conftru&ionj  the  contrary  appears  from  the 
treaty  ; — we  have  only  guarded  by  fuch  means  as  were  in  our 
power  againft  the  effects  of  a  doctrine  which  has  been  and 
which  will  be  flrenuoufly  oppofed,  by  all  reafonable  means 
which  may  offer. 

Whether  this  pretenfion,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  was 
of  fuch  a  nature  as  ought  to  have  been  refifled  by  force,  is  a 
queftion,  which  it  pertains  to  the  proper 'authorities  of  the 
United  States  to  decide  :  They  are  the  exclusive  judges,  and 
competent  guardians,  of  whatever  concerns  our  interests,  po- 
licy, and  honor  ;  and  on  thefe  fubjects,  they  will  never  aik 
the  advice,  nor  be  governed  by  the  councils,  of  any  foreign 
nation  whatever.  We  acknowledge  ourfelves  bound  to  ili- 
pulate  nothing  which  may  derogate  from  our  prior  engage- 
ments ;  this  we  have  not  done  by  the  prefent  treaty,  and  this 
\ve  will  never  do:  Even  in  cafes  where  we  are  not  bound 
by  treaty,  we  will  not  flipulate  to  furrender  our  rights  as  a 
neutral  nation,  to  the  injury  of  our  friends  ;  but  we  muft  be 
left  to  determine  in  what  manner  we  can  mofl  beneficially  ob- 
viate an  evil,  and  when  it  is  proper  for  us  to  repel  an  injury. 
The  prefent  fituation  of  Europe  admonifhes  us  to  avoid  the  cala- 
mities of  war.  Having  attained  the  pofTeflion  of  a  free  and  hap- 
py government,  and  having  nothing  left  to  hope  or  defire  beyond 
our  prefent  internal  enjoyments,  our  folicitudes  are  principal- 
ly attracted  to  the  vexations  and  depredations  committed  up- 
on our  commerce  :  Thefe  are  indeed  great,  and  are  inflicted 
upon  us  by  all  the  parties  to  the  war  ;  notwithstanding  which, 
our  commerce  has  continued  to  be  lucrative  and  extenfive; 
though,  unfortunately  for  us,  as  we  have  no  means  of  pro- 
tecting it  againft  injuftice,  it  is  vulnerable,  in  the  fame  pro- 
portion that  it  is  extenfive. 


The  degree  of  fecurity  which  we  enjoy  is  wcH  Icnown  t<r 
depend  more  upon  the  com  rrrori  wants  of  the  nations  nt  war,. 
than  upon  any  exertions  which  we  can  immediately  make  of 
an  offenfrve  nature :  Indeed,  ncth'ng-  of  this  kind  could  be 
attempted  bv  us,  without  a  toLal  i  ;-iince  or  bur  commerce. 
How  prepoiterous  is1  that  policy  \vL;tli  .  :qu:< :  ,  us  to  abandon 
and  deitroy  the  very  object,  for  the  preicrvation  of  which  we 
are  invited  to  commence  hoflilities. 

It  may  not  be  amifs  to  dilate  on  the  comcquences  of  our  en- 
gaging in  the  war  again  ft  Great  Brit.  1 

1.  Seeing   me   has  .the  comm.md  of  the  fea  (and  appear- 
ances ftrongly  indicate  that  (he  v/ili  maintain  that  command) 
our  coin  merce;  might,  in  one  year, -be  annihilated;  and  thou- 
fands  of  our  feamen  be  fhut  up  or 'dying  in  jails  and  r,rlfoii- 
fhips.     In  addition  to  her  fleets  and'  cruisers  now  in  ccnimiP 
fion,  privateers  would  fwafrnj  as  foon  as  an  object fc  .vllur-" 
ing  and  fb  available  as  the  American  commerce, -'flioii l<i  pre- 
lent.     If  we  look  back  to  the  lait  two  years  of  our  revolution' 
war  a  judgment. may  be  formed  on  this  point.  -:  A:ftriking' 
defeci  in  her  naval  arrangements  in  preceding   years-  left  'our 
ports  open  for  the  entry  of  commerce,   for  the-  equipping  of 
privateers,  and  .the  introduction  of  prizes.      A  different  ar- 
rangement in  the  latter  period  of  that  \var  totally  changed  the 
fcene.    The  (Vital  1  privateers  were  hauled  up,  as  no  longer  able  - 
to  cope  even  with  their  armed  merchantmen ;  and  the  larger 
privateers  were  taken.     -Our  mercantile  fhippimr  fell,  at  the 
fame  time,  a  facrifice  to  the'vigilant  operations  of  the 'Britifh 
navy.     At  the  prefent  moment  her  .naval  power  is  extended 
beyond  all  former  examples ;  while  that  of  her  enemies  is  at 
leaft  not  encreafed. 

2.  Our  landed,  as  well  as  commercial,  interefts  would  fuf- 
fer  beyond  all  calculation.     Agriculture,  "above" the  fupply  of 
cur  own  wants,  would  be  Tufpended,  or  its  produce  perifti  on 
our   hands.     The  value  of  our  lands,   and  every  fp/ecies  of 
domcftic  property^  would  fink. 

3.  The  fources  of  revenue  failing,  public  credit  would  be 
derlroyed,  and  multitudes  of  our  citizens,  now  depending  on 
its  prefervation,  be  involved  in  ruin.     The  people  at  large, 
from  the  fumrmt  of  prosperity,  would  be  plunged  into  an  abyfs 
of  mifery,  too  fudden.   and  too  fevere,  patiently  to  be  borne. 
To  encreafe  their  calamities,  or  make  them  felt  more  fen fi- 
bly,  direct  taxes  muft   be  levied  to  fupport  the  war.     And 
it   would   be   happy  for   us,    if  we   could  contemplate  only 
a  foreign  war,  in  which  all  hearts  and  hands  might  be  uni- 
ted. 


4.  Under  the  circumftances  mentioned,  a  war  with  Great 
Britain  would  beeiTentially  injurious  to  France.  With  our  own 
principal  ports  blocked  up,  and  her  fea-coaft  lined  (as  at  pre- 
Jent)  with  Britifh  cruizers,  there  would  be  an  end  to  our  in- 
tercourfc  with  France,  And  it  is  by  our  commerce  only 
that  we  can  give  her  any  valuable  aid.  Men  (he  wants  not ; 
and  if  fhe  did  want,  we  could  not  tranfport  them.  A  fruitlefs 
diverfion,  on  the  fide  of  Canada,  would  nearly  bound  our  ef- 
forts. But  while  we  continue  our  neutrality,  the  benefits  we 
may  render  to  France  and  her  colonies  are  immenie.  And, 
though  the  renewal  of  the  order  for  capturing  neutral  veflels 
laden  with  provifions,  while  extremely  vexatious  to  us,  adds  to 
their  diftrefTes,  yec  the  tenor  of  the  1 8th  article  of  our  late 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  though  with  fome  a  fubjecfc  of  cla- 
mour, will  remedy,  in  a  degree,  the  mifchievous  tendency 
of  that  order :  For  the  article,  far  from  giving  a  right  to  Great 
Britain  to  capture  our  provifion  veilels,  only  prefcribes  the 
courfe  to  be  taken,  when,  by  the  law  of  nations,  proviilons 
become  contraband.  They  are  not  to  be  conrlfcated,  but  p^id 
for,  with  a  reafonable  mercantile  profit.  "What  will  be  the 
operation  of  this  provifion  ?  Will  it  check,  or  encourage,  ad- 
ventures to  France  ?  We  think,  the  latter  :  For  if  our  vtlTels 
reach  the  French  ports,  all  the  expedited  profits  of  the  voyage 
will  be  gained  :  If  they  are  taken  by  the  Britiih,  although 
there  may  be  lefs  profit,  there  can  be  no  lofs.  Confequently, 
initead  of  difcouraging,  this  article  will  rather  promote,  the 
exportation  of  provifions  for  France  -,  for,  in  the  event  of  at  - 
rival  or  capture,  the  American  merchant  is  certain  of  making  a 
profitable  voyage. 

That  this  article  in  the  treaty  refpefting  provifions  has  had 
no  influence  in  the  meafures  of  the  Britim  cabinet,  is  clear  to 
a  demonftration  :  For  the  order,  fo  far  as  we  are  informed, 
extends  to  other  neutral  nations  with  whom  there  is  no  fimiiar 
ftipulation.  And  before  the  article  exifted,  we  too  well  knew 
the  conduct  of  that  court  was  the  fame.  And  claiming,  as 
an  independent  nation,  the  right  of  judging  in  fuch  cafe,  it 
was  evidently  expedient  for  the  United  States  to  obtain  from 
her  fome  ftipulation  which,  without  admitting  her  claim, 
,  would  not  leave  our  commerce  to  future  fpoliations,  without 
any  definite  means  of  liquidation  or  redrefs. 

Some  men,  forgetting  their  own  profefled  principles,  when 
they  advert  only  to  our  relation  to  Great  Britain  ;  forgetting 
that  they  are  the  citizens  of  an  independent  ftate,  have  faid, 
that  while  France  with  whom  we  have  a  treaty  of  amity  and 
commerce  was  at.  war,  we  ought  not  form  with  her  enemy  a 


[     290     j 

ilmiiar  treaty,  by  which  our  fituation  would  be  changed.  Bur. 
where  is  the  principle  to  fupport  this  rule  ;  and  where  will  it 
fv'd  any  limits?  We  have  treaties  with  many  other  powers; 
one  or  rhe  other  of  whom  may  be  always  at  war  j  arc  we  ne- 
ver then  to  make  another  treaty  ? 

Others  have  laid,  France  will  be  difpleafed.  This  we  ihould 
regret,  for  two  reafons  :  One  becaufe  we  really  \rifhto  pleafe 
our  old  and  friendly  allies  ;  the  other,  becaufe  we  defire  to 
lee,  and  doubt  not  we  fliall  fee,  her  deportment  towards  us 
ccrrefpond  with  her  own  fundamental  principle  :  That  every 
independent  nation  has  an  exclufive  right  to  manage  its  own 
affairs..  Ail  OUT  external  duties  center  here:  That  in  our 
new  engagements  we  violate  no  prior  obligation. 

That  France  fhouid  manifeft  a  watchful  jealoufy  of  any 
€ofin?cl:ioii£  we  might  form  with  her  ancient  and  inveterate 
enemy,  is  perfe&Iy  natu.raL  It  is  die  fame  fpirit  which, 
prompted  her  to  alFord  us  that  efficient  aid,  which  was  fo  im- 
portant to  the  achieving  of  our  independence.  By  breaking 
off  fo  large  &  portion  of  the  British  Empire,  the  power  of  a 
formidable  rival  was  effentially  diminiihed.  No  wonder 
ihe  fhould  now  be  alive  to  the  remoteft  profpe&  of  re-union  j 
not  of  government,  but  of  interefts  and  good-will.  But  to 
the  following  pofitians  you  may  give  all  the  folemmty  of 
truths. 

ill.   'That  the  late- rtfgbciaiion  Las  not  proceeded  from  any  pre- 

In  cur  government  towards  Great  Britain.     We  abide 

by  cur  orignai  declaration  refpecling  the  British :  '  We  hold 

«  them,  as  we  hold  the  tell  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war,  in 

«•  peace  friends.' 

2d.  Thai,  from  the  remembrance  of  akngy  bloody  and  dtftr eff- 
ing war^  from  'which  we  were  jujl  beginning  to  recover ,  and  tt 
taftt  the  blefftngs  of  peace \  whatever  even  SEEMED  to  tend  to  a  re* 
neival  of  it,  was  ferioujly  deprecated. 

3d.  ^hat  there  were  many  caitfes  of  difference  between  us  and 
Gt\'c.t  Britain,  the  adjuftment  of  which  admitted  of  no  longer 
delay.  One  was  the  detention  of  the  weftern  pofts,  under  a 
real  or  alFecT:ed  belief  that  the  United  States  were  the  firft  to 
infringe  the  peace  of  1783.  From  this  detention  refulted  a 
bloody  and  expcnfive  Indian  war ;  a  lofs  of  revenue  by  the 
fufpenfion  of  the  fale  of  lands  ;  and  a  deprivation  of  the  fur 
trade.  To  thefe  were  added  frelh  excitements  to  a  more  ex- 
tended Indian  war,  and  the  vexations  and  ruinous  fpoliations. 
of  our  commerce.  Our  differences  on  thefe  and  other 
grounds  had  rifen  to  a  height  that  required  an  immediate  re- 
medy. War  or  negociation  were  the  alternatives.  We  chofc 


t 

the  latter.  Had  this  failed,  war  feemed  fcarcely  avoidable; 
But  in  that  cafe,  thcfe  good  effects  were  counted  upon.  The 
confcioufnefs  of  ufing  the  proper  means  of  averting  fo  great  a 
calamity  ;  union  among  ourfeivcs,  when  war  fhould  have  ap- 
peared inevitable ;  and  division  among  our  enemies  \vlio 
ihould  have  refufed  an  amicable  fettlement  of  our  juft  de- 
mands :  Bolides  which  we  gained  time  for  preparation. 

4th.  That  the csmn:erc':rJ part  of  the  treaty,  though  titt  ttnim- 
pvrtanty  was  but  a  fitbafdinate  object,  and  at  the  fame  time  not  a 
new  mcafure.  This  is  well  known  to  every  well  informal 
citizen  of  the  United  States.  It  is  a  fact,  that  a  commercial 
treaty  has  been  fought  after  ever  fmce  the  peace  ;  under  the 
old  government,  and  fmce  the  effoblifhment  of  the  new  one. 
It  is  a  fact,  that  upon  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Hammond,  the  Bri- 
tifh  minifter,  and  an  intimation  that  he  was  impo\vered  to 
enter  into  commerce!  arrangements,  he  was  met  with  avidi- 
ty by  Mr.  Jcfferfon,  the  fecretary  of  fcate  :  And  v  hen  it  wag 
difcovered  that  his  pov/ers  exrendecl  only  to  an  incor.c 
difcufiion  of  this  fubje&,  disappointment  and  chagrin  were  the 
refult.  It  may  be  added,  that  meafures  have  been  propofed 
•and  powerfully  fupported  in  the  legiib.ture,  the  fole  object  <>f 
which  was  to  force  Great  Britain  into  a  commercial  treaty. 

5th.  That  the  vwernment  of  the  United  States  is  fwcerely 
friendly  to  the  French  nation.  The  latter,  doubtlefs,  believes 
that  the  body  of  American  citizens  are  well  affected  tov/r.rds 
them.  The  belief  is  welt  founded  :  But  it  is  equally  applica- 
ble to  thofe  in  the  a'drniniftration  of  the  government,  if  any 
thing  could  weaken  this  general  attachment,  it  would  be  a  re- 
currence to  fuch  diforganizing  projects,  and  outrages  on  the 
Sovereignty  and  dignity  of  the  United  States,  as  marked  and 
difgraced  the  miniitry  of  Genet.  The  precipitate,  and  in  the 
main,  ill-founded  resolutions  of  a  few  fmall  popular  meetings, 
are  not  to  be  taken  as  true  indications  of  the  American  fenti- 
ment.  Very  different  is  the  opinion  of  the  great  body  of  the 
people.  Thefe  are  beyond  example  pi\  contented 

and  happy.  Where  any  fymptoms  of  anotht  r  vulture  have  ap- 
peared, they  are  to  be  traced  to  ignorant  and  pervert  mi;Vc- 
prefentations  of  the  treaty.  This,  as  it  becomes  better  un- 
<lcrftood,  is  more  and  more  approved. 

That  the  treaty  would  fettle  every  point  in  difpute  entirely 
to  our  fatisfa£tio:7,  and  fecure  to  us  ail  the  coir  ivan- 

tages  \ve  could  wifn  for,  no   reafonable  man 
Our  antagoniils  too  had  claim?,    cpinions  and  wirhes. 
where  there  are  cppofing iutereits,  nations  P.S  veil  us  indivi- 
duals are  likely  to  make  erroneous  clihnatcs  ci.tliiir  rti 


rights.     When,  therefore,  every   argument  was  exhaufted, 
and  found  unavailing  to  fettle  the  difputed  points  more  to  our 
advantage,  the  terms  as  we  fee  them  were  adopted.  Thefenate, 
after  a  very  deliberate  difcuffion  and  confideration  of  the  trea- 
ty, in  all  its  relations,  advifed  its   ratification,  on  the  condi- 
ti        ;  ited  in  their  refolution:   And,  on  that  condition,  it  has 
retxived  the  Proficient's  fan&ion.    It  now  refts  with  the  king  of 
Grtat  Britain  to  give  or  withhold  his  aflent.  We  are  difpofed 
to  think  that  his  aflent  will  be  given  :  For  it  is  the  intereft  of 
Great  Britain  not  to  increafe  the  number  of  her  enemies,  or 
to  deprive    herfelf    of  the  benefits  of  a  commercial  inter- 
courfe  with  the  United  States.     It  is  not  lefs  our  intereft  to 
remain   at   peace  ;  and  the  Prefident,  as  the  firft  minifter  of 
goc.d  to  the  people,  is  bound  to  take  all  reafonable  and  prudent 
means  to  preferve  it.     Peace  is  the  ordinary  and  eligible  itate 
of  our  nation  \  and  your  duties  as  its  agent  abroad  rcfult  from 
this  condition  of  our  country.     And  as  nothing  has  yet  hap- 
pened which  renders  it  in  any  degree  probable,  that  the  United 
States  will  become  a  party  in  the  exifting  war,  every  intima- 
tion    hich  may  invite  the  expectations  and  enterprizes  of  the 
French  government,  calculating  on  fuch  an  event,  is  there- 
fore carefully  to  be  avoided. 

I  am,   &c. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 


From  Mr.  Pickering,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

September  i^th,  1795. 

SIR, 

BEFORE  this  letter  reaches  you,  inofficial  information 
will  probably  get  to  hand,  of  the  outrage  committed  by  the 
Britim  man  of  war  the  Africa,  commanded  by  captain  Rod- 
ham Home,  in  his  attempt  to  take  Mr.  Fauchet  and  his  papers, 
on  his  paflage  from  New- York  down  the  found  to  Newport ; 
where  he  was  to  embark  for  France,  in  the  frigate  Medufa. 
The  ftation  taken  by  the  Africa,  in  the  waters  of  the  ftate  of 
Rhode-Illand,  feems  to  have  fuggefted  to  the  people  at  New- 
port the  idea  that  fhe  intended  to  intercept  Mr.  Fauchet.  An 
exprefs,  therefore,  was  fent  to  Stonington  in  Connecticut, 
where  the  (loop  in  which  Mr.  Fauchet  had  embarked  was  de- 


C    293    3 

taaned  by  contrary  winds,  to  warn  him  of  his  danger.  He 
then  quitted  the  flo«p  ;  and,  taking  his  valuable  papers  with 
him,  purfued  his  journey  by  land. 

Captain  Home  made  the  expe&ed  attempt;  the  Hoop  was 
brought  to,  and  two  officers  of  the  Africa  went  on  board  to 
fearch  and  take  Mr.  Fauchet,  or  his  papers,  or  both  -, — cap- 
tain Home,  it  feems,  faid  the  object  was  to  take  his  papers 
only  ;  and  accordingly,  finding  that  thofe  of  value  had  been 
landed  with  Mr.  Fauchet,  the  reft  were  returned  unopened. 
The  particulars  of  this  action  are  dated  in  the  depofition  of 
captain  Thomas  Blifb,  the  matter  of  the  packet  in  which  Mr. 
Fauchet  had  embarked,  of  v  hich  a  copy  is  inclofed.  You 
will  alib  find  inclofed,  the  copy  of  an  infolent  letter  from  Cap- 
tain Home  for  the  Governor  of  Rhode-Ifland,  to  be  conveyed 
through  the  Britilh  vice-conful,  Mr.  Moore  ;  %vho  was  fo  in- 
difcreet,  and  fo  little  refpefted  the  dignity  of  our  government, 
as  to  fend  the  governor  a  copy  of  it. 

Thefe  evidences  of  the  outrage  and  infulting  conduct  of 
Captain  Home,  with  the  co-operation  cf  Mr.  Moore,  were 
communicated  to  the  Britifti  minifter  and  charge  des  affaires  ; 
and  the  expectations  of  government  of  reparation  announced. 
For  this  purpofe,  and  to  give  opportunity  for  counter-repre- 
fentations  and  explanations,  time  was  neceffary.  Time  ac- 
cordingly was  given  :  For  juftice  as  well  as  prudence  required 
an  obfervation  of  the  maxim  :  Audi  alteram  partem. 

After  a  reafonable  time    had  elapfed,  and  no    fatisfaclory 
explanations  or    counter-proofs  being    offered,  the  Prefident 
decided  on  the  meafures  he  would  take.     Thefe  you  will  find 
in  the  inclofed  copy  of  my  letter  of  the   5th   inftant,  to  Go- 
vernor Fenner.     Befides  which,   the   minifter  of  the  United 
States  in  London,  is  charged «  fully  to  reprefent  thefe  outra- 
ges of  Captain  Home,  and  to  prefs   for  fuch  reparation  as 
the  nature  of  the  cafe  authorifes  the  Prefident  to  demand. 
What  this  mould  be  it  was  not  neceffary  to  fpecify.     The 
Prefident  relies  that  his  Britannic  majefty  will  duly  eftimate 
the  injuries  andinfults  proved  to  have  been  committed  by 
Captain  Home,  againft  the  United  States  ;  and  inflicl  up- 
on him  fuch  exemplary  punifhment  as  his  aggravated  offen- 
ces deferve;  as  the  violated  rights  of  a  fovereign  ft  ate  require; 
and  as  it  will  become  the  juftice  and  honor  of  his  majefty's 
government  to  impofe.' 
The  letter  before  mentioned,  to  Governor  Fenner,  was  fent 
from  Philadelphia  by  the  poft,  on  Saturday  the  5th  inftant, 
when  it  bears  date.     On  the  Monday  following)    intelligence 
was  received  that  the  Medufa  had  failed  on  the  firft  ,  and  that 


C 

the  Africa  in  two  or  three  hours  afterwards  got  underway  to 
purfue  her.  I  am  particular  in  dating  the  days  when  the 
Prefident's  orders  to  Governor  Fenner  were  defpatched,  and 
when  the  firft  information  reached  Philadelphia  that  the  Me- 
dufa  had  failed  ;  becaufe  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  fufpen- 
fion  of  thcfe  orders  may  be  reprefented  as  calculated  to  be  in- 
operative ;  and  it  may  be  fuggefted,  that  they  were  not  iffued 
finally,  until  it  was  known  that  the  Africa  had  left  the  waters 
of  Rhode-Ifland.  But  the  facts  are  as  I  have  ftated  them  ; 
and  the  true  and  only  caufes  of  the  fufpenfion  are  thofe  which 
I  have  mention,  and  which  you  will  fee  in  the  letter  to  Go- 
vernor Fenner. 

The  circumftances  in  refpect  to  wind  and  weather  under 
which  the  Medufa  failed,  joined  with  her  fwift  failing,  ena- 
bled her  to  efcape  from/the  Africa,  which  has  fince  return- 
ed to  her  former  ftation  at  Rhode-Illand.  The  Prefident's 
orders,  prohibiting  all  intercourfe  with  her,  will  now  come 
into  operation:  And  for  her  additional  violation  of  the  rights 
of  a  neutral  nation,  in  immediately  purfuing  the  Medufa, 
a  new  demand  of  fatisfaction  will  be  made  on  the  Britifh  go- 
vernment. A  naval  force  to  compel  a.  due  refpect  to  our  rights 
on  the  water  you  know  we  do  not  pofTefs. 

I  have  the  pleafure  to  inform  you,  that  peace  with  all  the 
Indians  on  our  frontiers  is  at  length  accomplimed.  Georgia 
and  the  South  Weflern  territory  have,  for  fome  months  paft, 
enjoyed  tranquillity;  and  the  moft  prejudiced  againft  the 
Creeks,  believe  their  pacification  fmcere.  On  the  3d  of  Au- 
guft,  general  Wayne  concluded  a  treaty  with  all  the  Weftern 
Indians.  This  fact  is  declared  in  a  letter  of  that  date  from 
the  quarter-mafter-general,  at  head-quarters,  to  his  deputy, 
major  Craig,  at  Pittilmrg ;  fo  I  rely  upon  it.  I  fuppofe  gene- 
ral Wayne  muft  have  fent  off  the  official  account,  with  the 
treaty,  by  one  of  his  aids,  whofe  arrival  I  daily  expect. 

Quiet  pofieflion  has  been  taken  of  Prefqu'ifle  ;  where  fome 
works  are  now  erecting,  for  the  protection  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  the  fecurity  of  our  garrifon. 

But  for  the  vexations  on  our  commerce  by  the  belligerent 
powers  (for  they  are  not  confined  to  the  Britifh)  we  ihould 
enjoy  perfect  repofe,  amidft  unexampled  profpenty. 

I  am,    &c. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING, 


C    295    3; 

from  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Relations,  to  the  Minifter  Plenipo- 
tentiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  l6th  Bntmciire,  %d  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(November  ^th,   1795.^' 
Sl£, 

I  NOTIFY  you,  that  the  executive  dire&ory  has  confi- 
ded to  me  the  Miniftry  of  Foreign  Relations.  Be  aflured> 
that  in  accepting  this  ilation,  I  have  confidered  as  one  of  its 
moft  important  functions,  that  of  keeping  up  the  friendfhip 
which  fubfifts  between  the  French  Republic  and  your  govern- 
ment, and  that  I  fhall  feize,  with  eagernefs,  every  opportuni- 
ty to  tighten  its  bonds. 

CH.  DELACROIX, 

Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

from  Mr.  Monroe^  to  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Relations. 

Paris,  November  iothy    1795. 

I  RECEIVED  yefterday,  with  pleafure,  the  notification 
you  were  pleafed  to  give  me,  of  your  appointment  by  the  di- 
re&oire,  to  the  office  of  Foreign  Relations ;  and  beg  leave  to 
affure  you,  that,  as  a  cultivation  of  the  amity  and  good  un- 
derftanding  which  fubfifts  between  the  two  Republics,  was  a 
principal  objecl:  of  my  million  here,  fo  I  fhall  always  be  happy 
in  meeting  you,  in  all  thofe  meafures  which  may  be  deemed 
beft  calculated  to  promote  that  defirable  end. 


[  No.  XXV.  ] 

FROM  MB.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  December  6th ,  1795. 

SIR, 

I  WAS  lately  honored  with  originals  and  triplicates  of 
your  favors  of  the  1 2th  and  i4th  of  September  laft.  The  du- 
plicates are  yet  t®  be  received. 


By  the  firfl  of  thefe  letters,  I  learn  that  the  prefident  has 
ratified  the  late  treaty  with  England  :  And  by  the  fecond,  the 
meafures  taken  to  vindicate  our  territorial  rights,  that  were 
violated  by  the  captain  of  a  Britifh  frigate,  in  an  attempt  to 
feize  Mr.  Fauchet,  the  late  French  minifler,  within  our  jurif- 
diction,  on  his  return  home ;  and  to  which  communication* 
due  regard  ihall  be  paid,  as  occafion  requires. 

That  the  treaty  was  ratified,  was  a  fact  well  eftablifhed  here, 
before  the  receipt  of  your  favor.  It  was,  indeed,  generally  cre- 
dited before  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Fauchet;  by  whom  it  was  con- 
firmed, and  afterwards  doubted  by  none.  As  I  had  no  rea- 
fon  to  conclude,  from  any  communication  from  your  depart- 
ment, that  the  contrary  would  be  the  cafe,  fo  I  had  never  cal- 
culated on  the  contrary  j  nor  had  I  given  this  government  any 
reafon  to  calculate  on  the  contrary  j  having  left  it  to  form  its 
own  judgment  on  that  point,  according  to  its  own  lights  *,  fo 
that,  in  this  refpect,  I  have  nothing  wherewith  to  reproach 
myfelf  on  the  fcore  of  difcretion. 

The  effect  which  this  incident  produced  in  the  councils  of 
this  country,  through  its  feveral  flages,  may  be  traced  in  my 
former  communications ;  and  to  which  I  beg  to  refer  you. 
To  thefe  I  have,  at  prefent,  nothing  material  new  to  add. 
Symptoms  of  difcontent,  it  is  true,  are  ftill  feen  ;  but  whether 
they  will  aflume  an  afpect  more  unpleafant,  I  know  not :  If 
they  do,  or  any  thing  occurs  of  fufficient  importance  to  me- 
rit your  attention,  I  will  certainly  apprize  you  of  it,  and  with- 
out delay. 

You  likewife  faw,  by  my  former  communications,  that  I 
underflood  and  acted  upon  that  part  of  my  inftructions, 
which  explained  the  object  of  Mr.  Jay's  miffion  to  England, 
differently  from  what  it  appears,  by  your  favor  of  the  1 2th 
of  September,  and  by  Mr.  Randolph's  of  the  ift  of  June 
preceding,  it  was  intended  I  fhould  underftand  and  act  on  it ; 
and  whereby  I  was  placed,  by  the  courfe  of  events,  in  a  very 
delicate  and  embarrafling  dilemma  ;  from  which,  indeed,  I 
am  not  yet  perhaps  fully  extricated  ;  though  I  hope  and  think 
I  am.  Upon  this  head,  I  have  only  now  to  obferve,  that  as 
foon  as  I  had  reafon  to  believe,  that  Mr.  Jay's  inftructions  em- 
braced objects  which  I  had  before  thought  they  did  not,  I  profited 
of  what  I  heard,  and  acted  accordingly  ;  keeping  out  of  view, 
fo  far  as  depended  on  me,  what  had  before  pafled  between  the 
government  and  myfelf  upon  that  fubject,  and  to  which  I  with 
pleafure  add,  that  I  have  never  heard  the  leaft  intimation  on 
it  fince.  In  reviewing  this  particular  trait  in  my  conduct 
here,  you  will,  I  doubt  not,  do  me.  the  juftice  to  obferve,  that 


C    297    3 

Vlitfn  1  made  the  feggeftiori  alluded  to,  it  was  riot  faftily 
•done,  nor  without  fuilijisnt  motive  5  on  the  contrary,  that 
(paying  due  regard  to  t: .  -.'f  our  affairs  at  the  time) 

I  was  called  on  to  make  itb_,  '  ationr,  the  moft  weighty, 

and  which  ought  not  to  have  been  difpenfcd  with  ;  confider- 
ations,  however,  which  I  now  forbear  to  repeat,  having  here- 
tofore fuiHciently  unfolded  them. 

I  have  the  pleafure  to  incloie  you  the  report  of  Mr.  :'• 
\vith,  upon  the  fubpir.  of  the  claims  of  miiny  of  our  ci: 
who  were  heretofore  injured  by  the  occurreirj-s  of  the  war, 
and   in  confjquence  nititled  to  indemnities  ; 
you  will  find  that  mmy  of  thofe  claims  are  fettled  j  and  de- 
rive ufe ful  information  in  refpect'  to  others. 

I  likewife  fend  you  a  letter  from  Mr.  F-:nwick,  explaining 
his  conduct  in  regard  to  the  charge  exhibited  againil  him  in 
your  department.  As  Mr.  Fenwick  has  always  proved  hini- 
felf  to  be  an  ufeful,  indeed  a  valuable,  officer  in  the  ftation  he 
holds,  and  as  the  error  imputed  to  him  might  be  the  effect  of 
judgment  only,  and  which  I  think  it  was, — -I  have  thought  I 
could  not  better  forward  your  views  or  the  intereft  of  my  coun- 
try, than  by  continuing  him  in  the  difcharge  of  the  duties  of  his 
office,  till  the  Prefident  fliall  finally  decide  in  his  cafe.  He  wilt, 
doubtlefs,  communicate  with  you  on  the  fubject;  fo  that  tha 
interval  will  not  be  great  before  I  have  the  decifion  in  queftion, 
and  which  will,  of  courfe,  be  duly  executed. 

Two  days  fince,  count  Carletti,  miniiler  from  Tufca- 
riy,  was,  in  confequence  of  fome  offence  given  by  him  to  the 
government,  ordered  to  depart  from  Paris  in  48  hours,  and 
the  bounds  of  the  republic  in  eight  days.  ' Tis  faid  the  of- 
fence confuted  in  a  demand  made"  to  vifit  the  daughter  of  the 
late  king,  of  whom  he  fpoke  in  terms  of  extreme  commifera- 
tionj  and  which  was  thought  to  be,  not  only  an  interferenct  in 
concerns  exclufively  their  own,  but  to  have  thrown  fome  re- 
proach on  the  French  government.  The  count,  I  hear,  de- 
parts to-night  by  the  way  of  Marfeilles. 

Soon  after  the  government  was  organized,  the  minifler  of 
foreign  affairs  announced  a  day  on  which  the  directoire  would 
receive  the  minifters  of  foreign  powers  ;  and  who  were  re- 
quefted  to  rendezvous  for  that  purpofe  at  his  houfe,  to  pro- 
ceed thence  to  that  of  the  direcloire.  War  did  fo,  and  were 
prefented,  without  regard  to  precedence,  to  that  body,  and 
whofe  prefident  addrefled  the  whole  diplomatic  corps  in  a 
(hort  difcourfe  *,  the  principal  object  of  which  was,  to  allure 
it  of  the  cordiality  with  which  it  was  welcomed  here  bv  the  re* 


C    298  !  ] 

J$i^fcntatites  of  the  French  people,  which  he  contracted  with 
the  pomp  and  ceremony.  of  the  ancient  court  ;  which,  he  faid, 
was  neither  cordial  nor  fraternal.  I  mention  this  latter  cir- 
cnmftance  merely  to  contradict  the  account  given  of  the  ad- 
drefs  by  the  journalists,  and  who  made  a  particular  fpeech  for 
the  prefident  to  each  minifter. 

Manheim  has  certainly  fallen  again  into  the  hands  of  the 
Auftrians,  with  the  garrifon  j  the  amount  of  which  is  not 
known,  but  prefumed  to  be  feveral  thoufands.  But  in  Italy, 
the  fortune  of  the  war  is  on  the  fide  of  France  *,  for  the  fame 
day  which  announced  the  capture  of  Manheim,  announced 
likewife  a  great  and  decifive  victory  over  the  Aufirhns,  in  the 
other  quarter.  The  details  of  the  killed  and  wounded  are  al- 
fo  not  yet  accurately  known  5  but  it  is  underftood  that  four  or 
five  thoufand  are  taken  prifoners,  many  flain,  and  the  whole 
army  put  completely  to  rout. 

Since  the  organization  of  the  new  government,  the  cha- 
racter and  deportment  of  all  the  departments  are  eflentially  im- 
proved. The  legiilative  corps,  in  both  its  branches,  exhibits, 
in  the  manner  of  difcuffioa,  a  fpectacle  wonderfully  impreffive 
in  its  favor,  when  compared  with  what  was  daily  feen  in  the 
late  convention.  And  the  executive  departments  begin  to 
fliew  an  energy  which  grows  out  of  the  nice  partition  of  their 
duties,  and  the  greater  refponfibility  that  belongs  to  each. 
In  truth,  the  vibration  from  the  fyftem  of  terror  had,  by  the 
force  of  moral  caufes,  gone  fo  far,  and  produced  fo  deep  an 
effect.,  as  to  have  greatly  relaxed  the  whole  machine  of  govern- 
ment. It  was  certainly  felt  in  the  departments,  in  the  public 
councils,  in  foreign  negociations,  and  in  the  armies.  A  ihort 
fpace  of  time,  however,  will  now  mew  how  far  the  change, 
which  has  taken  place  in  the  government,  will  furnilh  the 
m^&ns  of  an  adequate  remedy. 

Mr.  Pinckney  tas,  I  heard,  clofed  his  bufmefs  in  Spain 
to  his  fatisfaclion  j  and  is  now  on  his  route  back,  intending  to 
take  Paris  in  his  way.  .  I  trufl  this  report  is,  in  every  refpect, 
well  founded  ;  of  which,  however,  you  will  doubtlefs  be  cor« 
informed,  before  this  reaches  ou. 


P.  S.  Count  Carletti  has  notified  to  the  French  go~ 
Vernment,  that  he  cannot  depart  without  the  confent  oi 
his  own, 


C   299   ] 

from  3Ir.  PJcHeriag,  to  Mr.  Jlftnrce. 

DEPARTMENT  Of  STATED 

October  9//',  1/95. 

SIR, 

THIS  ferves  merely  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  (oa 
the  7th  inftant)  of  ycur  letter  of  the  4th  of  July,  with  its  in- 
clofures. 

The  prefident  is  now  at  Mount  Vernon  :  This  forbids  my 
faying  any  thing  on  the  fubjecl  of  baron  Stael's  application. 
Bciicks,  I  do  not  conceive  that  the  executive  could  even  at- 
tempt to  negociate  about  it,  until  congrefs  fhould  provide  thq 
means  of  rendering  an  agreement  efficient.  The  proportion, 
with  a  copy  of  the  convention  between  Sweden  and  Denmark, 
I  find  were  tnmfmitted  from  London  by  Mr.  Pinckney,  in  his 
letter  of  the  8th  of  iait  May :  It  does  not  appear  when  they 
were  received  at  this  office. 

I  have  die  honor  to  be,  &c. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 


[  No.  XXVI.  ] 

FROM  MR,  MONROE,  TO  THS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris?  December  22(t,   1795%. 


SINCE  my  laft,  I  was  favored  with  yours  of  the  ptri 
of  October,  and  a  quadruplicate  of  that  of  the  i  Jth  of  Sep* 
tember;  of  which  latter,  the  original  and  triplicate  were  be- 
fore acknowledged. 

Since  my  laft,  too,  I  have  received  a  note  from  the  minif- 
ter  of  foreign  affairs,  complaining  of  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Pa- 
rifli,  our  conful  at  Hamburgh,  in  granting  palTports  for  France 
to  Britifli  fuc-jecls,  equipping  the  emigrants,  and  acling  in 
all  cafes  as  the  Englifh  agent  ;  a  copy  of  which  note,  and  o£ 
my  reply,  are  herewith  forwarded  you.  I  hear,  alfo,  that  his 
conduct  was  even  more  reprehenfible  than  is  ftated  by  the  mi- 
?  for  that  he  not  only  equipped  the  emigrants  jbvtf  did  ii 


in  American  bottoms,  with  a  view  of  protecting  them  under 
our  flag.  In  calling  your  attention  to  this  fubjecl,  permit  me 
to  add,  that  two  American  citizens,  Benjamin  Jarvis  and  Tho- 
rn.;s  Randall,  both  of  New-York,  the  former  a  refpe&able 
jr.-  rchar.t,  as  has  been  reprefented  to  me,  and  the  latter  known 
to  the  prefident  as  captain  of  artillery  in  the  late  war,  and  late- 
ly as  vice-conful  at  Canton  in  China, — have  requeftcd  me  to 
communicate  to  you  their  wifh  to  obtain  appointments  in  the 
confulate,  in  any  of  the  rcfpe£lable  ports  oi  France,  or  other 
I.uropcan  ports  connected  v.-ilh  the  trade  of  France  ;  and  that 
I  have  rtufoji  to  believe  they  would,  either  of  them,  be  happy 
to  accept  the  appointment  in  qutftion.  In  cafe  Mr.  Parim  is 
removed,  permit  me  further  to  fuggeft  the  propriety  of  giving 
to  his  fucccffcT  two  commiirions  ;  one  for  Hamburgh,  and  the 
other  for  Aitcna,  in  the  neighbourhood  ef  Hamburgh,  but  un- 
der the  jurifdlclicn  of  Denmark.  Much  bufinefs  is  done  at  Al- 
tona,  on  account  of  the  greater  freedom  of  its.  trade;  for  Ham- 
burgh, though,  in' feme  refpecls  a  free  and  independent  ci- 
ty, yet  in  others  it  feels  the  influence  of  the  Emperor  ;  and 
is- therefore  a  lefs  eligible  port  for  mercantile  tranfadicns,  and 
efpecially  thofe  connected  with  France, 

I  fent  you  with  my  laii  a  report  of  Mr.  Skipwith,  upon  the 
cafes  fubrnitted  to  his  care,  fcr  adjuftment  with  this  govern- 
ment ;  and  fhali  continue  to  give  him  all  the  aid  in  my  power 
in  thofe  cafes  which  remain  unfettled,  and  apprize  you  regu- 
larly cf  the  prcgrefs.  To  that  of  Mr.  Girard,  due  attention 
ihali  certainly  be  paid. 

At  prefent  no  fymptorns  of  an  approaching  peace  are  to  be 
feen  ;  unlefs,  indeed,  the  mod  vigorous  preparations. for  the 
continuance  of  war  may  be  deemed  fuch  ;  and  which  fome- 
times  happens.  The  direcloire  has  called  on  the  legiilature  for 
afupply  of  fix  hundred  millions,  in  fpccie,  M'hich  was  imme- 
diately granted  by  a  law  which  propofes  raifing  it  in  the  form 
of*a  loan  ;  of  which  I  fend  you  a  copy.  The  greateft  polhbls 
exertions  are  making  by  that  body,  and  which  feem  to  be  fup- 
ported  by  the  legiilature,  in  putting  the  armies,  the  fleets  and 
the  interior  into  the  heft  poilible  order  ;  and  fo  far  as  I  can 
judge  from  appearances,  thefe  exertions  fecm  to  produce  the 
£&  that  are  defired  from  them;  for  to  thofe  who  are  friend- 
ly to  the  revolution  they  give  confidence;  andfrcm  thofe  wfco 
uvc  not,  they  command  refpeft.  'Tis  faid,  that  Fichegru  and 
Jourdan  have  lately  gained  feveral  important  advantages  over 
the  Auftri-ns,  in  actions  \\hkh,  though  net  general,  were 
yearly  fo  ;  and  that,  in  the  refult,  they  have  refumed  their  fta- 
(ion  before  Mayence.  The  former  part  of  this  report. is,  I  be- 


[    3°«    3 

lieve,  to  be  depended  on  ;  the  latter  wants  confirmation.  In 
Italy  the  troops  of  this  Republic  continue  to  reap  new  fuc- 
ceiTes ;  in  which  quarter  indeed,  fince  the  victory  mentioned 
in  my  laft,  they  have  met  with  but  little  oppofition. 

Latterly  the  views  of  Pruuia  have  become  more  doubtful 
than  they  were  before.  The  conducl  of  Prince  Hohenloe, 
who  commanded  the  Pruflian  troops  at  Francfort,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  French  and  A u (Irian  armies,  during  the  re- 
treat of  the  former,  and  who  were  Rationed  there  to  preferve 
the  line  of  neutrality  in  favor  of  Pruffia,  'tis  faid,  could 
fcarcely  be  deemed  neutral.  For  the  civilities  which  were 
{hewn  by  him  to  the  Auflrians  upon  that  occafion,  'tis  faid, 
he  has  been  rewarded  fince  by  feme  complimentary  attention 
from  the  Emperor.  The  Dutch  appear  appiehenfive  that  the 
king  of  Pruflia  will  feize  a  fuitable  opportunity,  if  any  offers, 
to  favor  the  reftoration  of  the  Stadtholder;  and  'tis  portable  the 
conduct  of  the  Prince  Kolienloe,  above  referred  to,  may  have 
increafed  that  fufpicion,  by  giving  an  infight  into  what 
might  be  the  views  of  the  Prullian  cabinet,  in  cafe  the  re- 
treat had  continued  *,  or  any  great  reverfe  of  fortune  mould 
hereafter  befall  the  French  arms.  'Tis  certain,  however,  that 
moments  of  difficulty  are  always  moments  of  great  jealoufy; 
and  that  fometimes,  upon  fuch  occafions,  fufpicion  is  thrown 
upon  thofe  who  do  not  deferve  it. 

The  Count  Carletti,  late  envoy,  &c.  from  Tufcany,  left 
Paris  fome  four  or  five  days  fince.  He  had  refufed  going  'till 
he  had  heard  from  the  Grand  Duke;  and  remained  notwith- 
ftanding  the  reiterated  orders  of  the  dire&oire.  Finally,  how- 
ever, he  was  ordered  to  depart  in  twenty-four  hours  (this  was 
not  done  before,  as  I  ftated  in  my  laft)  with  intimation  that 
force  would  be  ufed  to  compel  him,  in  cafe  he  did  net.  He 
Hill  held  out,  however,  the  flag  of  defiance.  The  twenty- 
four  hours  expired,  at  which  moment  a  conurnflary,  with  a 
carnage  from  the  government,  waited  to  receive  his  orders 
for  dtpartuie  •,  or  in  other  words,  to  take  the  Count  by  force, 
and  conduct  him  fafe  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  Republic  ; 
which  was  accordingly  done.  The  diplomatic  corps  was  fum- 
moned,  by  a  member  either  avcrfe  to  this  peremptory  mode  of 
proceeding,  or  friendly  to  the  count,  to  interfere  with  the 
direttoire  in  his  behalf :  But  feveral  members  of  that  corps 
were  of  opinion,  that  although  fometimes  a  demand  is  made 
on  the  government  of  a  minifter  who  gives  offence,  to  re- 
call him  ;  yet  there  is  no  obligation  on  the  government  offend- 
ed, by  the  law  of  nations,  to  take  that  courfe  ;  but  that  it 
take  any  other,  and  even  upon  flight  occafions,  to  rid  it- 


C    302    ] 

'felf  of  hij3i,  more  prompt  and'  fummary,  if  it  thinks  fit;  an4 
in  confequenc^  no  ftep  was  taken  by  the  diplomatic  corps, 
upon  the  fubject. 

I  inclofe  you  alfo  a  note  from  the  minifler  of  foreign  af- 
fairs, complaining  of  the  feizure  and  condemnation  of  the 
Corvette  CaiFms  }  which,  he  fays,  is  in  violation  of  the  treaties 
between  the, two  Republics  ;  and  to  which  I  replied,  that  I 
would  prefent  the  fubject  to  your  attention  ;  ana  doubted  not 
I  fhould  be  enabled  to  give  a  fatisfactory  anfwcr  thereon. 


from  the  Mintfter  of  Foreign  Affairs^  to  the  -flfimfier  Pleni$a~ 
tertiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   1 3th  Frimairey  4th  Tear  of  tie  Republic. 

(December  $th,   1795.^ 

THE  .executive  directory  has  charged  me  to  requcft 
you  to  tranfmit  to  your  government  the  complaint  of  ours 
againit  Mr.  Parifli,  American  conful  at  Hamburg.  This 
ccnful  grants  paflpprts  to  the  Englifh,  under  the  title  of  An- 
glo-Americans, and  thus  favors  their  entrance  upon  the  French 
territory.  He  is  the  avowed  agent  of  England,  for  the  equip- 
ment of  the  emigrants.  This  conduct  is  a  manifeft  violation 
of  the  faith  of  treaties  :  It  has  furprized  the  directory.  In 
eiFcct,  can  means  be  clevifed  more  dangerous  whereby  to  at- 
tack our  liberty,  than  by  the  introduction  into-France,  under 
the  fraudulent  external  of  fraternity,  our  moil  perfidious  ene- 
mies ?  Who  could  believe  that  an  American  conful  would 
(lain  himfelf  with  this  crime  in  the  face  of  Europe,  and  thus 
betray  his  truft  ? 

The  directory  is  perfuaded,  Citizen  Mini{r.er?  that  you 
will  fupervife  the  paiTports  which  are  prcfented  you  from  Mr. 
Parilh,  and  that  you  will  detect,  as  far  as  in  your  power,  the 
criminal  frauds,  which  take  place  in  this  efiential  branch  of 
the  national  police. 

The  directory  expects  from  your  patriotifm,  and  your  at- 
tachment to  the  French  Republic,  the  faithful  ally  of  yours, 
that  this  dangerous  abufe  lhall  be  fuppreffed,  and  that  you 
will  fufpcnd  its  effect,  by  refufing  your  feal  to  all  pafTpcrts 
rxrhofe  bearers  fhali  appear  to  you  of  fufpicious  characters  ^ 
and  I  pray  you  to  inform  me  of  fuch  cafes,  that  I  may  be  en* 
abled  likewife  to  take  the  fame  precautions. 


C 

I  invite  you  alfo,  by  order  of  the  dire&ory,  to  have  the  good- 
Defs  to  tfanfnfit  this  note  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  to  foiicit  of  it  the  immediate  recal  of  Mr.  Pariih. 
Our  minifter  plenipotentiary  at  Philadelphia,  is  charged  to 
make  a  formal  rcquifition  to  that  effect,* 

Signed) 

CH.  DELACROIX. 


JTrsm  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  tie  United  States  of  Atr.e* 
rica)  to  the  Minijler  of  Exterior  Relations. 

Paris ,  December  p/,5,    1795"- 

I  HAVE  received  your  favor  of  the  4th  inflant,  and 
hear  with  concern,  that  Mr.  Parim,  the  American  conful  at 
Hamburg,  has  fo  far  forgotten  the  duties  of  his  office,  (to 
which  the  intimate  Connection  and  amity  that  fubfifts  betAvCv.ii 
our  two  governments,  fliould  have  made  him  the  more  atten- 
tive) as  to  grant  pafTports  to  Eriglim  fubjects,  whereby  they  are 
admitted  here  as  American  citizens  ;  to  accept  in  any  refpedl 
the  employment  or  agency  of  England  or  any  other  power  at 
war  with  you,  und  efpecially  in  the  very  improper  infiance 
you  mention.  Ee  affured,  Citizen,  that  I  will  immediately 
communicate  your  note  to  the  government  I  reprefent ;  and 
from  which  you  may  with  equal  certainty  confide,  fuch  con-* 
duel:  will  receive  the  cenfure  it  merits.  Upon  this  head,  per- 
.  mit  me  to  add,  that  as  our  confular  arrangements  are  very  ex- 
teiiiive,  embracing  all  the  European  ports,  in  many  of  which 
we  have  no  refident  citizen,  we  are  forced  to  appoint,  in  fuch. 
cafe,  fome  inhabitant  of  the  place;  as  was  the  cafe  in  the  pre- 
fent  infbmce.  This  will  account  why  the  character  of  the 
perfon  is  fometimes  little  known ,  and  of  courfe  how  our  go- 
vernment is  fometimes  impofed  on  in  that  refpecl:. 

I  have  long  fince,  and  dill  make  it  my  invariable  rule,  te 
grant  paffports  to  none  whom  I  do  not  know,  by  fatisfadtory 
documents,  to  be  American  citizens  ;  and  no  documents  arc 
admitted,  in  cafe  of  doubt,  but  the  certificates  of  American 
citizens.  I  am,  therefore,  perfuaded  that  in  the  lift  of  thofc 
now  in  France,  protected  by  my  paflports,  you  will  not  find 
one  who  is  not  ilri&ly  entitled  to  it.  All  thofe  who  have  not 
my  pafTports  are,  of  courfe,  fubject  to  the  animadverfion  ©£ 
your  police. 


C   304   1 

Prom  tie  Mlnifter  of  Foreign  Affairs^  to  the  Minfcr  Pleni- 
potentiary of  the  United  Slates  of  America. 

Parisy   lyl  FrimairCy  ^lh  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(December  142^,  1795.^ 

I  AM  informed  by  a  letter  from  the  conful  of  the  French 
Republic  at  Philadelphia,  and  by  the  procefs-verbal  of  an  of- 
ficer of  the  Corvette  Caflius,  that  this  vefTel  has  been  confif- 
cated  by  the  government  of  the  United  States.  There  refuhs, 
from  this  extraordinary  meafure,  great  injury  to  the  Republic, 
befides  the  defertion  of  the  greater  part  of  the  mariners.  The 
envoy  of  the  Republic  appears  to  have  made,  at  this  period, 
fruitlefs  efforts  to  obtain  fatisfa£r.ion  for  the  injury  done  to 
the  French  flag,  in  the  Cafe  of  this  Corvette.  I  advife  you  that 
I  have  written  to  our  envoy  in  Philadelphia,  to  purfue  with 
earneftnefs  this  affair  to  a  clofe  :  And  that  you  may  employ 
your  good  offices  to  fix  the  attention  of  your  government  upon 
the  violation,  whereof  I  render  you  an  account,  I  make  to 
you  this  communication;  which  I  do,  from  a  conviclion,  that 
you  will  concur  with  me  in  whatever  is  neceflary  to  maintain 
or  even  improve  the  connections  of  two  people,  who  are  ap- 
proached by  friendfhip,  although  they  inhabit  the  extremities 
of  the  globe. 

(Signed)  CH.  DELACROIX, 


From  the  Minijler  Plenipotentiary  cj-  the   United  States  of  Ame* 
ricp.y  to  the  Minijler  of  Foreign  Affairs* 

Paris,  December  192^,    1795. 

I  HAVE  received  your  letter  of  the  23d  Frimaire  ( I4th 
December)  by  which  you  advife  me  of  the  confifcation  of  the 
Corvette  Caflius,  belonging  to  this  Republic,  by  the  Ameri- 
can government  *,  and  defiring  me  to  call  the  attention  of  our 
government  to  that  fubject..  I  beg  to  allure  you,  that  I  mail 
not  fail  to  communicate  your  wifhes  in  that  refpecl:  without 
delay  ;  and  that  it  is  my  ardent  defire,  not  only  to  diftance  all 
poflible  caufe  of  mifunderftanding,  but  to  ftrengthen  the  bond* 
which  at  prefent  unite  the  two  republics. 


C    3°5    3 


[  No.  XXVII.  ] 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 
Paris,  January  l6thy    1796. 

SOME  weeks  pail,  the  property  of  William  Vans, 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  was  attached  by  Jofeph  Sands, 
another  citizen  of  the  faid  ftates,  in  a  tribunal  of  France  at 
Havre  ;  where  the  caufe  was  fuftained,  and  judgment  render- 
ed in  favor  of  the  plaintiff.  From  this  judgment  the  defend- 
ant appealed  to  the  Superior  Tribunal  of  the  department  at 
Rouen,  where  I  believe  it  is  now  depending.  As  foon  as  the~ 
fuit  commenced,  Mr.  Vans  applied  for  my  interference; 
claiming,  by  the  I2th  article  of  the  confular  convention  be- 
tween die  two  republics,  an  exemption,  ?.t  the  inftance  of  a 
fellow  citizen,  from  the  tribunals  of  the  country;  the  cogni- 
zance of  fuch  controverfies  being,  as  he  fuppofed,  thereby  ex- 
clufively  veiled  in  the  confuls  of  each  nation,  within  the  jurif- 
dic~tion  of  the  other.  I  examined  attentively  the  convention, 
and  was  of  opinion,  that  the  conftru£Hon  infilled  on  by  Mr. 
Vans  was  found;  but  yet  as  the  fubjecl:  was  important  in  re- 
fpetl  to  the  principle,  and  queftionable  in  point  of  policy, 
I  wiihed  to  decline  any  interference  in  it,  till  I  had  your  in- 
ftru6lion.  He  continued,  however,  to  prefs  me;  frying  that 
if  fuch  was  the  import  of  the  article,  it  veiled  in  him  a  right 
which  I  ought  to  fecure  him  the  enjoyment  of;  the  depriva- 
tion of  which  too  in  the  prefent  inftance  would  be  his  ruin  ; 
for  that  the  execution  of  the  judgment  by  the  fale  of  the  mer- 
chandizes attached  at  Havre,  where  there  was  no  demand  for 
it,  would  not  only  fubjecl  him  to  a  fevere  lofs  ;  but  that  he 
was  likewife  fued  for  the  fame  fum  in  America,  and  where 
judgment  would  probably,  likewife,  be  rendered  againft  him. 
Finally,  therefore,  I  did  apply  in  his  behalf,  by  a  letter  to  the 
minifter  of  foreign  relations,  of  which  I  fend  you  a  copy  ; 
explaining  my  idea  of  the  import  of  the  treaty  in  the  cafe  in 
queftion  ;  and  requeuing  that  the  executive  (10  far  as  depend- 
ed on  that  branch,  and  provided  it  concurred  with  me  in  opi- 
nion) might  caufe  the  fame  to  be  executed  ;  and  to  which  I 
have  yet  received  no  anfwer;  though  I  am  allured  verbally, 
that  the  dire&oire  concurs  with  me  in  the  conftru&ion  ;  and 
that  a  correfponcl siit  intimation  thereon  will  b-2  given  by  the 
minifter  of  juftice,  to  the  court  \vherethc  i~u.it  now  is;  with 

R  r 


whom  it  will  probably  be  decifive.  I  (late  this  cafe  that 
may  apprize  me  how  it  is  the  wiili  of  the  Prefident  I  fhould 
act  in  cafes  of  the  kind  in  future,  arid  even  in  the  prefent  one, 
if  not  finally  fettled  before  I  hear  from  you  ;  and  which  may 
probably  happen.  If  it  is  wifhed  that  fuch  controverfies  mould 
be  decided  by  the  courts  of  the  country,  I  doubt  not  fuch  a 
confiruction  and  practice  will  be  agreeable  to  this  government; 
but  if  the  contrary  is  preferred,  you  will,  I  prefume,  fee  the 
neceffity  of  prefcribing  by  the  fuitable  authority,  how  the  con- 
fular  courts  are  to  be  held  ;  how  their  procefs  is  to  be  exe- 
ecuted,  and  appeals  conducted. 

As  connected  with  this  fubject,  permit  me  to  call  your  at- 
tention to  another,  upon  which  I  likewife  wifh  to  be  inftruct- 
cd.  For  the  port  of  Havre  there  are  at  prefent  two  confuls, 
or  rather  a  conful  and  a  vice-conful;  both  of  whom,  Mr.  Cut- 
ting and  Mr.  Lamotte,  are  recognized  by  this  government. 
Was  it  intended  the  latter  commilTion  mould  fupercede  the 
former  j  or  is  it  intended  that  both  mould  exift  at  the  fame' 
time  j  the  power  of  the  vice-con ful  being  dormant  only  when 
the  conful  is  prefent  ?  I  wifh  to  know  in  what  light  I  am  to 
confider  thefe  appointments,  fmce  thereby  I  mail  likewife 
know  to  whom  I  arn  to  look  for  the  performance  of  the  con- 
fular  duties  of  this  port.* 

A  third  one  of  the  fame  kind  occurs,  and  which  I  think 
proper  to  mention  to  you.  Sometime  fmce,  Mr.  Pitcairn  was 
appointed  vice-conful  for  Paris,  and  in  refpett  to  which  ap- 
pointment, I  deemed  it  my  duty  to  prefent  before  you  feverai 
confederations,  growing  out  of  his  character,  as  a  Britifh  fub- 
ject, and  the  actual  ftate  of  things  here  ;  which  made  it  in- 
expedient to  demand  his  recognition  of  this  government,  un- 
til after  they  were  weighed,  and  I  in  confequence  further  in- 
ilructed  on  that  head.  Thefe  were  ftated  in  my  letter  of  the 
i  7th  cf  May  laft,  and  to  which,  as  yet,  I  have  received  no 
anfwer.  xAs  Mr.  Pitcairn  probsbly  expects  to  hear  from  me 
on  this  tcpie,  I  mall  thank  you  for  information  of  what  I  am 
to  fay  to  him,  and  how  I  am  to  act  in  that  refpect. 

The  collection  of  the  forced  loan  continues;  and  will,  I 
t'aink,  fucceed.  But  what  its  product  will  be,  is  a  point  upon 
which  there  is  a  diverfity  of  opinion.  Some  think  it  will  fall 
Ihort  of  the  fum  at  which  it  was  eftimated,  whilft  others 
carry  it  much  beyond  that  eflimation.  Certain,  however,  it 
is  that  by  means  thereof  the  embarralTments  of  the  govern- 

*  Both  of  ;hele  gentlemen  are  men  of  merit  and  great  refpeflability.  I 
wiihcU  m\'j  \\\v  principle  fettled. 


3 

wient  will  for  the  prefent  be  relieved,  and  time  given  for  the 
maturity  and  adoption  of  a  more  complete  fyftem  of  finance  ; 
which  fubjeft  is  now  under  confideration  of  the  council  01 
five  hundred. 

About  the  twenty-fifth  of  December  laft  a  truce  was  afk- 
ed  by  the  Auftrian  generals  Wurmfer  and  Clairfayt,  of  Pi- 
<:hegru  and  Jourdan,  for  three  months,  and  granted,  fubjecl 
to  the  will  of  the  dire&oire ;  by  whom  it  is  faid  it  was  allow- 
ed for  one  only;  the  report  at  firft  circulated,  that  it  was  whol- 
ly rejected,  being  without  foundation.  Whether  it  will  be 
prolonged,  admitting  the  term  as  here  dated  to  be  correct,  is 
unknown  ;  as  likewife  is  the  motive  of  Auftria  in  afking,  or 
of  France  in  granting,  it.  The  prefumption  is,  it  was  to  try 
the  experiment  of  negociation  in  the  interim ;  and  fuch  is  the 
report :  And  it  is  likewife  prefumable,  that  fuch  an  experi- 
ment was  made  or  is  now  making;  but  from  what  I  can  learn, 
there  is  little  profpecl:  of  its  producing  a  peace.  It  will  be 
difficult  to  part  Auftria  from  England,  whilft  the  latter  fup- 
plies  the  former  with  money  to  carry  on  the  war ;  and  which 
fhe  will  probably  continue  to  do  whilft  (he  carries  it  on  her- 
felf.  The  prefent  profpe£t,  therefore  is,  that  Europe  is  def- 
tined  to  fuftain  the  wafte  and  havock  of  another  campaign  ; 
for,  fuperior  as  England  is  at  fea,  with  the  recent  conqueft  of 
the  Cape  of  Good-Hope,  it  is  not  probable,  if  flie  efcapes  an 
internal  convulfion,  the  fymptoms  of  which  have  diminifhed 
of  late,  that  me  will  reftore  every  thing  on  her  part  and  leave 
France  in  pofleflion  of  die  Belgit;  and  without  which,  I  think 
France  will  not  make  peace.  A  doubt,  indeed,  has  latterly 
been  circulated,  whether  England  will  make  any  facrifice  in 
favor  of  the  emperor  ;  whether,  in  fhort,  (he  would  agree  to 
reftore  the  pofleffions  taken  by  her  from  France  and  Holland, 
as  a  confideration  for  the  reftoration  of  the  Etlgic  to  the  Em- 
peror. It  is  even  added,  that  intimations  have  been  made  by 
her,  that  if  France  will  leave  her  in  pofieffion  of  her  con- 
quefts  from  Holland,  (he  will  reftore  every  thing  taken  from 
France,  and  leave  her  in  poireffion  of  St.  Domingo  and  the 
Belgic.  If  this  be  true,  and  it  be  credited  by  the  Emperor, 
it  will  certainly  tend  to  weaken  and  perhaps  ablolutely  to  dif- 
folve  the  connection  between  England  and  Auftria. 

I  communicated  to  you  in  two  preceding  letters,  the  ap- 
plication of  Count  Carlotti,  minifttr  from  Tufcany  for  per- 
miflion  to  vifit  the  unfortunate  young  princefsy  £5V.  and  the 
difpleafure  which  that  demand  gave  to  the  direcloire,  who 
fufpended  his  powers  immediately  ;  ordered  him  to  leave  the 
Republic  forthwith;  and,  finally,  fent  him  by  force  beyond  its 


limits.  It  was  apprehended  by  many,  that  this  peremptory- 
mode  of  proceeding  would  give  offence  to  the  Grand  Duke  •, 
the  contrary,  however,  was  the  cafe ;  for  as  foon  as  he  heard 
of  the  tranfaction,  he  defpatched  another  envoy  to  the  direc- 
toire,  to  difavow  the  demand  of  Carlotti,  and  declare  his  re- 
fpecl  for  the  French  government ;  and  fuch  was  the  folicitude 
for  his  hafly  departure,  that  he  actually  departed  without  the  or- 
dinary credentials,  bearing  fimply  a  letter  of  introduction  from 
the  Grand  Duke  himfclf.  Thus,  therefore,  this  bufmefs 
has  ended  without  producing  any  injury  to  the  French  Re- 
public, whilft  it  is  a  proof  of  the  energy  of  its  councils  and  of 
its  decilicn  upon  the  delicate  fubjetfc  to  which  it  refers. 

On  the  2ift  inftant,  being  the  anniverfary  of  the  execu- 
tion of  the  late  King,  the  members  of  the  legiflative  corps  of 
the  dire&oire,  and  all  public  officers,  took  a  new  and  folemn 
oath  to  fupport  the  conititution,  or  rather  of  hatred  to  royal- 
ty. The  dire&oire  gave,  on  the  fame  day,  what  is  called  a 
fete  in  the  champ  de  Mars ;  where  an  amphitheatre  was 
creeled,  and  from  whence  the  Prefident,  furrounded  by  the 
other  members  and  all  the  minifters  of  the  government,  deli- 
vered an  oration  fuited  to  the  occafion,  to  a  numerous  audi- 
ence. It  feeins  to  be  the  policy  of  the  exifting  government  to 
revive  the  zeal  of  the  people  in  favor  of  the  Republic  and  of 
the  revolution  ;  and  meafures  of  this  kind  are  certainly  well 
calculated  to  produce  that  effect. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  heard,  through  a 
channel  that  merits  confidence,  that  the  term  of  the  truce  is 
prolonged,  and  which  ftrengthens  what  I  intimated  above, 
that  a  negociation  is  depending  with  Auftria.  The  recent  de- 
parture too  of  one  of  the  Dutch  minifters  for  Holland,  after  a 
conference  with  the  direcloire,  and  which  took  place  about 
the  time  the  truce  was  probably  prolonged, — is  a  circumftance 
which  I  think  proper  to  communicate  •,  fince  it  gives  caufe  to 
fuipetr,,  if  a  negociation  is  depending,  it  treats  for  a  general 
and  not  a  partial  peace. 


t  Prom  the  Minifler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 

rica) to  the  Minifler  of  Exterior  Relations. 

Paris,  December   i/?,   170.5. 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

I  OBSERVE  by  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the  tribunal  of 
commerce  at  Havre,  of  which  I  fend  you  a  copy,  that  a  difpute 


C   309.    1 

16  introduced  and  fuftained  there  between  Jofeph  Sands  and 
William  Vans,  two  American  citizens  •,  relative  to  a  bill  of 
exchange  drawn  from  America,  which  belongs  exciuuvely 
to  one  of  the  parties.  The  property  of  Vans  was  arrcfted  by 
Sands,  and  condemned  by  the  court  of  Havre,  in  fatisf  . 
of  the  claim  above  mentioned  ;  and  from  which  decifion  k  is 
carried  by  appeal  to  the  fuperior  court  at  Rouen,  where  it 
now  is.  In  this  ftage  I  have  thought  proper  to  call  your  at- 
tention to  the  fubje£t,  that  in  cafe  the  executive  gover: 
of  this  Republic  mould  deem  it  proper  to  interpoie,  it  may 
be  able  to  do  it  with  effect. 

By  the  I2th  article  of  the  confular  convention  between 
France  and  the  United  States,  it  is  ftipulated,  that  all  difputes 
which  may  happen  between  the  citizens  of  either  partv,  in  th«.- 
dominions  of  the  other,  mall  be  fettled  by  their  refpcHve  con- 
fuls,  and  by  them  only.  The  article  fpecifies  in  its  clo.ie,  fome 
particular  parties  whole  difputes  mail  be  thus  adjufbd  :  Bur 
yet  the  true  conftru&ion  appears  to  include  within  it  all  dii- 
putes  which  may  take  place  between  citizens  of  either  party, 
within  the  jurifdiclion  of  the  other.  If  fuch  then  be  the  true 
conftru£Uon  of  the  article,  and  which  I  prefume  it  is;  it  necefla- 
rily  follows  that  the  proceedings  of  this  court  are  in  contraven- 
tion of  that  article,  and  in  that  view  merit  the  attention  of 
the  executive  government,  whofe  opinion  \vill  doubtlcfs  be 
regarded  by  the  court. 

That  the  article  was  dictated  by  policy,  and  formed  for  the 
mutual  accommodation  of  both  parties,  cannot  be  doubted. 
A  principal  object  of  it  probably  was,  to  prevent  fuits  in  both 
countries,  between  the  fame  parties,  for  the  fame  debt,  and  at 
the  fame  time  ;  whereby  an  innocent  party  might  be  doubly 
harafled,  and  to  the  general  detriment  of  commerce.  In  this 
light,  however,  I  do  not  think  it  neceffary  to  difcufs  the  fub- 
jecl:.  I  think  it  my  duty  only  to.  bring  it  before  you,  upon  the 
principles  of  the  treaty,  and  to  afic  that  interference  of  the 
government  in  this  cafe,  which  it  may  deem  fuitable. 


Prom  tie    Minijler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  Sfafes,  tj 
Minijler  of  Finance. 


I  HAVEjuft  received  the  inclofed  letter,  from  -"he  con- 
ful  general  of  the  United  States  with  the  republic  ;  rep 


C    3'°    1 

ing  the  embarraffed  fituation  of  many  of  our  citizens,  who 
have  furniihed  fupplies  to  the  government ;  and  which  I  have 
thought  it  my  duty  to  fubmit  to  yourconfideration,  not  doubl- 
ing, that  you  will  do  every  thing  in  your  power  to  relieve 
them  from  their  embarraffments.  You  will  readily  perceive, 
from  the  delicacy  of  mercantile  credit,  the  injury  they  are  ex- 
pofed  to,  perhaps  the  ruin,  by  the  proteft  of  their  own  bills  ; 
fince  they  were  drawn  in  payment  of  the  debts  they  had  con- 
tracted in  rendering  fuch  fupplies  to  this  government  ;  and 
which  d mgcr  is  the  greater  on  account  of  the  delay  they  had 
previouily  experienced  in  the  adjuftment  of  their  claims. 
You  will  iikewife  fully  appreciate  the  baneful  effect,  which 
the  example  of  their  misfortunes  will  produce  upon  the  future 
commerce  of  the  country,  in  the  difcouragement  of  others. 
In  this  view,  therefore,  their  cafe  merits  no  comment  from 
me  j  and  in  fubmitting  it  to  you,  permit  me  add,  that  all 
that  I  wi(h  is,  that  you  take  into  confideration  the  circum- 
flances  of  thefe  merchants  and  render  them  fuch  immediate 
aid,  in  relief  of  their  prefent  embarraflments,  by  partial  pay- 
ments, where  the  cafes  will  admit  of  it  (and  I  prefume  there 
are  few,  if  any,  that  will  not  admit  of  it)  as  the  fituation  of 
the  republic,  providing  for  its  general  welfare,  will  authorize. 
In  the  fcale  of  your  affairs,  you  will  obferve  (paying  due  re- 
gard to  the  preffureof  other  objects,  and  the  policy  of  fuftain- 
ing  and  advancing,  by  all  practicable  means,  the  growing  cre- 
dit of  the  government)  what  attention  is  due  to  the  claims  of 
thofa  who  have  embarked  their  credit,  and  their  fortunes,  irl 
its  fupport  ;  and  I  am  well  affured,  you  will  pay  them  all  the 
attention  they  merit. 


f  No.  XXVIII.  ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  February   i6tht   1796. 

1  THINK  It  my  duty  to  ftate  to  you,  and  without  delay, 
a  communication  made  me  yeflerday  by  the  minifter  of  fo- 
reign affairs,  of  a  very  interesting  nature,  I  called  to  repre- 


t    3"    3 

fent  to  him,  the  diftrefs  of  feveral  of  my  countrymen,  occafi- 
oned  by  the  proteft  at  Hamburgh  of  bills  given  them  for  fup- 
plies,  rendered  the  government  ;  and  to  requeft  his  aid    with 
the  direftoire  to  obtain  them  relief.     This  application  was  in- 
tended to  harmonize  with  one,  that  was  making  informally  by 
our  conful  general  with  the  direcloire,  and  which  was  ar- 
ranged in  a  manner  to  prefent  the  demands  of  the  claimants 
before  that  body,  in  a  forcible  manner  ;  and  at  the  fame  time 
without  wounding  its  feelings.     But  before  I  entered  on  this 
fubjeft,  my  attention  was  called  to  another  more  important  ; 
and  upon  which  he  feemed  pleafed  with  the  opportunity  of 
addrefiing  me.     He  obferved,  that  the  dircctoire  had  at  length 
made  up  its  mind,  how  to  aft  in  regard  to  our  treaty  with 
England  : — That  it  confidered  the    alliance   between   us,  as 
ceafing  to  exift,frora  the  moment  the  treaty  was  ratified  ;  and 
had  or  mould  appoint  an  envoy  extraordinary,  to  attend  and  re- 
prefent  the  fame  to   our  government  •,  that  the  perfon  in  view 
was  known  and  efteemed  in  our  country,  and  who  would  be 
fpecially  commiflioned  on  this  bufmefs,  and  whofe    commif- 
fion  would  expire  with  it  :  That  Mr.    Adet  had    afked  and 
obtained  his  recall;  but  did  not  fay  whether  any  other  minifter 
would  be  appointed  in  his  ftead,  for  the  prefent  ;  though,  as 
connefted  with  Adet's  refignation,  it  is  reported  that  Maret, 
lately  returned  from  captivity  in  Auftria,  is    to  fucceed  him. 
The  minifter  added  fome  general  obfervations  on  the  treaty, 
tending  to  fhew,  that  it  was  confidered  as  throwing  us  into 
the  fcale  of  the  coalefced  powers  ;  obferving  that  he  fhould 
hand  me  an  official  note  on  this  fubjedt,  being  ordered  fo  to 
do  by  the  Direftoire.     As  no  fpeciric  objection  was  dated,  I 
could  make  no  fpecific  reply.  I  exprefied  to  him,however,my 
aftoniftiment  and  concern  at  the  meafure  fpoken  of,  and  incul- 
cated in  the  fhort  time  I  remained  with  him  (for  he  was  up- 
on the  point  of  going  out)  the  propriety  of  candour  in  the  dif- 
culTion  of  the  treaty,  in'  its  feveral  parts,   and  the  benefit  of 
temper  in  all  tranfaftions  with  us,  fmce'we  were  certainly  their 
beft  friends.     To  this  he  made  no  anfwer,  and  whereupon  I 
left  him.     I  have  fince  heard  nothing  from  him  on  the  fub- 
jeft.    I  mean  to  fee  him  however  to  day  \  and,  in  cafe  he 
permits  me  to  aft  on  the  communication,  as  an  official  one,  to 
demand  an  audience  of  the  direftoire,  to   endeavour  to  divert 
it,  if  poflible,  from  the  meafure  contemplated  -,  of  which,  and 
of  the  bufmefs  generally,  I  will  write  you  again  in  a  day  or 
two. 


[     3'*     ] 
[  No.  XXIX.  ] 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  February  2Oth,  1796. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  my  laft  of  the  1 6th  of  February 
was  concluded,  I  demanded  and  had  a  conference  with  the 
minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  upon  the  communication  giyen  in 
that  letter. 

I  rcprefented  to  him,  that  the  information  he  had  given  me, 
of  the  intention  of  the  dire6toire  to  appoint  an  envoy  extraor- 
dinary, to  repair  to  the  United  States,  to  declare  to  our  go- 
vernment the  difTatisfa&ion  of  this,in  refpect  to  our  treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  had  penetrated  me  with  the  deepeft  concern  ; 
becatife  I  feared  from  a  meafure  fo  marked,  and  confpicuous, 
the  moft  ferious  ill-confequences,  both  to  them  and  to  us.  I 
fhitcd  to  him,  that  fuch  a  million  was  calculated  to  make  an 
imiiivjR-jn  in  America,  and  throughout  the  world  \  not  only 
tli,.:  thsy  were  diifatisfied  with  us,  but  that  even  the  iflue  of 
war  and  p??.ce  was  fufpended  on  the  iflue  of  the  miffion  ;  that 
their  and  our  enemies  would  rejoice  at  the  event,  whilft  theirs 
and  our  friends  would  behold  the  fpe&acle  with  horror. 
That  the  miffion  itfelf  would  place  both  republics  in  a  new 
dilemma,  and  from  which  they  could  not  both  well  extricate 
themfelves  with  honor  ;  that  fomething  was  due,  in  the  opi- 
nion of  the  world,  to  the  character  of  the  miffion  ;  its  fuccefs 
mud  be  brilliant,  or  the  public  would  be  difappointed,  and 
this  might  induce  them  to  infill  on  terms  they  would  not 
otherwife  have  thought  of  ;  and  which  would  increafe  their 
mutual  embarraflments  ;  that  as  foon  as  the  miffion  w'asknown 
to  foreign  powers,  they  would  commence  their  intrigues,  to 
make  it  the  means  of  feparating  us  ;  that  all  were  interefted 
in  our  feparation,  none  in  our  union  ;  and  that  our  feparation 
was  an  evil  to  be  deprecated  by  both  parties  ;  that  the  fuccefs 
and  terror  of  their  arms  might  diminifh  the  number  of  their 
active  enemies,  but  as  we  had  never  confided  in  the  friendfhip 
of  any  power,  but  in  that  of  France,  fo  I  was  fatisfied  they 
hid  no  real  friend  except  America  •,  that  republics  could  ne- 
ver countupon  the  friendfhip  of  monarchies;  if  they  did  count 
upon  it,  they  would  be  always  deceived.  Peace  there  might 
be  -,  but  pzace  and  friendfhip  did  not  always  mean  the  fame 
thing. 


C    313    3 

I  obferved,  further,  that  France  had  gained  credit  by  her 
late  conduct  towards  us  :  For  whilit  England  had  iuzed  our 
vefiels,  and  harafled  our  trade, (he  had  purfued  an  cppofite,  and 
more  magnanimous  policy  ;  and  which  had  produced,  and 
would  continue  to  produce,  a  cprrefpondent  cite  ft,  by  encreaf- 
ing  our  refentmeot  againft  England,  and  attachment  to  France. 
But  as  foon  as  the  latter  mould  a  flume  an  hoilile  or  menac- 
ing deportment  towards  us,  would  this  motive  diminifn,  and 
the  argument  it  fumiihed  lofe  its  force.  That  by  this,  how- 
ever, I  did  not  wifh  to  be  underftood,  as  adviinig  that  well 
founded  complaints,  if  fuch  exifted,  or  were  thought  to  ex- 
iit,  mould  be  withheld  :  On  the  contrary,  I  was  of  opinion, 
they  mould  be  brought  forward  ;  as  well  to  obtain  rcdrefs 
where  it  was  wifhed,  and  could  be  given,  as  to  make  known, 
in  a  frank  and  friendly  manner,  the  fentiments  which  each 
entertained  of  the  conduct  of  the  other,  in  cafe  that  were  in- 
terefting  to  it.  That  on  my  own  part,  I  was  always  ready  to 
enter  into  fuch  explanations,  when  required,  and  would  do  it 
in  the  prefent  inftance  with  pleafure  ;  fmce  by  being  pofTeflevi 
cf  cur  view  of  the  fubjeft,  they  would  be  better  able  to  de- 
cide, whether  the  complaint  was  well  or  ill-founded,  and  of 
courfe,  how  far  it  merited  to  be  confidered  in  that  light.  la 
fliort,  I  ufed  every  argument  that  occurred  to  divert  the  gov- 
ernment from  the  mcafure  propofed,  aiTuring  him,  in  the 
moll:  earneil  manner,  that  I  was  iatisfied,  it  wculd  produce 
no  good  eftecT:  to  France  -,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  would  pro- 
duce much  ill,  both  to  her,  and  to  us 

The  nnnifter  replied,  that  Frunce  had  much  caufe  of  com- 
plaint againit  us,  independently  of  cur  treaty   with  England  9 
out  that,  by  this  treaty,  ours  with  them  was  annihilated  : 
the  diretloire   confidered  our  conduct,  in  thefe  refpccts,  as  ab- 
folutely  unfriendly  to   tht'm,  and  under  which  unp, 
it  was  their  duty,  fo  to   reprefent  it  to  us  :  Thau    d 
which  was  propofed  of  making  fuch  representation   had 
deemed  mild  and  refpe£lful,  and  as  fuch  ought  not  to  give  of- 
fence.    He  admitted,  however,  that  the  objections  I  had  frat- 
ed  againfl    it  were  ftrong  and  weighty  with  him,  and  that  he 
would  immediately  make  them  known  to   the  dirtttoire,  and 
by  whom,  he  doubted  not,  all  fuitable  attention  woulu  be  paid 
to  them.     Since  this  I  have  not  feen  him,  but  pi\;p(ile  ici-ing 
him  again,  either  to-day  or  to-morrow,  on  this  fubjeft  ;  and 
after  which  I  will  immediately  apprize    you    of    the  itate  in 
which  it  may  be. 

This  affair  has  given  me  great  concern,  becaufe  it  cpr-rs  a 
flew  era  upon  us  ;  and  whofe  coniequences,  unlefs  the  mea- 
S    g 


C    314    ] 

fare  itfelf  be  prevented,  may  be  of  a  very  ferious  kind.  Khali 
do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  prevent  it,  and  in  any  event 
communicate  to  you,  and  with  the  utmoft  defpatch,  every  in- 
cident that  turns  up  connected  with  it. 

.  So  f  .r, my  objecl  has  been  to  break  the  meifure  inqueftion ; 
and  after  which,  if  effected,  I  mail  moil  probably  be  called 
on  for  explanations  of  the  treaty  complained  of  ;  and  in 
which  cife  I  mall  of  courfe  avail  myfelf,  in  the  beft  manner 
poffible,  of  thofe  communications,  which  have  been  heretofore 
received  from  your  department. 


[  No.  XXX.  ] 
FROM  MR.  MONROL,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  March  iothy  1796. 

I  INFORMED  you  in  my  two  laft,  of  the  i6th,  and  2oth, 
ult.  of  a  communication  made  m-j  by  the  miniiler  of  foreign 
a'-Fiirs,  that  the  directoire  had  refolved  to  fend  an  envoy  ex- 
traordinary to  the  United  States,  to  remonltrate  againft  our 
late  treaty  with  England,  and  of  my  efforts  to  prevent  it ; 
and  I  have  now  the  pleafure  to  add,  that  I  have  reafon  to  be- 
lieve thofe  efforts  have  been  fucceisful  ;  the  minifter  having 
arT-ired  me  in  a  late  conference,  that  the  directory  was  dif- 
pofed  to  accommodate  in  this  refpecl:,  and  to  make  its  repre- 
fentations,  on  that  fubjccl,  through  the  ordinary  channel.  He 
repeated,  however,  upon  this  occafion,  in  terms  equally  ftrong 
with  thofe  he  had  ufed  before,  the  fenfe  which  he  faid  the 
directory  entertained  of  the  injury  done  to  France,  by  that 
,  and  upon  which  explanations  were  expected,  and 
would  be  fought. 

I  afked  him,  what  were  his  objections  to  the  treaty  ;  and 
to  which  lie  replied,  as  before,  in  general  rather  than  in  pre- 
ci-fe  terms  ;  urging  that  thereby  we  had  violated  our  treaties 
with  France,  and  greatly  to  her  injury,  in  the  prefent  war.  I 
replied,  that  it  was  not  admitted  by  our  government,  that  any* 
tii c flighted:,  deviation  was  mad.e  from  our  treaties  with  this  re- 
public j  nor  ought  it  to  be  prefumed,  until  it  was  fhewn,  that 
fuch  was  the  cafe,  efpecialiy  as  I  had  before  informed  him, 
and  now  repeated  my  wilJingnefs  to  difcufs  thai-  point,  when- 
ever he  thought  fit.  He  intimated,  that  I  mould  certainly 
hear  from  him  on  thefubjedt.anclin  time  to  receive  areply,  and 


C    3iS    ] 

•  attend  to  any  obfervations  I  chbfe  to  make  on  it  •,  but  being 
now  before  the  directory,  he  couJdnct  well  enter  on  it,  in  the 
manner  I  propofed,  until  he  had  the  further  orders  of   that 
body,  in  that  refpecl:.  Thus  therefore  the  matter  now  fbnds; 
and  I  have  only  to  repeat  to  yen,  my  aflurance,  that  I   ihail 
continue  to  pay  to  it   all  the  attention   it  defervedly  merits. 
The  ftate  of  affairs  here    has  not  varied  effentially  cf  late, 
either  in  the  internal,  or  in  the   external  relations   of  the  re- 
public.    The  forced  loan  was  lefs  produclive,  than  it  \\ 
pecked  to  be,  and  of  courfe  the  relief  it  gives  muft  be  confi- 
. tiered  as  partial,  and  temporary  only.     Nor  is  any  fyftem  yet 
adopted  to  fupply  what  will  be  neceflary,  ;  fter    the  amount 
thus  raifed  is  exhaufled  ;   though  as  the  fubjcft  is  ftill  under 
difcuffion,  it  is  poflible  this  may  yet  be  don^.     On   the  o'hcr 
hand,  the  directory,  by  means  of  the  organisation  and  police 
ieems  to  gain    ftrength  ;  and    to  which  a  late  meafure  has 
effentially  contributed.     At  the  Pantheon)  and  other  quar- 
ters, therewere  nightly  meetings  of  people,  not  inconfiderabie 
in  point  of  numbers  ;  and  who  complained  of  various  griev- 
ances, as  they  faid,  from  the   a£tual  government,   and  which 
ought  therefore  to  be  changed.     The  diveciory  had  its  eye  up- 
on thofe  aflemblages,  and,  as  I  hear,  gained  full  proof,  that 
they  were  put  in  motion   by  foreign  influence  ;  and,  under 
the  mafk  of  patriotism,  more  effectually  to  promote  the  pur- 
pofe  of  diforganifation,  and  in  confequsnce   ihut  the  doors  of 
the  houfes    where   they  retorted.     As  many   of  thofe  v.  ho 
were  at  the  head  of  thofe  meetings  were   aclu'e  and  ferocious 
agents  in  the  popular  focieties,  during  the  reign  of  terror,  and 
were  probably  then  moved  by  the  fame    cauie,— -  this    difco- 
very,  if  to  be  relied  on,  tends   to  throw  g>eLit  light  upon  the 
fource  to  which  the  atrocities  that  were  tfeti  prr.crifed   ought 
to  be  afcribed.     Time,  perhaps,  and  c  if  the  revolu- 

tion weathers  the  florins  it  has  yet  to  cncouncer,  will  doubt- 
lefs  more  fully  unfold  the  real  authors  or  thofe  Iccnes,  which 
were  fa  frightful  to  humanity,  and  disgraceful  to  man  j  and 
that  they  may  be  difcovcred  muft  be  the  \viih  of  all  thofe 
who  are  the  friends  of  truth,  wherever  they  re  fide. 

Pruflia  has  in  the  courfe  of  the  winter  encreafed  her  force, 
40,  or  50,000  men  ;  and,  itisfaid,  exhibits  a  menacing  afpect 
towards  Holland  j  though  her  minifter  concinurs  her^,  :: 
apparently  well  received.     Spain  too  continues   her  military 
eitablifhment,  as  before  the  peace,    and  whofe   miniiler,  Dei 
Campo,  is  daily  expected  from  England,  where    he  has 
refidccl.     The  probable  conjecture,  witli  refpect  to  Sp^i. 
that  as  fhe  feared  an  attack  from  England,  when  in-  made  her 


a 

peace  with  France,  fo  ihe  finds  it  necefiary  to  guard  herfeli 
againft  ir,  by  fuitable  precautions,  till  the  war  ends.  RuiTia, 
it  is  believed,  contemplates  a  blow  againft  the  Turks  ;  in  the 
hopc>  now  that  Poland  is  annihilated  *,  France  otherwife  fuf- 
ficiently  occupied,  and  the  other  powers  in  amity  with  the 
Emprefs  ,  to  wreft  Conftantinople  from  the  Porte,  which  has 
long  been  the  object  of  her  inordinate  ambition.  On  the 
other  hand,  France  feems  to  be  collecting  her  forces  together, 
and  to  exert  every  nerve  her  fyftem  admits  of,  in  preparations 
for  the  war  ;  exhibiting  to  her  enemies  a  countenance,  firm 
and  independent,  and  announcing  to  the  beholding  nations  her 
pefoiution  to  conquer,  or  to  perilh. 


[  No.  XXXI.  ] 
FROM  MR.    MONROE,  TO  TKZ  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris ,  March   2$thy    1796. 

FINDING  from  the  communication  of  the  rmniller  of 
foreign  affairs,  that  the  character  of  the  miflion  about  to  be 
deipatched  for  the  United  States,  and  its  objc6ts,  were  Hill 
btfore  the  dire&oire,  arid  fearing  that  the  ulterior  communi- 
cation promifed  by  the  minifter,  would  be  made  at  fuch  a 
time,  as  would  render  it  iippoflible  for  me  to  produce  any 
cf[e<St  on  the  meafure  itfelf  (if,  indeed,  in  any  cafe  it  were  fo) 
I  deemed  it  my  duty,  and  accordingly  demanded  an  audience 
of  the  dire&oire  on  that  fubjecl:  j  ftafing  the  information  al- 
ready received  from  the  minifter  thereon  as  the  bafis  or  mo- 
tive of  that  demand.  An  audience  was  granted,  and  in  con- 
fequence  I  attended  the  dire&oire  on  the  8th  inftant,  in  full 
council,  affifted  by  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  and  the 
miniftgr  of  marine.  As  I  had  demanded  the  audience,  it  be- 
came necefiary  for  me  to  open  the  fubjecl  ;  and  which  I  did 
by  fh.ting  what  the  minifter  had  informed  me  of  their  difTa- 
tisfaclion  with  our  treaty  with  England,  and  fome  other  of  our 
meafurcs  that  had  occurred  during  the  prefent  war ;  and  re- 
fpecling  which  it  was  contemplated  to  make  fome  reprefen- 
tation  to  our  government  by  their  minifter,  who  was  about  to 
depart  for  the  United  States.  I  told  them,  that  unlefs  I  knew 
diftin£Hy  what  their  complaints  were,  it  was  impoflible  for 
me  to  refute,  or  even  anfwer  them :  That  I  did  not  come 


t    3-7    3 

there  to  afk  from  that  body  fuch  expofition,  for  the  purpofe 
of  difcufling  the  fubjccl  with  it,  becaufe  I  knew  it  was  agair.ft 
rule  :  That  I  wiffied,  liowever,  the  diredloire  would  cuufe 
the  miniiler  of  foreign  affairs  to  lay  open  thofe  complaints  to 
me  ;  receive  my  aniwer,  and  enter  into  a  full  ciiicuiTion  of 
them  ;  and  in  the  interim,  that  it  would  fuipend  any  deci- 
fion,  in  regard  to  the  merit  of  thofe  complaints,  orof  the  nri- 
fion  fpoken  of,  until  the  rcfult  of  that  difcufiion  was  before 
it :  That  the  difcuflion  itfelf  could  not  ctherwife  than  threw 
light  on  the  fubje£t,  and  in  the  degree  promote  the  intcrcft  cf 
both  countries,  fo  far  as  that  might  be  aircclcJ  by  their  deci- 
fion  in  the  cafe  in  quefticn.  The  directoire  replied,  that 
nothing  was  more  reafcnabie  than  nr:  demand,  ami  tha?-  it 
ihouid  be  complied  \vith.  Some  gen-  A  obferyatiohs 
then  made  by  that  body,  upon  the  (Subject  of  its  coir.pl/' 
and  to  which  I  made  the  aiifwers  unit  cccuvred  at  the 
diflipiting  its  doubts  in  one  or  two  cafes  at  once,  and  parti- 
cularly with  refpecfc  to  the  countenance  it  hearcd  was  given  in 
the  United  States  to  their  emigrants ;  by  Hating,  that  we  re- 
ceived ail  Frenchmen  who  viiitcd  us,  as  friends  :  That  we  did 
not,  nor  could  we,  difcriminate  between  them  generally,  ca 
account  of  their  political  principles  ;  becaufe  we  did  not  know 
what  their  principles  were:  That  v/c  faw  in  them  all,  the  peo- 
ple of  a  nation  to  which  we  were  much  attached  for  fervices 
rendered  us  by  it  in  the  day  of  our  difficulties,  and  treated 
them  accordingly  :  And  with  refpecl  to  the  Prefident,  that  he 
had  given  orders,  that  certain  diflinguiflied  emigrants,  other- 
wife  in  feme  reipecl  entitled  to  attention,  but  known  to  be 
obnoxious  here,  mould  on  that  account  be  excluded  his  pub- 
lic hall,  which  was  open  to  all  other  pcrfons.  Several  cf  the 
members  of  the  directoire  reciprocated  with  great  eatneffnefs, 
profeflions  of  friendship  for  us  j  alluring  rn^  at  the  fame  time, 
that  no  (lep  mould  be  taken  in  the  bufmefs  in  queition,  but 
upon  due  deliberation,  and  after  die  difcuffion  I  had  aiked 
fhould  be  finiflied,  and  my  arguments  fully  weighed ;  and 
thus  I  left  them. 

I  fhall  tranfmit  you,  as  foon  as  it  is  clofed,  the  refult  of  the 
communications  which  may  pafs  between  the  miniiler  and 
myfelf ;  and  I  doubt  not  the  difcuflion  will  produce  a  favor- 
able effect.  I  mall  certainly  avail  myfelf  of  all  the  lights  with- 
in my  reach,  to  do  jufiice  to  a  caufe  of  fo  much  importance 
to  my  country. 

Upon  fome  mifunderflanding  with  the  direct oire,  Pichc- 
gru  has  fent  in  his  resignation,  and  obtained  his  difmifiicn  ; 
an  event  that  muft  be  deemed  unfortunate  to  the  Republic, 


[     3' 8     ] 

as  he  {$)  doubtlefs,  a  man.  of  great  talents,  and  integrity. 
Clairfait  has  done  the  fame  thing  with  the  Emperor  ;  fo  that 
the  account  of  folly  between  the  two  governments  is  fairly 
balanced. 

The  finances  here  continue  in  derangement ;  and  which  is 
not  likely  to  be  remedied  by  a  late  act,  calling  in  the  ailig- 
nats,  ana  iiTuing  in  their  (lead  a  fpecies  of  paper,  called  man- 
dats,  founded  on  the  natioml  domains,  with  the  right  in  the 
holder  of  that  paper  to  take  property  for  it,  where  he  likes 
and  \vherehe  pleafes,  at  the  ancient  value.  This  project  re- 
fembles  a  bank  whofe  flock  confifts  of,  and  whofe  credit  of 
courfe  depends  on,  land ;  and  which,  as  it  never  fucceeded 
well  in  the  lands  of  individuals,  will  moft  probably  never 
fucceed  well  in  the  lands  of  the  public. 

I  herewith  tranfmit  you  extracts  of  two  letters  lately  re-^ 
ceived  from  Mr.  Barlow  ;  and  which  I  do  with  a  view  of  giv- 
ing you  every  information  that  comes  to  my  knowledge  upon 
the  interefting  topic  on  which  they  treat. 

From  the  Minifler  Plenipotentiary  of  'the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica, to  the  Minifler  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  March  $thy   1796. 

BEING  informed  by  you,  that  the  executive  directory 
confiders  the  late  treaty  between  the  United  States  of  Ame~ 
rica  and  Great  Britain,  as  derogating,  in  fome  refpects,  from 
the  treaties  of  alliance  and  commerce  fubfiiling  between  the 
two  Republics ;  and  that  your  minifter,  who  is  about  to  de- 
part hence  for  the  United  States,  will  be  instructed  to  repre- 
fent  the  fame  to  our  government, — I  have  thought  it  my  duty 
to  afk  an  audience  of  the  executive  directory  upon  that  fub- 
je6t,  not  doubting  that  the  explanations  I  mail  be  able  to  give 
thereon,  will  make  ou  that  body  an  impreilion  fufficiently  fa- 
tisfa£lory  to  merit  all  its  attention.  Permit  me,  therefore,  to 
requeft,  Citizen  Minuter,  that  you  will  be  fo  obliging  as  to 
obtain  for  me  an  audience  from  the  executive  directory  upon 
that  fubject,  at  fuch  time  as  may  be  moft  convenient  for  that 
body  to  receive  me. 


r 


From  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs,   to  the  Minlfler 
tertiary  of  the  United  States  cf  America. 

Paris,  I  "]ttj  Ventofey  #h  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(March  7//6,    1796.^ 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  Citizen,  that  the  ex- 
ecutive directory  will  receive  you  to-rnorrow,  the  i8th  inilant, 
at  ten  in  the  morning. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DELACROIX. 

From  Mr.  Pickering,  to  Mr.  Monroe. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

November  2>7,    1795. 

SIR, 

THE  office  of  fecretary  of  flate  is  yet  vacant.  I  write 
now  merely  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  feveral  letters, 
numbered  16,  17,  18,  19,  20  and  21. 

You  will  fee,  an  anfwer  to  the  laft  has  been  anticipated  by 
a  long  letter  from  me,  dated  in  September  ;  on  the  fubjeci 
of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 
By  that  letter  you  will  underfland,  that  the  ideas  you  have 
detailed  are  quite  foreign  to  the  views  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States. 

*Your  fuggeftions  in  regard  to  Mr.  Parim,  our  conful  at 
Hamburgh,  have  led  me  to  remind  Mr.  Adams  of  a  requeft 
formerly  made  to  him,  to  enquire  into  his  conduct,  and  re- 
port the  fame  to  this  department.  Such  I  underftand  to  be 
the  facl  ;  and  that  no  report  has  yet  been  received. 

I  am,  £sV. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 


*  The  hint  had  been  given  refpe&ing  Mr.  Parifli,  fcmetime  before  ;  not 
«niy  that  we  might  do  a  fuitable  ad  ot  our  own  accord,  but  with  a  view 
that  nothing  might  occur  from  th .  t  fource,  likely  to  increafe  the  irritation 
it  was  known  the  Britifli  treaty  had  produced. 


20 


[  No.  XXXII.  ] 
FJROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  May  2(1,  1796. 

I  INFORMED  you  in  my  laft  of  the  25th  of  March,  that 
1  was  promifed  by  the  direcloire  in  an  audience  I  had  ob- 
tained of  that  body,  that  the  miniiler  of  foreign  affairs  ihould 
{bate  to  me  fuch  objections,  as  were  entertained  by  this  govern- 
ment,  to  certain  meafures  of  our  own  ;  and,  in  the  interim, 
that  no  (lep  ihould  be  taken,  under  the  exifting  impreflion, 
nor  until  my  reply  was  received  and  fully  weighed  ;  and  I 
have  now  the  pleafure  to  tranfmit  to  you  the  refult  of  the  com- 
munication which  afterwards  took  place  between  the  minif- 
ter  and  myfelf,  on  that  fubje£r.. 

I  do  not  know  what  effect  my  reply  has  had  upon  the  mind 
of  the  direCtoire  ;  becaufe  it  was  only  fent  in  a  few  days  fmce. 
I  fkil!  endeavour,  to  ascertain  this,  if  poffible,  and  in  cafe  1  do, 

will  immediately  afterwards  apprize  you  of  it. 

#*#####^## 

The  campaign  was  lately  opened  on  the  fide  of  Italy,  by  a 
fuite  of  three  brilliant  victories  obtained  in  the  fpace  of  a  few 
days,  by  the  French  under  Buonaparte,  over  the  Auftrians, 
commanded  by  Beaulieu;  and  in  which  the  latter  loft,  in  (lain, 
about  live  thoufand  men,  and  in  prilbriers,  between  eight  and 
ten  thoufond.  The  road  is  now  open  to  Turin,  whither  it 
is  thought  the  French  are  prefling.  On  the  Rhine,  however, 
the  armies  are  ftill  inactive  ;  and  from  which  circumilance 
fome  perfons  conjecture,  that  a  negochtion  is  flill  depend- 
ing with  the  Emperor,  and  will  doubtlefs,  if  fuch  is  the  cafe, 
be  eflentially  aided,  on  the  part  of  France,  by  thefe  late  victo- 
ries. The  Vendee  war  was  lately  greatly  checked,  to  fay  no 
more,  by  the  total  difperfjon  of  the  troops  gathered  there,  in 
oppofition  to  the  government,  and  the  apprehenfion  and  ex- 
ecution of  Charette  and  StofHet  ;  the  two  principal  chiefs  who 
heretofore  headed  it  :  And  fubfequent  circumftances  favor 
the  idea,  that  rebellion  there  is  laid  more  proftrate  than  it 
was  at  any  preceding  period,  fmce  it  began.  But  fuch  has 
been  the  varied  fortune  of  that  extraordinary  war,  and  io 
often  has  it  revived  after  it  was  fuppofed  to  be  totally  extin- 
guilhcd,  that  appearances,  however  itrong,  arc  not  to  be  too 
much  confided  in  ;  nor  can  it  well  be  pronounced  at  an  endj 
until  the  revolution  itfelfis  clofed. 


C     3»     1 

I  fend  you  herewith  an  extra£l  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bar- 
low, from  Algiers,  juft  received  ;  and  which  will,  perhaps, 
give  you  the  lateft  intelligence  from  that  quarter. 

P.  S.  Mr.  John  Gregorie,  late  of  Peterfburg,  in  Virginia 
(a  naturaliz  'd  citizen  of  the  United  States)  originally  ellab- 
lifhed  at  Dunkirk,  and  now  refiding  there,  —  has  been  recom- 
r;i  jnded  to  ms,  by  refpe&able  authority,  as  a  fit  perfon  to  fill 
the  confulate  hi  that  city  j  I  add  therefore  his  name  to  ths 
lift  heretofore  fent  you,  of  competitors  for  that  office. 

From  the  'Minlfter  of  Foreign  Affairs^  to  the  Mlnifter   Pleni- 
potentiary cf  the  United  States  of  America. 


Paris  ,   2  ift  Ventofe,  %th  Tear  of  the   "Republic  , 
(March  n  tht   1* 


I  addrefs  to  you,  citizen,  a  copy  of  a  fummary  expofi- 
tion  of  the  complaints  of  the  French  republic,  againft  the 
United  States  of  America.  I  often  and  very  fmcerely  wiih, 
that  your  government,  better  enlightened  upon  irs  true  inter- 
efts,  will  be  difpofed  to  give  us  complete  fatis  faction  . 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 


A  fummary  expofition  of  the  complaints  of  the  French  government \ 
againjlthe  government  of  the  United  States. 

Firft  COMPLAINT.     The  inexecution  of  treaties, 

I.  The  courts  of  juftice  in  the  United  States  have  taken,, 
and  continue  daily  to  take,  cognizance  of  prizes,  which  our 
privateers  conduct  into  their  ports,  notwithilanding  the  ex- 
prefs  claufe  of  the  treaty,  which  prohibits  it.  Our  minifters 
havepropofed  different  arrangements  to  put  bounds  to  this  ufur- 
pation  :  The  federal  government  had  itfelf  propofed  measures 
in  this  refpecl:  :  The  firft  propofitions  were  not  accepted,  and 
fche  laft  rneafures  have  fallen  into  difufe.  The  difgufts,  the 
delays  and  the  lofles  which  refult  to  pwr  marine,  from  a  like 


I  322  ] 

of  things,  are  palpable.  They  almoft  deptive  the  repub- 
lic of  the  advantage  it  ought  to  derive  from  this  article  of  the 
treaty. 

2.  The  admiflion  of  Engliih  vefTels  of  war  into  the  ports  of 
the  United  States,  againft  the  exprtfs  ftipulation  of  the    17th 
article  of  :he  treaty,  that  is  to  fay,  when  they  have  made  prizes 
upon  the  republic,  cr  its  citizens.     The  weaknefs  with  which 
the  federal  government  yielded  this  point  in   the  beginning, 
tended  to  increafe  the  pretenfions  of  Great  Britain  •,  fo  that,  fit 
prefent,  the  ports  of  the  United  States  have  become  a  ilation 
for  the  fquadron  of  Admiral  Murray;  which,  for  two  years  paft, 
£as  flationed  there,  to  make  excurfions   thence  upon  the  A- 
merican  commerce,  and  deftroy  our  property.     This  divifion 
carries  its  audacity  even  farther,  by  conducting  its  prizes  into 
thofe  porte. 

3.  The  eonfular  convention,  which    makes  a  part  of  our 
treaties,  is  equally  unexecuted  in  two  of  its  moil  important 
claufes  :  The  firil,  which  grants  to  our  confuls  the  right  of 
judging  exclufively  all  controverfies  which  take  place  between 
French  citizens,  has  become  iliufory,  from  a  defect  in  the  law 
which  gives  to  our  confuls  the  means  of  executing  their  judg- 
ments.    The  ccnfequences  of  this  defect  tend  to  annihilate 
the  prerogatives  of  our  confuls,  and  by  means  thereof,  to  in- 
jure efientially  our  merchants.     The  fecond  gives  to  our,  con- 
fuls the  right  of  arrefting  our  marine  deferters.      The  inexecu- 
tion  of  this  part  of  the  convention    affects  beyond   all  expref- 
fionour  maritime  fervice,  whilft  ourveffels  are  flationed  in  the  A- 
merican  ports.  The  ju4ges  charged,  by  the  law,  to  deliver  man- 
dats  of  arreft,  have  lately  required    the  prefentation  of  the 
original  regifter  of  the  equipage,  in   defpite  of  the  5th  article 
o£  the  treaty,  which  admits  in  the  tribunals  of  the  two  pow- 
ers copies  certified  by  the    confuls.     Particular  local  confi- 
derations  oppofe,  in  a  thoufand  circumftanccs,  the  prefenta- 
tion of  the  original  regiiler,  and,  under  thefe    circumftances, 
the  failors  always  make  their  efcape. 

4.  The  arreftation  in  the  port  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  month 
of  Auguft,  1795,  of  the  Captain  of  the  Corvette  Caflius,  for 
an  act  committed  by  him  on   the  high  feas.     This  meafure 
is  contrary  to  the  ipth  article  of  the  treaty  of   commerce, 
which  ftipulates  ;  "  that  the  commandants  of  public  and  pri- 
vate veflels   (hall  not  be  detained  in  any  manner."    It  violates 
moreover  the  right  of  nations,  the  moil  common  ;  which  puts 
the  officers  of  public  veflels  under  the  fafeguard  of  their  flag. 
The  United  States    had  fufficient  proof  of  the  rtfpect,  which 
the  republic  entertained  for  them,  to  have  counted  upon  its 


C    323    3 

juftice,  upon  this  occafion.  The  Captain  has  been,  imprifon-: 
ed,  though  the  conful  of  the  republic  fupported  the  a&ion; 
and,  with  difficulty,  has  he  been  releafed.  The  Corvette, 
though  regularly  armed  at  the  Cape  by  the  General  Lavaud 
has  been  arrefted(as  it  appears  (he  ftill  is)  under  the  pretext,  that 
eight  months  before  (he  failed  from  Philadelphia,  ihe  \vas 
fufpetkd  of  having  been  armed  in  that  port. 

Second  COMPLAINT.  The  impunity  of  the  outrage  made  to 
the  republic,  in  the  .perfon  of  its  minifler,  the  citizen  Fau- 
chet,  by  the  Englifh  veiTcl,  the  Africa,  in  concert  with  the 
vice-conful  of  that  nation. 

The  arreftation,  in  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  of  the 
packet  boat  in  which  the  minifter  failed  :  The  fearch  made 
in.  his  trunks,  with  the  avowed  object  of  feizing  his  per- 
fon  and  his  papers,  merited  an  example.  This  infult  was 
committed  on  the  firft  of  Auguft  1795,  and  after  which  this 
veflel  (the  Africa)  blocked  up  the  reft  of  that  month,  at  New- 
port, the  frigate  Medufa  of  the  republic  ;  nor  was  that  veflel 
ordered  to  depart  'till  after  this  frigate  had  failed,  and  which 
order  was  given  for  a  new  outrage  committed  againft  the 
United  States,  by  a  menacing  letter  ;  and,  for  a  participation 
in  which  laft  infuit,  the  exequatur  of  the  Englifh  conful  was 
withdrawn. 

Third  COMPLAINT.  The  treaty  concluded  in  November, 
1 794 ,  between  the  United  States,  and  Great  Britain.  It 
wouid'be  eafy  to  prove,  that  the  United  States,  in  that 
treaty,  have  facrificed,  knowingly  and  evidently^  their  connec- 
tion with  the  republic  ;  and  the  rights,  the  moit  eflen- 
tial  and  leaft  contelted,  of  neutrality. 

1.  The  United  States,  have  not  only  departed  from  the 
principles  that    were  confecrated  by   the  armed   neutrality, 
during  the    war  of  their  independence  ;  but  they  have  alfo 
given  to  England,  to  the  in  jury  of  their  iiril  allies,  a  mark  the 
moft  finking  of  a  condef cent  ion  ^  without  limits,  in  abandoning 
the  rule,  which  the  rights  of  nations,  their  treaties  with  all 
other  powers   and  even  the  treaties  of  England  with  moft  of 
the  maiitime  powers,  have  given  to  contraband.     To  facri- 
fice,  excluiively  to  this  power,  the  objects  which  are  neceflary 
for  the  equipment  and  conftruclion  of  veffels, — is  not  this  to 
depart  evidently  from  the  principles  of  neutrality  ? 

2.  But  they  have  even  gone  further.     They  have  confent- 
sd  to  extend  me  denomination  of  contraband,  even  to 


c  324  i 

(ions.  Inftead  of  reftri&ing  it,  as  all  treaties  have  done, 
to  the  cafe  of  an  effective  blockade  of  a  port,  as  forming  the 
only  exception  to  the  complete  freedom  of  this  article,  they 
have  tacitly  acknowledged  the  pretenfions  of  England,  to  ex- 
tend the  blockade  to  our  colonies,  and  even  to  France,  by  the 
force  of  a  proclamation  alone.  This  abandonment  of  the  in- 
dependence of  their  commerce  is  incompatible  with  their  neu- 
trality, as  Mr.  Jcfferfon  has  acknowledged,  by  his  letter  of 
the  7 th  September, to  the  miniiler  plenipotentiary  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  at  London,  upon  the  fubj eft  of  the  order  of  the  8th 
June  1793.  After  this  confeffion  ;  after  above  all  the  tyran- 
nical edicts  of  the  king  of  Great  -Britain,  whereby  the  com- 
merce, as  well  as  the  national  honor,  of  the  United  States 
have  differed  fo  much,  there  was  reafontohope  a  difrerentre- 
fult  from  the  negociation  of  Mr.  Jay.  It  is  evident,  by  the 
claufe  which  limits  the  continuance  of  this  defertion  of  neu- 
trality to  the  term  of  this  war,  that  Mr.  Jay  did  not  hefitate 
to  facrifice  our  colonies  to  Great  Britain,  during  the  continu- 
ance of  thefe  hoftilitiesr,  by  which  their  let  will  be  decided. 
It  is  fubmitted  to  Mr.  Monroe  to  judge,  in  what  point  thefe 
conceffions  accord  with  the  obligation,  by  which  the  United 
States  have  contracted  to  defend  our  colonial  pofleffions,  and 
\vith  the  duties,  not  lefs  facred,  which  the  great  and  ineftima- 
ble  benefits  they  derive  from  their  commerce  with  thofe  If- 
lands,  bind  them  to  obfcrve. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 

Paris,    iqth  Ventofe^   %th  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(March  $th,  1796.) 

Note.  This  paper  bears  date  of  the  day  preceding  that  on 
which  I  had  my  audience  of  the  directory,  by  which  I  con- 
clude it  is  a  copy  of  the  report  made  by  the  miniiler,  to  that 
body,  on  that  occasion. 

From  Mr.  Monroe,  to  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  March  \$th*  1796. 

I  WAS  lately  honoured  with  your  note  of  the  191!)  Ven- 
tofe  (March  pth)  objecting  to  feveral  of  the  meafures  of  our 

*  Why  thefe  commumcatioas  have  thefe  dates  was  explained  to  Mr. 


C    325    1 

government,  that  have  occurred  in  the  courfe  of  the  prefent 
w~,  and  to  which,  I  prefume  1  ihail  herein  render  you  a  fatis- 
factcry  anfwer.  For  this  purpoie  I  {hall  pur  Cue  in  reply  the 
order  you 'have  obierved,  in  ii  atihg  thcfe  objections  -,  and,  ac- 
cording to  the  light  I  have  on  the  iubjeCt,  give  to  each  the 

:r  it  requires. 

Thefe  objections  are  comprized  under  three  dilUnct  heads, 
a  fummary  of  which  I  will  firft  e-pofc,  that  my  r^ply  to  each 
may  be  better  underftccd. 

Firft.  Your  firft  complaint  is,  that  we  have  failed  to  execute 
our  treaties  with  you,  and  in  the  following  refpecls. 

I.  By  fubmitting  to  our  tribunals  the  cognizance  of  prizes 
brought  intoourports  byyourprivateers.  2.  By  admitting  En- 
giiih  vcflels  of  war  into  our  ports,  againft  the  ilipulation  of  the 
i  ;th  article  of  our  treaty  of  commerce,  even  after  fuch  veflels 
had  taken  prizes  from  you,  and  in  fome  cafes  with  their  priz- 
es. 3.  By  omftting  to  execute  the  confular convention  in  two 
of  its  moft  important  claufes ;  having  failed  to  provide,  as  you 
fugged,  fuitable  means  for  carrying  thofe  claufes  into  efYe6t ; 
the  fir  ft  of  which  fecures  to  you  confuls  within  theUnited  States, 
the  exelufivejurifdiction  ofall  controversies  between  French  ci- 
tizens ;  and  the  fecond,  the  right  to  purfue,  and  recover,  all 
mariners  v/ho  defert  from  your  veflels.  4.  By  fuffering  in 
the  port  of  Philadelphia,  the  arreftation  of  the  captain  of  the 
Corvette  Caffius,  for  an  acl:  committed  by  him  on  the  high 
fea,  and  which  you  fay  is  contrary  to  the  ipth  article  of  the 
treaty  of  commeice,  which  ftipulates,  that  «  the  commandants 
'  of  public  and  private  veffels  mail  not  be  detained  in  any  man- 
*  ner  j'  and  the  rights  of  nations,  which  put  fuch  officers  under 
the  protection  of  their  refpeclive  flags  :  And  by  likewife  fuf- 
fering the  arreftation  of  that  Corvette,  though  armed  at  Cape 
Fran$ois,  upon  the  pretext,  that  me  was  armed  in  the  United 
States. 

Second.  Your  fecond  complaint  ftates,  that  an  outrage, 
which  was  made  to  this  republic,  in  the  perfon  of  its  minifter, 
the  citizen  Fauchet,  by  an  Englifh  veflel  (the  Africa)  in  con- 
cert with  an  Engliih  conful, — in  arrefting,  within  the  jurifdic- 
tionof  the  United  States,  the  packet-boat  in  which  he  had  em- 
barked, fearching  his  trunks,  and  afterwards  remaining  within 
the  waters  of  thofe  States  for  near  a  month,  to  watch  the 
movement  of  the  frigate  in  which  he  finally  failed,  was  left 
unpunifhed  ;  fince  you  urge,  that  the  meafures  which  were 


taken  by  our  government,  in  regard  to  that  veffel,  and  the  con- 
ful,  were  not  taken  in  a  fuitable  time  to  remedy  the  evil,  and 
were  produced  by  a  fubfequent  outrage,  and  of  a  very  different 
kiiid. 

Third.  Your  third  and  lafl  complaint  applies  to  our  late  trea- 
ty with  England  ;  which  you  fay,  not  only  facrifices,  in  favor 
of  tnat  power,  our  treaty  with  France,  but  departs  from  that 
line  of  impartiality,  which,  as  a  neutral  nation,  we  were  bound 
to  obierve.  Particular  exemplifications  are  given  of  this  charge 
in  your  nott,  and  which  1  ihaii  particularly  notice  when  I 
come  to  reply  to  it. 

This  is  a  fummary  of  your  complaints,  and  to  each  of  v  hich 
I  will  now  give  a  precife,  and  1  flatter  myielf,  a  fatisfa&ory 
ajifwcr.  -  . 

Firfl.  Of  the  inexecudon  of  our  treaties  with  this  Republic, 
and  of  the  firrt  example  given  of  it :  <The  fubmiflion  to  our 

*  tribunals  of  the  cognizance  of  prizes  brought  into  cur 

*  ports  by  your  privateers/ 

Permit  me,  in  reply  to  this  charge,  to  a(k  whether  you 
infill,  as  a  general  principle,  that  our  tribunals  are  inhibited 
the  right  of  taking  cognizance  of  the  validity  of  your  prizes, 
jn  all  cafes  ;  or  are  there  exceptions  to  it  ?  As  a  general  prin- 
ciple, without  exception,  I  think  it  cannot  be  infilled  on  ;  be- 
Cciufe  examples  may  be  given,  under  it,  of  pomble  cafes,  which 
prove  it  cannot  be  fo  conibrued  and  executed,  without  an 
incroachment  upon  the  inherent  and  unalienable  rights  of  fo- 
vereignty  in  both  nations,  which  neither  intended  to  make, 
iior  does  the  treaty  warrant.  Suppofe,  for  inilance,  a  prize 
was  taken  within  the  our  jurifdi£lion;  not  upon  the  high  feas, 
nor  even  at  the  entrance  or  mouths  of  thofe  great  rivers  and 
bays,  which  penetrate  and  fertilize  our  country  ;  but  actually 
in  the  interior,  and  at  the  wharf  of  fome  one  of  our  cities. 
L>  this  a  cafe  over  which  our  tribunals,  or  fome  other  branch 
of  our  government,  have  no  right  to  take  cognizance  ?  Do 
ypu  conceive,  that  the  true  import  of  the  treaty  impofes  upon 
us,  and  likewife  upon  you  in  turn,  the  obligation  thus  to  a- 
bandon,  as  a  theatre  of  warfare,  in  which  you  bear  no  part, 
the  interior  police  of  your  country  ?  Can  it  be  done  confid- 
ently with  the  dignity  or  the  rights  of  fovereignty  ?  Or,  fup- 
pofe  the  privateer  which  took  the  prize  and  led  it  into  port  was 
fitted  out  withiii  the  United  States,  the  a£t  being  unauthorized 
by  treaty; — cnuld  we  tolerate  this,  and  refufe  the  like  liberty 
to  the  other  nation  at  war,  without  departing  from  that  line 
•f  neutrality  we  ought  to  pbferve  ?  You  well  know  that  thofe 


C    327    1 

rights  which  are  fccured  by  treaties,  form  the  only  preference 
in  a  neutral  port,  which  a  neutral  nation  can  give  to  either  of 
the  parties  at  war ;  and  if  thefe  are  tranicciukd,  that  the  na- 
tion fo  adding  makes  itieif  a  party  to  the  war;  and  in  conic-* 
quence  merits  to  be  coniidercd  and  treated  as  iuch.  Thefe 
examples  prove  that  there  are  fome  exceptions  to  the  general 
principle  j  and  perhaps  there  are  others  which  do  not  occur 
to  me  at  prefent.  Are  then  the  cafes  in  queftion,  and 
i  form  the  bafis  of  your  complaint,  within  the  fcale  of 
thefe  exceptions  ?  Ii  they  are,  and  I  prefume  they  are,  I  am 
pcrfuaded  you  will  concur  with  me  in  the' opinion,  that  the 
complaint  is  unfounded  ;  and  that  we  have  only  done  our  du- 
ty ,  a  duty  we  were  bound  to  perform,  as  well  from  a  refpett 
to  our  rights  as  a  fovereign  and  free  people,  as  to  the  integri- 
ty of  our  character  ;  being  a  neutral  party  in  the  prcfent  war. 

You  will  obferve,  that  I  admit  the  principle,  if  a  prize  was 
taken  upon  the  high  lea  by  a  privateer  fitted  out  within  the 
Republic,  or  its  dominions  ; — that  in  fuch  cafe  our  courts  hr.>^ 
no  right  to  take  cognizance  of  its  validity.  But  is  any  cafe 
of  this  kind  alledged  ?  I  prefume  none  is  cr  can  be  fliewn. 

2.  The  fecond  article  in  this  charge,  of  failing  to  execute 
our  treaties  with  this  Republic,  ftates,  that  in  contravention 
with  the  i  yth  article  of  the  treaty  of  commerce,  we  have  ad- 
mitted Britim  veffels  into  our  ports  •,  even  fuch  as  have  taken 
prizes  from  you,  and  in  fome  cafes  with  their  prizes.  The 
article  referred  to  Stipulates  the  right  for  your  veiisls  of  war 
and  privateers  to  enter  our  ports  with  their  prizes  ;  and  inhi- 
bits that  right  to  your  enemies.  It  does  not  ftipulate  that  the 
veflels  of  war  belonging  to  vour  enemies  iliall  not  enter  ;  but 
(imply  that  they  mail  not  enter  w/V/'  their  prizes.  This  latter 
acl,  therefore,  is,  I  prefume,  the  fubje£b  of  your  complaint. 
Here  too,  it  only  ftipulates,  that  in  cafe  fuch  veffels  enter  your 
or  our  ports,  proper  meafures  mall  be  taken  to  compel  them  to 
retire  as  foon  as  poflible.  Whether  you  were  rightly  informed 
with  rcfpecl:  to  the  fa£t,  is  a  point  upon  which  I  cannot  de- 
cide, as  I  know  nothing  about  it.  Our  coail  is  extenfive  ; 
our  harbours  numerous,  and  the  diftrefs  of  the  weather  may 
have  forced  them  in  :  Or  they  may  have  entered  wantonly  and 
in  contempt  of  the  authority  of  the  government.  Many  out- 
rages have  been  committed  upon  us  by  that  nation  in  the 
courfe  of  the  prefent  war,  and  this  may  likewife  be  of  the 
catalogue.  But  I  will  venture  to  affirm,  that  no  countenance 
was  given  by  our  government  to  thofe  veflels,  whillt  they 
were  there  ;  and  that  all  fuitable  means  were  taken  to  compel 
them  to  retire,  and  without  delay.  You  know  we  have  no 


C 

fleet,  and  how  difficult  it  is,  without  one,  to  execute  a  ftipu- 
lation  of  this  kind,  with  that  promptitude  which  your  agents 
in  our  country,  ardent  in  your  caufe,  and  faithful  to  your  in- 
tcrcft,  might  expert. 

3.  The  third  article  under  this  head,  ftates,  that  we  have 
omitted  to  execute  the  corifular  convention  in  two  of  Its  mod 
important  claufes  ;  the  fir  ft  of  which  fecures  to  the  confuis  of 
each,  in  the  ports  of  the  other,  the  excluilve  jurisdiction  of 
controverfies  between  their  own  citizens  ,  and  the  feccnd  of 
which  gives  to  the  confuis  a  right  to  recover  fuch  mariners  as 
defert  from  the  veflbls  of  their  refpective  nations. 

Upon  the  firft  point,  the  fuppofed  incompetency  of  the 
law  provided  on  our  part,  to  execute  the  judgments  of  your 
confuis  within  our  jurisdiction, — I  can  only  fay,  that  as  no 
particular  defect  is  it  a  ted,  fo  no  precife  anfwer  can  be  given 
to  the  objection.  And  upon  the  fecond,  which  ftates*;  that 
the  judges  charged  by  our  laws  to  iflus  warrants  for  arrefting 
fuch  of  your  mariners,  as  defert  from  their  veffels,  have  latter- 
ly required,  and  againft  the  fpirit  of  the  treaty,  the  prefenta- 
tion  of  the  original  regifters  of  the  veffels  to  which  they  be- 
longed, as  the  ground  whereon  to  iflue  thofe  warrants,  I 
have  to  obferve ;  that  by  the  claufe  in  queftion  (the  pth  arti- 
cle) the  original  feems  to  be  required  j  and  that  the  copies 
fpoken  of  in  another  part  of  the  treaty  (the  5th  article)  obvi- 
ouily  apply  to  other  objects,  and  not  to  this.  More  fully, 
however,  to  explain  to  you  the  conduct  of  our  government 
upon  this  fubject,  permit  me  here  to  add  an  extract  from  our 
law,  parted  on  the  pth  of  April,  1792,  exprefsly  to  carry  into 
ciTcdl  the  convention  in  queftion,  and  which  applies  to  both 
cafes. 

«  The  diftrict  judges  of  the  United  States  (hall,  within  their 
c  refpectivG  diftricts,  be  the  competent  judges  for  the  pur- 
c  pofes  exprefled  in  the  pth  article  of  the  laid  convention  ; 
e  and  it  mall  be  incumbent  on  them  to  give  aid  to  the  confuis 

*  and  vice-confuls  of  France,  in  arreftiug  and  fecuring  defer- 
e  ters  from  the  veffels  of  the  French  nation,  according  to  the 
«  tenor  of  the  faid  article.     And  where,  by  any  article  of 
c  the  faid  convention,  the  confuis  and  vice-confuls  of  France 

*  are  entitled  to  the  aid   of  the  competent  executive   officers 
«  of  the  country,  in  the  execution  of  any  precept,  the  mar- 
«  (halls  of  the  United  States,  and  their  deputies,  {hall  within 
e  their  refpective  diftricts  be  the  competent  officers,  and  (hall 
c  give  their  aid,  according  to  the  tenor  of  the  ftipulations.' 
By  this  extract  you  will  clearly  perceive,  that  it  was  not  the 
intention  of  our  government  to  fruftratc  or  embarrafs  the  exe- 


[     3*9    3 

cution  of  this  treaty  :  On  the  contrary,  tl  at  it  was  its  inten- 
tion to  carry  it  into  full  effect,  according  to  its  true  intent  r.nd 
meaning  ;  and  that  it  has  done  fo,  fo  far  as  could  be  done  by 
fuitable  legal  provifions. 

It  may  hereafter  be  deemed  a  fubject  worthy  confederation, 
whether  the  firft  of  thefe  claufcs  in  that   convention  had  not 
better  be  expunged  from  it.     The  principle  of  a  foreign  court 
eftablifhed    within   any  country,  with  jurifdiction  indepen- 
dent of  that  country,  cannot  well  be  reconciled  v/ith  any  cor- 
rect idea  of  its  ibvereignty  :  Nor  can  it  exercife  its  functions 
without  frequent  interference  with  the  authorities  of  the  coun- 
try; and  which  naturally  occafions  ilrife  and  difccntent  be- 
tween the  two  governments.     Thefe,  however,  are  not  the 
only    objections  to  the  meafure,  though  with  me  they  are 
unanfwerable.     Under  circumftances  the  molt  favorable,  it: 
were  difficult  for  thefe  confular  tribunals  to  ferve  their  procefs 
and  execute  their  judgments.    A  limited  jurifdicticn  to  a  town 
or  village  only  admits  of  it.     In  the  United  States,  therefore, 
and  in  France,  where  the  territory  is  immenfe,  and  the  num- 
ber of  citizens  of  each  country  in  the  other  confiderable,    as 
is  now  the  cafe,  it  becomes  impofiible.     Many  of  theie,  in 
each  country,  dwell  perhaps  in  the  interior,  and   not  within 
one  hundred  leagues  of  any  conful  of  their  nation  ;  how  com- 
pel their  attendance  before  him?  How  execute  the  judgrr^e.it 
afterwards  ?  Fur  the  tribunal  of  one  country  to  dall   in  the 
sid  of  the  officer.s  of  another,  to  execute  its  decrees  or  judg- 
ments, is  an    inflitution  at  lead  objectionable  ;  but    to  ferd 
thofe  officers  round  the  country,  through   the   range  of  ens 
hundred  leagues  is  more  fo. 

Permit  me  then  to  aik,  what  are  the  motives  on  your  cr 
our  part  for  fuch  an  inftitution  ?  In  what  reipect  are  you  or 
we  interefted,  that  your  or  our  confute  mould  have  the  ex- 
clufive  jurifdiction  of  controverfies  between  yojir  and  cur  ci- 
tizens, in  eacli  other's  country  ?  Why  not  fubrrilt  thofe  con- 
troverfies, in  common  with  all  others,  to  the  tribunals  of  each 
nation  ?  Some  confiderations  in  favor  of  the  institution,  it  is 
true,  occur ;  but  yet  they  are  light  and  trifling,  v/hen  com- 
pared with  the  numerous  and  ilrcng  objections  that  oppcie 
it.  So  much,  however,  byway  of  digrcfiion. 

4.  Your  fourth  and  laft  example,  under  this  head,  ftstes, 
that  the  captain  of  the  Corvette  CafTius  was  arrefted  in  Phi- 
ladelphia, for  an  act  committed  on  the  high  lea  ;  contrary, 
as  you  fugged,  to  the  ipth  aricle  of  the  treaty  of  ccir.rncrce, 
which  ftipulates,  « That  the  commandants  of  vefieis,  public 
<  and  private,  iLali  not  be  detained  in  «aw  manner  whatever  ',' 

Uu 


C    330    ] 

and  of  well  known  rights  of  nations,  which  put  the  officers 
of  public  veffels  under  the  fafeguard  of  their  refpective  flags  ; 
and  that  the  faid  Corvette  was  likewife  feized,  though  armed 
at  the  Cape,  upon  the  pretext  that  ihe  was  armed  fome  time 
before  in  Philadelphia. 

As  you  have  net  itated  what  the  a£l  was  with  the  com- 
miflicn  whereof  the  Captain  was  charged,  I  can  of  courfe 
give  no  explanation  on  that  head.  Satisfied,  however,  I  am, 
that  if  the  crime  was  of  a  nature  to  authorife  our  courts  to 
take  cognizance  of  it,  he  would  not  be  exempted  from  their 
jurifdiclion  by  the  article  of  the  treaty  in  queftion  j  fmce  that 
article,  as  you  perceive,  was  intended  to  eftablifh  a  general 
principle  in  the  intercourfe  between  the  two  countries  ;  to  give 
a -privilege  to  the  fhips  of  war  of  each,  to  enter  and  retire 
from  the  ports  of  the  other  •,  and  not  to  fecure  in  favor  of  any 
particular  delinquent,  an  immunity  for  crimes :  Nor,  in  my 
opinion,  does  the  law  of  nations  admit  of  a  different  con- 
ftruclrion,  or  give  any  other  protection.  I  am  happy,  however, 
to  hear  that  he  is  releafed,  fmce  it  furnifhes  an  additional  proof 
that  the  whole  tranfacSHon  was  a  judicial  one;  regular,  accord- 
ing to  the  ccurfe  of  our  law,  and  mingling  nothing  in  it  in 
any  view  that  ought  to  give  offence  here. 

With  refpect  to  the  feizure  of  the  Corvette,  upon  the  pre- 
text that  me  was  armed  m  Philadelphia,  I  have  only  to  fay  -% 
that  if  ihe  was  armed  there,  it  was  the  duty  of  our  govern- 
ment to  feize  her ;  the  right  to  arm  not  being  ftipulated  by 
treaty  :  And  if  that  was  alledged  upon  fufficient  teitimony,  as 
I  preiume  was  the  cafe,  there  was  no  other  way  of  determining 
the  queftion  than  by  an  examination  into  it,  and  in  the  inte- 
rim, preventing  her  failing.  It  would  be  no  fatisfa&ion  to 
the  other  party  to  the  war,  for  us  to  examine  into  the  cafe  af- 
ter me  was  gone,  provided  the  decifion  was  againft  her.  On 
the  contrary^  fuch  conduct  would  not  only  expofe  us  to  the 
charge  of  Committing  a  breach  of  neutrality,  but  of  likewife 
doing  it  collufively. 

Second.  Your  fecond  complaint  dates  an  outrage  which  was 
committed  by  a  Britifh  (hip,  upon  your  minifter,  the  Citi- 
zen Fauchet,  in  concert  with  a  Britifh  conful ;  in  board- 
ing the  packet  in  which  he  embarked,  opening  his  trunks, 
£sV.  within  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  and  remain- 
ing there  afterwards  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  frigate 
in  which  he  failed ;  and  which  you  fay  was  not  refented 
as  it  ought  to  have  been  by  our  government ;  fince  you  add, 
the  meafures  which  were  taken  by  it  in  regard  to  that  vef- 


C   331    1 

fel,  and  the  conful,  were  the  effecl.  of  another  and  fubfe- 
quent  outrage. 

The  puniihment  which  was  inflicted  by  our  government 
upon  the  parties  who  committed  that  outrage,  by  revoking 
the  exequatur  of  the  conful,  and  ordering  that  all  iupplies 
fhould  be  withheld  from  the  veffel ;  as  likewife  that  (he  mould. 
forthwith  depart  from  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  was,  I 
think  you  will  admit,  an  adequate  one  for  the  offence.  Cer- 
tain it  is,  that  as  we  have  no  fleet,  it  was  the  only  one  in  our 
power  to  infiicl  ;  and  that  this  puniihment  was  inili£ted  inr 
confequence  of  that  outrage,  you  will,  I  prefume,  likewife  ad- 
mit, after  you  have  perufed  the  acl:  of  the  Prefident  upon  that 
fubjecl: ;  a  copy  of  which  I  herewith  tranfmit  to  you  ;  and  by 
which  you  will  perceive,  that  there  was  no  diitinct  outrage  of- 
fered to  the  United  States,  upon  that  occafion,  by  the  parties 
in  queftion  ;  but  that  both  the  one  and  the  other  act  (the  ai- 
tempt  made  upon  the  packet  boat  in  which  your  miniiter  had 
embarked,  by  the  captain  of  a  Britim  fhip  of  war,  and  which 
constituted  the  firft  ;  and  the  writing  of  an  infolent  letter,  by 
the  fame  captain,  to  the  governor  of  the  State  of  Rhode-Il- 
land,  in  concert  with  the  Britim  conful  there,  and  which  con- 
ftituted  the  fecond)  were  only  feveral  incidents  to  the  fame 
tranfaction,  form  ing  together  a  fmgle  offence;  and  for  which 
that  punimment  was  inflicted  on  thcfe  parties. 

I  think  proper  here  to  add,  as  a  further  proof  that  the  Pre- 
fident was  neither  inattentive  to  what  was  due  to  your  rights 
upon  that  occafion,  nor  to  the  character  of  the  United  States; 
that  fee  gave  orders  to  our  miniiter  at  London,  to  complain 
formally  to  that  government  of  that  outrage ;  and  to  demand 
of  it  fuch  fatisfaction  upon  the  parties,  as  the  nature  of  the 
infult  required-,  and  which  has,  doubtlefs,  either  been  given, 
or  is  ftill  expected. 

Third.  Your  third,  and  laft  complaint  applies  to  our  late  trea- 
ty with  England;  and  which,  you  fay,  has  facriiiced,  iii 
favor  of  that  po\ver,  our  connection  with  France,  and  die 
rights  of  neutrality  the  molt  common. 

i.  In  fupport  of  this  charge  you  obferve,  that  we  have  not 
enly  departed  from  the  principles  of  the  arm'ed  neutrality 
adopted  in  the  courfe  of  the  lait  war;  but  have  abandoned,  in 
favor  of  England,  the  limits  which  the  rights  of  nations  and 
our  own  treaties  with  all  other  powers,  and  even  England  hi 
her  treaties  with  many  other  powers,  have  given  to  contra- 
band. 


C*>  **  i      T 
OJZ        J 

lib  confented  that  provifions 
deemed  contraband,  not  when  deflined  to  a  blockaded  port 
only,  as  fhould  be  the  cafe  ;  but  in  all  cafes*  by  tacitly  ac- 
knowledging the  pretenfions  of  England,  to  place  at  pleafure 
and  by  proclamation,  not  only  your  iflands,  but  even  France 
her  f- If  in  that  dilemma. 

The  principles  of  the  armed  neutrality  fet  on  foot  by  the 
Emprefs  of  RufFia,  in  harmony  with  the  other  neutral  powers, 
at  the  time  you  mention,  and  acceded  to  by  all  the  powers 
then  at  war  againft  England,  are  extremely  dear  to  us ;  be- 
caufe they  are  juft  in  themfelves,  and  in  many  refpecls  very 
important  to  our  welfare  :  We  infert  them  in  every  treaty  we 
make  with  thofe  powers  who  are  willing  to  adopt  them;  and 
our  hope  is,  that  they  will  foon  become  univerfal.  But  even 
in  the  war  of  which  you  fpeak,  and  when  the  combination 
again  ft  England  was  moll  formidable,  and  the  maritime  pow- 
ers being  arranged  againft  her,  you  well  know  that  fhe  never 
acceded  to  them.  How  compel  her  then,  upon  the  prefent 
occaficn,  when  that  combination  was  not  only  broken,  but 
many  of  the  pov/ers,  then  parties  to  it  and  againft  England, 
were  now  enlifted  on  her  fide,  in  fupport  of  her  principles  ? 
Ifou  muft  be  fenfible,  that  under  thefe  circumftanccs,  it  was- 
impoflrble  for  us  to  obtain  from  that  power  the  recognition 
of  thofe  principles  ;  and  that,  of  courfe,  we  are  not  culpable 
for  having  failed  to  accornplim  that  object. 

I  regret  alfo,  that  we  did  not  fucceed  in  obtaining  from  that 
power,  a  more  liberal  fcale  of  contraband,  than  was  obtain- 
ed :  For  as  our  articles  of  exportation  are  chiefly  articles  of 
the  firft  neceffity,  and  always  in  great  demand  here,  and  eve- 
ry where  elfe,  it  was  equally  an  obje£l  of  importance  to  en- 
large tie  freedom  cf  commerce  in  that  refpecl:,  by  diminiihing 
the  lift  of  contraband.  Perhaps  no  nation  on  the  globe  is 
more  interefted  in  this  object,  than  we  are.  But  here  too, 
the  fame  difficulty  occurred,  that  had  in  the  preceding  cafe  ; 
and  it  was  In  confequence  deemed  expedient,  for  the  time,  to 
relinquifh  a  point  we  could  not  obtain  ;  fuffering  the  ancient 
law  of  nations  to  remain  unchanged  in  any  refpecl:.  Is  it 
urged,  that  we  have  made  any  strticle  contraband  that  was 
not  fo  before,  by  the  known  and  well  eftablifhed  law  of  na- 
tions ;  which  England  had  not  a  right  to  feize  by  that  law, 
and  did  not  daily  feize,  when  they  fell  in  her  way?  This  cannot 
be  urged;  becaufe  the  facl:  isotherwife:  For  although  we  have 
not  ameliorated  the  law  of  nations  in  that  refpe6t,  yet  certain- 
ly we  have  not  changed  it  for  the  worfc ;  and  which  alone 
could  give  you  juft  caufe  of  complaint. 


C     333     ] 

With  refpecr.  to  the  obje&ion  flated  to  a  claufe  in  the  1 8th 
article  of  the  treaty  with  England,  which  prefumes  we  are 
thereby  prohibited  bringing  provifions  from  the  United  States 
to  France,  I  have  only  to  add  ;  that  no  fuch  prohibition  is  to 
be  found  in  itj  or  other  ftipulation  which  changes  the  law  of 
nations  in  that  refpect :  On  the  contrary,  that  article  leaves 
the  law  of  nations  where  it  was  before  •,  authorizing  the  fei- 
zure  in  thofe  cafes  only,  where  fuch  provifions  are  contra- 
band, <  by  the  exifting  law  of  nations/  and  according  to  our 
conftruction,  when  carrying  to  a  blockaded  port ;  and  in 
which  cafe  payment  is  ftipulated  ;  but  irr  no  refpecl:  is  the 
law  of  nations  changed,  or  any  right  given  to  the  Britifh  to 
feize  other  than  they  had  before  ;  and  fuch,  I  prcfume,  you 
will  agree,  is  the  true  import  of  that  article. 

You  will  obferve,  by  the  article  in  queftion,  that  when  our 
provifions  deftined  for  a  blockaded  port  arc  feized,  though  by 
the  law  of  nations  ftibjecl:  to  confifcation,  they  are  never- 
thelefs  exempted  from  it  ;  and  the  owners  of  fuch  provifions 
entitled  to  the  payment  of  their  value.  Surely  this  ftipula- 
fion  cannot  tend  to  difcourage  my  countrymen  from  adven- 
turing with  provifions  into  rhe  ports  of  this  Republic  ;  nor  in 
any  other  refpecr,  prevent  their  enterprises  here  :  On  the  con- 
trary, was  it  not  probable,  that  it  would  produce  the  oppofite 
effect ;  fince  thereby  the  only  penalty  which  could  Jeter  them, 
that  of  confifcation,  in  the  cafe  above  mentioned,  was  com- 
pletely done  away  ? 

Thus,  Citizen  Minifter,  I  have  anfwered,  according  to  the 
views  of  our  government,  and  the  light  I  have  upon  the  fub- 
je£t,  the  objections  you  have  dated  againft  feveral  of  its  mca- 
fures  adopted  in  the  courfe  of  the  prefent  war;  and  I  hope 
to  your  fatisfa£tion.  That  any  occurrence  fhould  take  place  in 
the  annals  of  the  Republics,  which  gave  caufe  for  fuipicion, 
that  you  doubted,  in  any  degree,  our  fincere  and  affectionate  at- 
tachment to  your  welfare,  is  a  circumftance  that  cannot  other- 
wife  than  give  pain  to  our  government  and  our  people.  That 
thefe,  however,  fhould  be  removed  by  a  fair  and  candid  ex- 
amination of  your  complaints,  on  both  fides,  is  the  belt  confo- 
lation  that  fuch  an  occurrence  can  admit  of.  If  by  my  feeble 
efforts,  I  contribute  in  any  degree  to  promote  that  end,  and 
preferve  the  harmony  and  affection  which  have  fo  long  fubfiftT 
ed  between  us,  and  I  trull,  will  always  fubfifl,  be  affured 
that  I  accomplifh  an  object  the  molt  grateful  to  my  feelings, 
that  I  can  poffibly  accomplifh. 


C     334     ] 

From  Mr.  Pickering)    to  Mr.  Monroe. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Jan.  *)thy  1796. 


SIR, 


ON  the  firft  inftant,  according  to  a  previous  arrange- 
ment, the  minifter  of  the  French  republic  prefented  to  the  pre- 
fident  of  the  United  States,  the  colours  of  France.  This  was 
on  Friday,  and  congrefs  did  not  meet  again  till  the  following 
Monday,  when  the  colours  were  prefented  to  the  two  houfes 
of  congrefs,  with  a  meflage  from  the  prefident,  and  the  papers 
mentioned  in  it ;  to  wit,  an  addrefs  from  the  committee  of 
public  fafety,  dated  the  aift  of  October,  1794  ;  the  fpeech  of 
the  French  minifter  ©n  prefenting  the  colours  to  the  president, 
and  the  prefident's  anfwer  ;  of  all  which  copies  are  inclofed. 

After  the  exhibition  in  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  the 
houfe  panned  unanimoufly  the  inclofed  refolve  ;  in  purfuance 
of  which,  to  make  known  their  fentiments  to  the  reprefenta- 
tives of  the  French  people,  the  prefiderit  has  addrefled  a  letter 
to  the  directory  of  the  French  republic,  which  you  will  find 
inclofed,  and  which  you  will  take  the  earlieft  opportunity  to 
deliver. 

With  the  refolve  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  the  prefi- 
dent  has  thought  fit  to  communicate  to  the  directory  the  re- 
folve of  the  fenate  on  the  fame  fubjecl:,  although  not  fpecially 
•  defired  to  do  it.  Thus  there  will  be  feen  a  concurrence  of 
all  the  branches  of  the  government,  reprefenting  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  fame  affection  and  friendfhip  for  the 
French  republic.  Copies  of  that  letter,  and  of  thefe  refolves, 
for  your  own  information,  you  will  find  alfo  inclofed. 

In  your  letter  of  the  aoth  of  October  (the  laft  which  has 
been  received)  you  fay  that  as  yet  no  complaints  had  been 
made  againft  our  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  nor  had  you  heard 
any  thing  from  the  committee  on  the  fubjecl:,  fince  their  ap- 
plication relative  to  certain  reports  refpedHng  it :  Yet  in  your 
poftfcript  you  exprefs  your  opinion,  that  if  ratified  it  would 
excite  great  difcontents. 

On  this  point  I  can  only  again  refer  you  to  my  letter  of 
the  25th  of  September,  in  which  it  is  demonftrated,  that  in  af- 
fenting  to  the  terms  of  that  treaty,  the  United  States  infringe 
no  ftipulation,  and  violate  no  duty  towards  France.  And 
you  have  feen  by  Mr.  Randolph's  communications  laft  fum- 


"C    335    ] 

mer,that  all  the  objections,  ftartedby  the  French  minifter,werc 
completely  removed. 

The  treaty  of  peace,  made  by  General  Wayne  with  the 
Indian  tribes  northweft  of  the  river  Ohio,  has  been  ratified 
by  the  prefident,  with  the  unanimous  advice  and  confent  of  the 
fenate.  The  Cherokees  and  Creeks  are  alfo  at  peace  with  us. 
Such  perfect  tranquillity  on  all  our  borders  was  never  known 
fmce  we  became  an  independent  people.  But  in  the  midfl  of 
the  univerfal  joy  which  this  ftate  of  things  excited,  a  few  ruf- 
fians in  Georgia  committed  fome  atrocious  murders  on  about 
twenty  Creeks.  This  was  in  September.  Severe  retaliation 
is  to  be  feared  ;  though  endeavours  were  immediately  ufed  to 
ward  off  the  evil.  As  yet,  I  have  heard  of  but  one  family  that 
has  been  ftruck. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 


Prom  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States,   to  the  Prefident   of  the 
Directory  of  the  French  Republic. 

SIR, 

THE  minifter  of  the  French  republic  in  the  United 
States  will  certainly  communicate  to  his  government  an  ac- 
count of  the  prefentation  of  the  ftandard  of  France,  to  the 
United  States,  through  their  organ,  the  prefident  *,  and  of  the 
time  and  manner  in  which  it  was  received.  On  the  4th  of 
the  prefent  month,  the  firft  day  afterwards,  on  which  they 
were  convened,  that  ftandard  was  exhibited  to  the  reprefenta- 
tives  of  the  people  in  congrefs,  together  with  the  addreis  of 
the  committee  of  public  fafety,  dated  the  21  ft  of  October, 
1 794  ;  the  fpeech  of  the  French  minifter,  on  prefenting  the 
ftandard  to  the  prefident,  and  his  anfwer.  It  was  on  this 
occafion,  at  their  fitting  on  the  fourth  of  this  month  ,  that  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  exprefled  their  fentiments  towards 
the  French  people,  which  they  requefted  me  to  communicate, 
and  which  I  cannot  better  do,  than  in  their  own  words  : 

*  Refolved  unanirnoufly,  That  the  prefident  of  the  United 
4  States  be  requefted  to  make  known  to  the  reprefentatives  of 
« the  French  people,  that  this  houfe  hath  received,  with  the 
<  moft  fincere  and  lively  fenfibility,  the  communication  of  the 
*  committee  of  public  fafety,  dated  the  twenty  firft  of  Octo- 


C    33<J    1 

<  her,  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  arid  ninety  four,  accom- 
'  panied  with  the  colors  of  the  French  republic  ;  and  to  af- 
'  fure  them,  that  the  prefentation  of  the  colors  of  the  French  re- 

<  public  to  the  congrefs  of  the  United  States  is   deemed  the 

<  moft  honourable  testimonial  -of  the  exifling  fympathies,  and 
c  affections  of  the  two  republics,  founded  upon  their  folid  and 

*  reciprocal  interefts  5   and  that  this  houfe  rejoices  in  the  op- 

*  portunity  thereby  afforded  to  congratulate  the  French  nation 

<  upon  the  brilliant  and  glorious  achievements,   which  have 

*  been  accomplimed  under  their  influence,  during  the  prefent 
€  afflicting  war ;  and  confidently  hopes,  that    thofe  achieve- 
c  ments  will  be  attended  with  the  perfect  attainment  of  their 
'  objeft, —  the  permanent  eftablifhment  of  the  liberties,  and 
f  happincfs  of  a  great  and  magnanimous  people.7 

I  alfo  do  myfeif  the  pleafure  to  tranfmit  to  you  the  refolve 
of  the  fenate,  on  the  fame  occafion,  declaring  their  union 
with  me  in  the  fentiments  I  have  expreffed  towards  the  French 
republic,  and  their  devout  wimes,  that  the  fincere  affection 
which  unites  our  two  republics  may  be  perpetuated. 

Thefe  fentiments,  fir,  you  will  have  the  goodnefs  to  make 
known  to  the  reprefentatives  of  the  French  people,  in  the 
time  and  manner  which  you  {hall  deem  the  moft  accepta- 
ble. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

Prefident  of  the  United  States. 
Philadelphia,  Jan.  7^  1 796. 


CONGRESS   OF    THE    UNITED  STATES. 
In  the  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives,  Monday,  Jan.  tfh,  1 796. 
Rcfclvcd  unanimaufly  : 

THAT  the  prefident  of  the  United  S tales  be. requefi- 
cd  to  make  known  to  the  reprefentatives  of  the  French  peo- 
ple, that  the  houfe  hath  received,  with  the  moft  fincere  and 
lively  fenfibility,  the  communication  of  the  committee  of  pub- 
lic fafety,  dated  the  twenty  firft  of  October,  one  thoufand 
fcven  hundred  and  ninety  four,  accompanied  with  the  colors 
of  the  French  republic ;  and  to  affure  them,  that  the  prefentation 
of  the  colors  of  the  French  republictothe  congrefsof  the  United 
States  is  deemed  the  moil  honorable  testimonial  of  the  exifting 
fympathies  and  affections  of  the  two  republics,  founded  upon 


C   ;s7   ] 

their  folid  and  reciprocal  interefls  :  and  that  this  houfe  rejoices 
in  the  opportunity  thereby  afforded  to  congratulate  the  French 
nation  upon  the  brilliant  and  glorious  achievements,  which 
have  been  accomplifhed  under  their  influence  during  the  pre- 
fent  afflicting  war  ;  and  confidently  hopes,  that  thcie  a- 
chievements  will  be  attended  with  the  perfect  attainment  of 
their  object ;  the  permanent  eftabliOiment  of  the  liberties 
and  happinefs  of  a  great  and  magnanimous  people. 

JONATHAN  DAYTON,  Speaker. 


IN    SENATE    OF    THE    UNITED    STATZ;. 

January  6tb,   1796. 


THAT  the  prefident  be  informed,  the  fenate  have  re- 
ceived with  the  pureft  pleafure,  the  evidences  of  the  continu- 
ed friendmip  of  the  French  republic,  which  accompanied  his 
meiTage  of  the  4th  inftant. 

That  the  fenate  unite  with  him  in  all  the  feelings  exprcf- 
fed  to  the  minifter  of  France,  on  the  prefentation  of  the 
colors  of  his  nation,  and  devoutly  wifh  that  this  fymbol  of 
the  triumphs  and  enfranchifement  of  that  great  people,  given 
as  a  pledge  of  faithful  friendmip,  and  placed  among  the  evi- 
dences and  memorials  of  the  freedom  and  independence  of. 
the  United  States,  may  contribute  to  cheriih  and  perpetuate 
the  fmcere  affection,  by  which  the  two  republics  ate  fo  hap- 
pily united. 

Atteft, 

SAMUEL  A.  OTIS,  Secretary. 


From  Mr.  Monroe  >  to  Pulwar  Skipwitb,  Conful  General  of 
the  United  States,  at  Paris' 

Parity  April  %th,  1  796. 

I  HAVE  juft  received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Humphreys* 
our  minifter  at  Lifbon,  advifmg  that,  as  our  treaty  with  Al- 
giers is  not  yet  concluded,  it  will  be  improper  for  owr  iner* 

X  * 


C    338    ] 

thants  and  others,  to  adventure  into  the  Mediterranean,  un* 
til  further  advifed  on  the  fubje6t.  I  therefore  notify  this  to 
you,  that  you  may  communicate  the  fame  to  all  our  confuls 
within  the  French  Republic. 

From  the  Mlnijler  Plenipotentiary  of  ths  United  States  of  Ame* 
rica9  to  the  Mlnljler  of  Foreign  Relations. 

Parity  March   l^th,    1796. 

I  HAVE  been  favored  with  yours  of  the  28th  Ventofe 
(i8th  March)  refpecling  two  Negroes,  American  citizens, 
who  had  left  their  ihip  at  Havre,  become  objects  of  charity, 
and  in  confequence,  a  charge  upon  fome  of  the  inhabitants 
there  ;  and  requefting  information,  whether  thofe  charges 
would  be  reimburfed  by  the  United  States  , — to  enable  you  t» 
give  inftru&ion  on  tliat  point,  and  upon  the  principles  gene- 
rally, to  the  municipality  of  that  city.  In  reply,  I  have  the 
pjeaTure  to  inform  you ;  that  our  failors,  whilft  they  remain 
attached  to  their  vefiels,  at  home  or  abroad,  are  under  the 
particular  care  of  the  maflers  of  fuch  vefiels  j  and  whofe  du- 
ty is,  in  cafe  of  ficknefs,  to  provide  them  with  fuch  necefTa- 
ries  as  their  fituation  may  require.  But  when  they  defert  their 
veffels,  fuch  claim  ceafes ;  nor  have  the  parties  who  affift 
them  afterwards  any  claim  for  reimburfement  on  that  account, 
other  than  on  the  failors  themfelves.  If  thefe  two  perfons  in 
queftion  are  not  deferters,  the  parties  who  affifted  them  will 
probably  obtain  reimburfement,  upon  application  to  the  con- 
iignees  of  that  vcflel,  in  that  port :  And  in  any  event  I  mall 
inftrucl  our  conful  there  to  attend  to  the  cafe  ;  and  to  dif- 
charge,  on  my  behalf,  any  well-founded  claims,  rendered 
from  motives  of  humanity,  to  two  of  our  citizens  left  there  in 
diftrefs. 


[  No.  XXXIII.  ] 
FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE* 

Paris,  May  2$th,   1796. 

SIXCE  my  laft  of  the  2d  inftant,  I  have  heard  nothing 
from  this  government  upon  the  fubjecl:  communicated  to  you 
in  that  and  feveral  of  my  preceding  letters  5  and  whivh  had 


C     33?    1 

been  difcuffed  by  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs  and  myfelf, 
as  was  (hewn  by  the  papers  tranfmitted  in  my  laft.  Nor  have 
I  underftood,  through  any  other  channel,  that  any  decifion  ia 
taken  on  that  fubject.  I  flatter  myfelf,  therefore,  that  I  fhaii 
hear  nothing  further  on  it.  As  yet,  however,  no  fuccsficv 
is  appointed  to  Mr.  Adet,  according  to  his  own  requeft  ;  -and 
who  remains,  of  courfe,  the  locum  tetiens  until  one  is  Ap- 
pointed. I  mention  this  circumftance,  becaule  as  fuch  an 
appointment  was  contemplated,  when  that  diicufiion  com- 
menced, and  was  probably  delayed  by  it, — fo  nothing  can  be 
fatisfactorily  inferred,  at  leaft  for  the  prefent,  of  the  final 
decifion  of  the  directory,  upon  the  topic  in  difcuflion,  until 
that  of  the  appointment  is  like\vife  refumed  and  fettled. 

I  was  lately  favored  with  yours  of  the  7th  of  January,  com- 
municating the  correfpondence  which  took  place  between  the 
Prefident  and  the  Minifter  of  France,  when  the  latter  pre- 
fented  the  flag  which  was  voted  by  the  convention  ;  as  like- 
wife  the  refolutions  of  both  houfes  of  congrefs  on  the  fame 
fubject,  with  the  letter  of  the  Prefident  to  the  directory,  in 
confequence  thereof,  which  letter  you  defired  me  to  deliver 
without  delay.  Accordingly,  the  day  after  I  received  it  I 
waited  on  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  and  prefented  the 
letter  to  him,  with  a  requeft  that  he  would  deliver  it  to  the 
directory  as  foon  as  poflible  ;  and  to  which  communication  I 
have  fmce  received  the  reply,  of  which  I  herewith  fend  you 
a  copy. 

There  was  lately  announced  by  the  directory  to  the  coun- 
cil of  five  hundred,  the  difcovery  of  a  confpiracy  againft  the 
government  j  whofe  avowed  object  was  to  overthrow  th<; 
prefent  conftitution,  and  eftablim  that  of  1793  in  its  (lead. 
The  details  furnilhed  exhibit  a  project,  which  fought  to 
marfhal  one  defcription  of  patriots  againft  another  ;  the  lead- 
ers of  the  innovating  party  differing  from  the  eftabliilied  order, 
by  the  greater  fervor  of  their  zeal ;  and  offering  as  an  allure- 
ment to  the  poor,  and  in  fupport  of  their  interefts,  the  free 
pillage  of  the  wealthy.  Fortunately>  however,  the  project 
was  difcovered  in  good  time,  by  the  directory,  and  crufhed 
in  embrio.  What  its  real  object  was  ;  who  were  its  real  au- 
thors ,  and  how  many  were  comprized  in  it,  time  will  doubt- 
lefs  difclofe.  Perhaps  the  trial  of  Drouet,  a  member  of  the 
five  hundred,  lately  a  prifoner  in  Auftria,  and  who  is  accufed 
of  being  a  principal  in  it,  will  throw  light  on  the  fubject  in 
both  views. 

The  difcovery  of  this  plot  excited  anew  the  jealoufy  of 
&is  government  againft  foreigners,  fbme  of  whom  we- 


C 

j>ected  of  having  an  agency  in  itj  and  which  fubjected  our 
countrymen,  in  common  with  thofe  of  other  powers,  to  fome 
trouble.  The  foreign  minifters  were,  in  confequence,  called 
on  for  a  lift  of  their  countrymen  here,  with  the  bufmefs  of 
each  refpectively  ;  which  I  have  given,  and  by  which,  I  pre- 
uime,  permiffion  to  remain  will  be  obtained  for  all  thofe  who 
are  American  citizens. 

The  fuccefs  of  the  French  troops  in  Italy,  whereby  the 
Aufirian  and  Sardinian  armies  were  completely  routed,  in 
fever al  fevere  conflicts,  and  with  great  lofs  to  the  Auftrians, 
has  already  obtained  for  the  Republic  a  very  advantageous 
peace  with  Sardinia ;  by  which  the  king  has  not  only  aban- 
doned the  coalition,  but  ceded  forever  to  France  Savoy  and 
Nice;  and  even  put  himfelf  in  effect,  for  the  refidue  of  the  war, 
under  the  protection  of  the  French  Republic.  The  papers 
forwarded  will  give  you  the  details  of  this  event,  as  like- 
wife  of  the  provifional  treaty  which  enfued  with  Parma.  It 
is  generally  admitted/*tnat  the  road  to  Rome  is  opened  ;  and 
fold,  that  the  Pope  is  fo  ftnnble  of  this,  that  he  has  offered  to 
the  directory,  among  other  inducements,  to  ufe  his  apoitolic 
authority  to  appeafe  the  difcontents  in  the  Vendee,  and  re- 
concile the  difaffected  there  to  the  Republic,  in  cafe  they 
will  ipare  him,  for  the  prefent,  the  honor  of  a  vifit.  A  minii- 
ter  or  minifters  are  reported  to  be  on  their  way  from  Naples; 
fo  that  'tis  probable  fome  adjuftment  will  likewife  foon  be 
made  with  that  power.  Beaulieu,  with  the  refidue  of  the  Auf- 
trian  army,  has  retreated  beyond  Milan,  to  the  heights  be- 
tween the  lake  De  Garda  and  Mantua,  a  ftrong  politicn,  and 
noted  as  being  formerly  occupied  by  Prince  Eugene  ;  whither 
too  he  was  purfued  by  Buonaparte,  who  now  keeps  him  in 
check,  or  rather  inverts  him  there.  Efforts  are  making  by 
both  governments,  to  fend  to  both  their  armies  reinforcements  j 
fo  that,  perhaps,  until  they  arrive,  the  final  fate  of  thofe  ar- 
mies will  not  be  fettled. 

I  inclofe  you  fome  letters  juft  received  from  Mr.  Barlow,  at 
Algiers,  and  am,  £sV. 

from  the  Mini/ler  of  Foreign  Affairs^  to  the  MiniJIer  Plenipo- 
tentiary of  the  "United  States  of  America. 

Paris,  %th  Floreal>  &th  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(April  2$th,   1196-) 

I  HASTEN  to  inform  you,  Citizen,  that  I  have    fubr 
to  the  executive  directory  the  difpatch  which  was  ad-; 


t     34i     ] 

drefied  to  it  by  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  in  the 
name  of  the  ccngrefs. 

The  French  government  cannot  receive,  but  with  fatisfac- 
tion,  every  thing  wliich  tends  to  confirm  the  bonds  of  friend- 
ihip  which  unite  the  two  nations. 

Signed) 

CH.  DELACROIX. 


From  the  Minifler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Amc- 
ricay  to  the  Minlfler  cf  Foreign  Affairs. 

,  Paris,  April  24^,    1 796. 

I  SEND  you  herewith  a  lift  of  my  countrymen  in  Pa*. 
ris,  with  the  motives  of  each  for  coming  and  remaining  here  { 
according  to  the  requeft  you  were  pleafed  to  make  to  me  in 
yours  of 

I  comply  with  your  requeft  with  pleafure  ;  becaufe,  being 
a  general  meafure,  it  makes  known  to  you  the  true  characters 
and  objects  of  individuals  here  ;  and,  enabling  you  to  difcrimi- 
nate  between  thofe  who  have  juft  and  lawful  motives  and 
thofe  who  have  not,  it  gives  you  more  complete  controul 
over  your  police,  which  I  wifh  to  fee  made  perfect  and  be- 
caufe by  prefenting  before  you,  in  a  diftinct  view,  the  fmall 
number  of  my  countrymen  here,  with  the  avocations  of  every 
one,  it  enables  you  to  form  a  more  correct  idea  on  that  fub- 
ject,  than,  I  am  perfuaded,  was  heretofore  formed  upon  it. 

The  lift  which  I  now  ificlofe  you,  comprehends  all  the 
American  citizens  now  in  Paris,  amounting  to  ;  and  to 

which  I  have  to  add,  that,  at  no  time,  fince  my  arrival  in 
France,  did  it  exceed  one  hundred  and  fifty  ;  an  amount  far 
fliort  of  what  the  public  opinion  carried  it  to. 

You  will  obferve,  that  in  moft  of  the  cafes  rendered,  the 
parties  are  ftated  to  havebufmefs  with  the  government;  of  the 
truth  whereof,  in  many  inftances,  I  have  perfonal  knowledge. 
In  all,  however,  the  ftatemcnt  may  be  verified  by  you  :  For, 
if  it  be  correct,  the  proof  thereof  will,  doubtlefs,  be  found  in 
the  department  of  your  government  with  which  the  tranf- 
action  is. 

Permit  me  to  repeat  my  afTurance,  that  the  more  ftrict  you 
are  in  Scrutinizing  into  the  motives  and  characters  of  men 
here,  the  more  agreeable  to  me ;  becaufe  I  well  know  you 
will  never  fail  to  give  protection  to  fuch  .of  my  countrymen 


C    342    1 

as  merit  it ;  and  becaufe  I  do  not  wiih  it  given  to  fuch  as  do 
not,  in  cafe  there  were  ever  any  of  that  defcription  here. 
And  as  to  thole  who  pretend  to  be  Americans,  and  are  not, 
although  it  belongs  not  to  me  to  provoke  upon  them  the  pu- 
nifhment  they  merit  j  yet  be  allured  it  will  give  me  the  higheft 
fatisfaction  to  fee  that  they  are  detected,  and  chafed  from  the 
Republic. 


From  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica y  to  the  Mitiiflcr  cf  Exterior  Relations. 

Paris  y  May   \2th,   1796. 

I  OBSERVE  by  a  decree  of  the  21  ft  of  Floreal,  that  all 
thofe  ftrangers,  who  are  not  particularly  exempted  from  its  o- 
peration  by  the  executive  directory,  muft  depart  to  the  dif- 
tance  of  ten  leagues  from  Paris,  within  the  term  therein  fpe- 
cified.  Permit  me,  then,  to  call  your  attention  to  this  decree, 
for  the  purpofe  of  aiking  you  by  what  mode  I  mall  avail  my- 
felf,  for  the  benefit  of  my  countrymen,  of  the  benefit  of  that 
claufe,  which  authorifes  the  directoire  to  make  the  fuitable 
difcrimination. 

Moil  of  my  countrymen  who  are  in  Paris,  to  the  amount 
perhaps  of  one  hundred  and  fifty,  are  men  of  bufmefs.  Some 
of  them  captains  of  veiTels,  who  have  brought  cargoes  into 
the  country  j  and  all  of  whom  have  accounts  to  fettle.  They 
ilate  to  me,  as  difpatch  in  their  affairs  is  of  import- 
ance to  them,  and  equally  fo  to  you,  that  the  delay  which 
their  abience  from  the  city  muft  occafion  will  be  efientially 
hurtful  to  them  and  to  you  ;  and  that  it  is,  therefore,  their 
hope,  a  favourable  conilruclion  will  be  given  to  that  decree 
in  their  behalf ;  and  the  more  efpecially,  becaufe  they  can- 
not be  fufpe&ed  of  favoring  the  confpiracy  it  was  defigned  to 
crufh. 

Whatever  mode  the  direcloire  may  think  proper  to  adopt, 
in  defignating  thofe  who  are  to  remain,  I  will  obferve,  fo  far 
as  depends  on  me.  The  object  of  the  decree  is,  I  prefume,  to 
banifh  intriguants ;  who  are,  perhaps,  the  fubje&s  of  your 
enemies,  and  of  courfe  does  not  apply  to  thofe  who  are  really 
my  countrymen.  If  this  is  the  object,  it  will  be  eafy  to  dif- 
criminate  between  them  and  others,  in  a  manner  to  accom- 
plifh  the  end.  But  if  it  is  intended  to  difcriminate  between 
them,  fending  fome  away  and  leaving  others,  you  will  per* 


t     343     3 

•ceive  how  difficult  it  will  be  for  me  to  execute  it,  were  I  fufli* 
ciemly  informed ;  fince  it  would  fubjecl:  me  to  the  necefiity 
of  declaring  to  fome  that  they  had  not  mine,  and  were  not 
worthy  your,  confidence  ;  and  which,  in  truth,  I  could  not  do; 
becaufe  I  know  of  none  to  whom  I  could  make  fuch  a  decla- 
ration. 

Permit  me  to  fuggeft,  for  your  confideration,  whether  the 
calling  in  ill  paffports  now  out,  and  granting  others  in  their 
ftead,  and  whereby  a  difcrimination  might  be  made  between 
thofe  who  are  and  are  not  entitled,  leaving  the  latter  to  the 
animadverfion  of  your  police, — would  not  anfwer  the  end.  In 
this  cafe,  a  prohibition  that  any  paifports  of  an  older  date 
than  the  decree  mould  give  protection  would  be  fufficient;  and 
in  addition  to  which,  luch  perfons  as  were  diftrufted  by  you, 
if  any  fuch  there  were,  might  be  fent  cut.  I  fuggeft  this  for 
your  confideration,  in  the  hope  it  will  be  found  adequate  j 
and  from  a  knowledge  it  would  efientially  accommodate  the 
interred  of  my  countrymen. 


Frdin  the    Minijler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States^  to  tfo 

MinifuT  cf  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  May  14^/6,    1796. 

NOT  having  an  anfwer  to  the  letter  I  wrote  you  on 
die  1 2th  inftant,  on  the  fubjecl:  of  the  decree  which  pafled  on 
the  2iftFloreal(ioth  May)  enjoining  foreigners,  not  exempted 
by  the  directory,  to  depart  without  the  commune  of  Paris ; 
and  fearing  fome  inconvenience  to  fome  of  my  country  men 
from  the  delay,  I  have  thought  proper  to  afTemble,  and  take 
a  lift  of  all  thofe  whom  I  know  to  be  Americans,  for  the  pur- 
pofe  of  furnifhing  you  with  it.  Accordingly  I  now  inclofe  you 
a  lift  of  thofe  who  have  prefented  themfclves,  with  an  aiTur- 
ance  that  thofe  whofe  names  are  inferted  are  American  citi- 
zens. There  may  be  others  not  included,  and  whom  the  fhort 
term  allowed  for  attendance  has  deprived  of  the  opportunity 
of  enrolling  themfelves  ;  and  whofe  names  fhall  be  fupplied 
when  I  become  pofleffed  of  them. 

Moft  of  thefe  perfons  I  perfonally  know,  and  confide  in  : 
Some  I  do  not  know  ;  but  I  am  well  perfuaded,  they  are  all  in- 
capable of  committing  any  aft  unfriendly  to  you ;  and  of 
courfe,  that  they  merit  an  exemption  from  the  decree,  which 
fcanifties  from  this  commune  fufpefted  perfons. 


[     344     3 

I  need  not  obferve  to  you,  that  I  am  at  all  times  ready  td 
co-operate  with  you  in  all  meafures  necelTary  to  detect  thofe, 
who  by  artifices  endeavor  to  uiurp  the  character  and  privile- 
ges of  American  citizens  ;  iince  no  objecl:  is  more  ardently 
wiihed  by  me,  than  to  prevent  an.  abuie  dishonorable  to  us, 
and  equally  hurtful  to  both  countries. 


From  the  Mini/I  er  of  Exterior  Relations ,  to  the  JMlmJler  Pleni- 
potentiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Pans,   8//J  Floreal,  qth  Tear  of  the  Republic. 
(April  2Jt/J,  1796.^ 

CITIZEN, 

THE  Citizen  Caillard,  minifler  plenipotentiary  of 
tile  French  Republic,  near  the  king  of  Pruffia,  has  tranfmit- 
ted  to  me  a  petition  in  the  German  language,  which  a  wo'- 
man  fettled  at  Frankfort  on  the  Mein,  calling  herfelf  a  widow 
of  a  Pruffian  major,  and  her  maiden  name  Franklin,  had  fent 
to  him.  Citizen  Caillard  informs  me,  that  this  woman  is 
diftinguilhed  by  her  genius  and  literary  talents,  and  enjoys 
a  degree  of  celebrity  in  Germany. 

Her  petition  is  addrefled  to  the  legiflative  body,  and  its  ob- 
ject is  to  obtain  amftance.  I  thought  it  fuitable  to  fend  it  to 
you,  rather  than  to  the  legiflative  body.  It  feemed  to  me, 
that  the  United  States  would  have  reafon  to  complain,  rf 
France  fhould  in  a  manner  deprive  them  of  the  fatisfaclrion 
of  relieving  the  relation  of  one  of  their  deliverers,  in  her  mif- 
fortunes. 

You  will  find  herein  enclofed  the  petition,  with  the  tranf- 
lation  which  I  caufed  to  be  made. 

Accept  the  affurance  of  my  perfect  confi  deration. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 


From  the  Minijler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
ricay  to  the  Minifler  of  Foreign  Affairs; 

Paris,  May  6th,   1796. 

t  HAVE  been  favoured  with  yours  of  'the  27fh  April 
(8th  of  FJpreal)  inclofing  a  letter  froaj  a  lady  in  Pruffia,  trant* 


[    34i    1 

knitted  you  by  Citizen  Caillard,  your  minifter  plenipotentiary 
at  Berlin,  addreiTed  to  the  legislative  body  of  France  ;  flaring 
herfelf  to  be  related  to  the  late  Dr.  Franklin  ;  and  aiking 
fome  pecuniary  aid,  on  account,  I  prefume,  of  the  merits  of 
that  refpechble  relative.  I  am  happy  you  have  fent  this  to 
me,  becaufe  I  mould  have  been  mortified  to  fee  a  petition  pre- 
fented  to  your  legiflature,  aflcing  for  aid,  upon  the  idea  of  a 
claim  againft  us  ;  which  claim,  if  the  fati  fluted  were  true  (as 
I  prefume  it  is)  would  not  be  allowed  by  us.  It  rarely  hap- 
pens that  the  merits  of  one  relative  procure,  in  the  United 
States,  any  favor  to  another.  When  a  perfon  who  had  ably 
and  faithfully  ferved  his  country,  as  Doctor  Franklin  did,  dies 
poor,  and  leaves  his  children  in  diftrefs,  aid  is  often  extend 
ed  to  them  :  But  Doctor  Franklin  died  in  good  circumftances  -9 
and  I  prefume  the  relationfhip  between  him  and  this  lady  mufl 
be  very  remote,  confidering  that  he  was  born  in  America, 
and  fhe  in  Pruffia.  However  I  engage  myfclf,  with  pleafure, 
to  communicate  her  demand  to  the  grandfon  of  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, who  is  now  here  j  and  who  will  doubtlefj  be  difpofed  vf> 
pay  it  all  the  attention  it  merits* 


[  No.  XXXIV.  ] 

FROM  Ma.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  or  STATE. 

Paris  t  June   izt/j,  17960 

I  HAVE  the  jpleafure  to  inform  you,  that  in  a  late  in- 
formal conference  with  one  of  the  members  of  the  dire&oirc, 
I  was  advifed  by  him,  that  the  dire£loire  had  done  nothing 
in  regard  to  us,  upon  the  fubje£b  communicated  to  you  in 
feveral  of  my  preceding  letters  ;  and  that  he  prefurned  they 
would  do  nothing  upon  that  fubjeft.  I  truft  therefore  that 
their  councils  are  thus  fettled  upon  this  interefting  topic,  and 
that  I  mail  hear  nothing  farther  from  them  on  it.  But  (hould 
they  take  a  different  turn,  of  which  at  prefent  there  is  no 
particular  fymptom  (for  the  probability  of  fuch  a  courfe  was 
greateftin  the  commencement,  and  whilft  the  firfl  impreflions 
were  at  their  height)  I  (hall  not  fail  to  apprize  you  of  it,  and. 
without  delay.  As  yet  no  fuccefibr  is  appointed  to  Mr.  Adetj 
nor  can  I  fay  what  the  intention  of  his  government  is  in  that 
.  I  prefume,  however,  upon,  the  authority  of  the 


C     34<5    3 

communication,  that  in  cafe  one  is  appointed, It  will  be  merely 
in  confequence  of  Mr.  Adet's  requeft  ;  and  be  of  courfe  only 
an  ordinary  official  me^fure,  of  no  particular  importance  to  us. 

As  yet  none  of  our  countrymen  have  been  compelled  to 
.leave  Paris,  under  the  late  decree,  refpecUng  foreigners,  and 
which  was  occaiioned  by  the  late  confpiracy.  Whether  they 
will  or  not  is  uncertain  ;  for  the  directory,  in  executing  the 
power  granted  it  by  the  decree,  have  authorized  none  to  flay 
of  any  nation,  for  whofe  good  conduct  their  refpecrive  minif- 
ters  have  not  made  themfelves  ptrfonally  refponfible.  I  could 
not  difcriminate  between  my  countrymen,  by  admitting  fome, 
and  rejecting  others  ;  but  did  every  thing  in  my  power  to  ob- 
tain an  exemption  for  all.  I  fend  you  copies  of  my  letters 
upon  that  fubjecl:  to  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  and  to 
which  I  *  have  yet  received  no  official  or  other  definitive  an- 
fwer. 

The  truce  was  lately  terminated  by  the  Emperor,  in  the 
manner  prefcribed.by  the  convention  which  formed  it,  which 
/tipulated,  that  it  fhould  ceafe  after  the  expiration  of  lodays, 
upon  notice  given  by  either  party  ;  and  immediately  after- 
wards the  campaign  was  opened  by  the  French,  and  with  the 
fame  fuccefs,  at  lead  to  a  certain  degree,  as  attended  their  ef- 
forts in  Italy.  In  two  rencounters  between  confiderable  divi- 
fions  of  the  army  of  the  Sambre  et  Meufe  and  the  Auftrians, 
on  the  right  of  the  Rhine,  the  former  have  gained  complete 
victories  j  taken  in  the  firft  (excluding  the  killed  and  wound- 
ed) about  2400  prifoners,  and  in  the  fecond  about  3000,  ex- 
clufive  of  the  killed  and  wounded.  In  Italy,  two  new  victo- 
ries' have  been  gained,  and  by  which  Beaulieu  was  forced  to 
retreat  through  the  Venitian  territory  to  the  Tyrol,  leaving 
the  French  mailers  of  that  country.  I  fend  you  the  papers 
which  give  you  the  details,  and  am>  &c. 


[  No.  XXXV.  ] 

FBOM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATS. 

Paris >  June  i$th,  1795. 

AFTER  my  laft  of  the  1 2th  inftant,  I  flattered  myfelf 
that  I  fhould  hear  nothing  further  from  this  government  up- 
on the  fubjeft  of  our  late  treaty  with  England  ;  but  find  that 


r  347  3 

is  this  refpect  I  was  difappointed  •,  having  £ncc  received  from 
die  minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  a  letter  upon  that  inbjeft,  m\<\ 
of  which  I  herewith  forward  you  a  copy,  as  likewile  of  the 
aniVer  I  made  to  it.  It  is  probable  that  this  aft  of  the  minif- 
ter proceeds  from  himfelf,  and  not  from,  the  diredoire  ;  fincc 
it  isprefumable  from  the  intimation  heretofore  given  me  by 
a  very  refpeftable  authority  (which  I  communicated  to  you 
in  my  laft)  that  that  body  had  already  determined  not  to 
trouble  us  further  on  that  fubjecl:  ;  and  in  which  cafe  lefs 
inconvenience  is  to  be  apprehended  from  it.  But  let  it  pro- 
ceed from  whatever  fource  it  may,  I  fhaH  not  fail  to.  ufe  my 
utmoft  efforts  to  prevent  irs  further  progrefs.  I  ihall  fee  the 
directoire  to  day  at  a  general  audience,  being  a  day  (the  firit 
Decadi  of  every  month)  on  which  they  receive  all  the  foreign 
minifters  ;  and  as  I  propofe  then  to  ipeak  with  ibme  of  the 
members  upon  the  fubjecl:,  I  ihall  doubtlefs  be  able  to  give 
you  further,  and,  I  hope,  more  fatisfaclory  information  en  that 
head  in  my  next.  I  have  notwithstanding  thought  proper  to 
for  ward  to  you  immediately  the  above,  and  am,  &c. 

Extract  from  the  Regtftsrs  of  the  Deliberations  of  the  Executive 

Directory. 

Paris,  ift  Prairial,  qtb  year  of  the  Republic. 

(May   2Qthy    1796. ) 

THE  executive  direclory  refolves,  that  the  citizens 
born  without  the  territory  of  the  Republic,  for  whom  the 
foreign  ambafladors  and  minifter^  have  pledged  them&lvas  in 
writing,  and  who,  until  now  were  authorifed  to  refide  at 
Paris,  mall  be  bound  to  provide  themfelves  with  a  new  and 
fpecial  authorifation  within  three  times  twenty-four  hours. 

Thofe  who  fliall  not  have  obtained  that  authorifation,  with- 
in the  faid  period,  (hall  be  bound  to  leave  Paris  without  de- 
lay, under  pain  of  being  profecuted  as  tranfgreiTors  of  the  law 
of  the  2 1  ft  Floreal  laft  (May  icth.) 

The  minifter  of  general  police  is  charged  with  the  execu- 
tion of  the  prefent  refolve  which  (hall  not  be  printed. 

(Signed)  CARNOT,  Prefident. 

(True  Copy)       By  order  of  the  Executive  Direclory. 

(Signed)  LAGARDE,  Secretary  General. 

(Signed)     COCHON,  Minifter  of  General  Police. 

(Signed)  CH.  DE  LA  CROIX, 

Minifter  of  External  Relation*. 


r  348  ] 

rcm  the  Minifter  of  External  Relations,  to  the  Minifter  P  temps* 
tentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris )  id  Prairial^  ^th  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(May  2  ift,   1796.^ 


THE  unpleafant  fituation,  in  which  the  Republic  finds 
herfelf,  has  determined  the  legislative  body  to  pafs  a  fevere 
Jaw  againft  the  foreigners,  who  are  not  in  the  employ  of  the 
minifters  of  friendly  powers.  You  have  tranfmitted  to  me 
different  demands  ;  I  hive  laid  them  before  the  directory  ;  it 
charges  me  to  write  you  on  that  fubjetl:.  It  cannot  take  any 
decifive  ftep  in  fuch  a  delicate  cafe,  without  being  informed 
of  the  motives  on  which  the  demands  of  each  individual  are 
grounded  ;  the  lifts  of  exceptions  which  you  have  tranfmitted 
to  me,  do  not  exprefs  the  motives.  It  charges  me  to  fend 
them  back  to  you,  in  order  that  you  may  pleafe  to  give  a 
more  full  account  of  each  individual  mentioned  therein,  and 
of  the  motives  which  oblige  them  to  prolong  their  refidence  in 
this  place.  It  defires  that  you  may  enable  it  to  decide  be- 
fore the  expiration  of  three  days. 

Accept,  Sir,  the  affurances  of  my  perfect  con fi deration* 

(Signed)  CH,  DELACROIX. 

P.  S.  Befides  the  lift,  you  are  invited  to  give  a  ftatement, 
fupported  byfolid  motives,  of  all  the  other  individuals  who 
might  have  a  claim  to  the  exception. 


From    the  Minijler  of   External  Relations^    to    the  Minijler 
Pknipotetiiiary    of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris  'y  6th)  Prairial  qth  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(May  7.3th,    1796.; 


I  HAVE  the  honor  to  fend  you  a  copy  of  the  refolve 
of  the  executive  directory,  of  the  ift  of  this  month,  con- 
cerning the  execution  of  the  law  of  the  aift  Floreal  laft,  and 
I  requeft  you,  that  when  you  fhall  give  notice  to  me  of  the 
execution,  which  you  will  have  given  it,  you  will  add,  as  I 


C     34?    ] 

have  requefted  by  my  letter  of  the  2d  of  this  month  (May  2  ift) 
the  motives  of  the  flay  of  each  of  the  individuals  of  your  na- 
tion, who  have  made  application  for  an  exemption,  in  order 
to  continue  their  refidence  at  Paris,  that  a  definitive  permif- 
fion  may  be  granted  to  them,  if  there  be  caufe. 

Accept,  Sir,  the  aflurance  of  my  perfect  confideration. 

(Signed)  CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 


From  tie  Minifler  of  Foreign  Affairs  ',  to  the  Minifter  Pleni- 
potentiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Parity   >]th  Meff°uhry  #h  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

1796.; 


OUR  laft  intelligence  informs  us  that  the  houfe  of 
reprefentatives  of  the  congrefs,  has  confented,  by  the  majori- 
ty of  fifty-one  againft  forty-eight  votes,  to  carry  into  execu- 
tion the  treaty  concluded  at  London,  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  in  November  1794.  As  this  ad- 
vice is  derived  only  from  the  gazettes,  I  defire,  Citizen,  that 
you  will  be  pleafed  to  inform  me  what  official  information 
you  have  upon  this  fubjecl:.  After  the  chamber  of  reprefen- 
tatives has  given  its  confent  to  this  treaty,  we  ought,  without 
doubt,  to  confider  it  in  full  force  :  And  es  the  ftate  of  things 
\vhichrefultsfromit,  merits  our  profound  attention,  I  wifh 
to  learn  from  you,  in  what  light  we  are  to  confider  the  event, 
which  the  public  papers  announce,  before  I  call  the  attention 
the  directory  to  thofe  confequences  which  ought  fpeciaily 
tointereft  this  Republic. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 


Fwm  the  Minifler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
ricay  to  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris ,  June  27^,   1796. 

I  HAvfe  been  honored  with  yours  of  the  7th  Meffidor 
(25th  June)  demanding  what  credit  was  due  to  certain  publi- 
cations in  our  gazettes  5  which  ftate  that  the  houfe  of  repre- 


C     35°    1 

fentatives  had  pafTed  the  law  neceflary  to  carry  into  complete 
effect,  the  treaty  lately  concluded  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain ;  and  in  cafe  thofe  publications  were  au- 
thentic, demanding  of  me  further,  in  what  light  you  ought  to 
view  thii  event,  before  you  called  the  attention  of  the  direc- 
tory t<9  it ;  and  to  which  I  readily  give,  according  to  the  light 
I  have  upon  the  fubjecl:,  the  anfwer  you  require. 

Upon  the  iirft  point,  permit  me  to  aflure  you  ;  that  I  have 
no  information  other  than  what  the  gazettes  to  which  you  re- 
fer, contain  ;  having  received  no  official  advice  upon  it,  and 
of  courfe  can  give  you  none.  And  upon  the  fecond,  I  have 
to  obferve,  that  as  I  have  already  anfvvered,  in  a  very  detailed 
and,  nslfuppofed,  fatisfattory  manner,  your  feveral  objections 
to  that  treaty,  to  which  I  have  fince  received  no  reply, — it  is 
impoflible  for  me  to-  enter  again,  and  under  fuch  circumftan- 
ces,  into  that  fubject.  If  there  are  any  points  in  the  commu- 
nication given,  upon  which  you  think  I  have  not  been  fufFi- 
ciently  explicit,  and  upon  which  further  explanation  is  re- 
quired, and  you  will  be  pleafed  to  ftate  thefe  to  me,  I  will  im- 
mediately notice  them  more  particularly,  and  hope  to  your 
fatisfaction  j  fince,  be  aflured,  there  is  no  political  object 
which  I  have  more  at  heart,  than  to  preferve  by  the  utmoft 
candor  and  franjknefs  in  all  my  communications,  the  belt  har  - 
mony  between  our  two  republics. 


[  No.  XXXVI.  J 

FROM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  July  24//>,    1796. 

I  IIERH V.-ITH  tranfmit  you  a  copy  of  a  third  commu- 
nication which  lately  palled  between  the  minifter  of  foreign 
affairs  and  myfclf,  upon  the  fubject  of  our  late  treaty  with 
England,  and  which  feems  to  have  been  produced  by  my  re- 
ply to  his  fecond  letter,  which  fought  information  whether  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  had  pafled  a  law  to  carry  that  treaty 
into  effect.  Iprefume  therefore,  from  this  confideration,  as 
from  the  further .  one,  that  the  direcloire  now  poflefTes  our 
view  of  that  fubjedt  (which  was  my  objecl:  in  afking,  and 
theirs  in  granting  the  difcuflion)  that  it  may  now  be  coufider- 
ed  as  clofed. 


C     35 '     1 

I  have  endeavored,  as  you  will  perceive,  in  this  my  laft  re- 
ply, to  divert  this  government  from  the  fubjeft  of  this  com- 
plaittt,  and  which  it  has  fo  uniformly  and  vehemently  preiTed 
of  late,  by  prefenting  before  it  a  lilt  of  ours  alfo,  for  injuries 
received  from  this  republic,  in  the  courfe  of  the  prefent  war. 
The  attempt,  I  knew,  was  a  delicate  one,  at  the  prefent  time, 
and  under  prefent  circumftances  •,  but  yet  I  thought  it  my  du- 
ty to  make  it,  fince  fuch  a  view  was  intimately  connected  with 
the  topic  in  difcuflion  ;  might  produce,  and  moft  probably 
would  produce,  a  good  effecl;,  and  efpecially  as  I  prefumed  it 
might  be  made  in  a  manner  becoming  the  dignity  of  the  nation 
I  reprefented,  and  be  tempered,  at  the  fame  time,  with  fuita- 
ble  refpect  for  the  councils  of  that  to  which  it  was  a- 
drefTtd. 

1  fmcerely  wifh  it  were  now  In  my  po\?er  to  fay  that  this 
affair  was  ended,  and  that  neither  of  us  fhould  ever  hear  of 
it  again  j  but  this  I  cannot  fay  ;  for  fo  deep  founded  has  their 
difcoutent  appeared  to  be,  and  fo  vehement  their  defire  to 
.give  fome  fignal  proof  of  it  ;  that  it  is  impoffible,  evenjat 
this  moment,  to  determine  in  what  fcale  their  councils  \\i\\ 
ultimately  fettle  in  regard  to  us.  At  one  time  it  was  whifper- 
ed  that  they  meant  to  bring  forward  a  claim  againft  us,  for  all 
their  property  taken  by  the  Britiih  in  our  vefiels,  including 
what  was  taken  in  the  flight  of  their  emigrants  from  Saint 
Domingo  ;  at  another,  that  they  meant  to  fufpend  for  the 
prefent  all  payments  to  our  citizens,  and  until  fatisfa&ion  up- 
«n  their  feveral  complaints  was  obtained  ;  and  again  that  they 
would  fufpend  the  operation  of  thofe  articles  in  our  treaty  of 
1778,  which  the  minifter  intimated  to  me  in  his  laft  letter  the 
directoire  thought  it  its  duty  to  modify  :  But  yet  none  of  thefe 
things  aredone,  norhave  I  any  partkularreafontoprefumethey 
will  be  done,  other  than  what  appears  from  the  general  temp- 
gr  of  the  government,  and  of  which  you  are  already  fuflicient- 
ly  informed.  Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  I  think  I  may  ven- 
ture to  obferve,  that  as  this  government  and  nation,  indepen- 
dent of  the  points  in  difcuinon,  are  friendly  to  us,  and,  as  a 
Itrong  portion  of  paflion  has  obvioufly  mingled  itfelf  with 
their  other  motives  in  refpecl  to  thefe,  and  which  is  probably 
diminished  by  the  time  that  was  gained  by  the  difcuffiou 
(admitting  that  that  was  the  only  benefit  gained  by  it)  the 
probability  is,  that  no  fuch  meafure  will  now  be  taken. 

Lately  however  a  new  caufe  of  complaint  was  fuggefted  to 
me,  but  in  fo  indiftincl:  a  manner  and  upon  fo  peculiar  a  fub- 
je£t,  that  I  do  not  even  yet  comprehend  what  was  meant  by 
it.  It  was  obferred  to  me,  by  a  perfon  in  a  high  ftation  the 


C    35*    1 

ether  day,  when  In  converfation  with  him  on  tlie  other  points* 
that  in  our  late  treaty  with  Spain,  we  had  likewife  forgotten 
our  relations  with  France.  I  exprefTed  my  aftonifhment  at 
the  intimation,  and  ajked  him  in  what  refpeft  ;  fince  I  could 
not  conceive  to  what  he  alluded,  France  having  no  territory 
in  that  quarter,  and  of  courfe  no  rights  or  interefts  depending 
there.  He  replied  (at  lead  fo  I  underflocd  him)  that  he  did 
not  mean  to  intimate  we  had  committed  a  breach  of  engage- 
ments, but  of  friendship  only.  He  then  defcanted  upon  the 
intimate  relations  fubfifdng  between  France  and  Spain  at  pre- 
fent,  the  latter  approaching  and  feeking  the  aid  of  the  former, 
to  fupport  her  colonies  againft  Britain  j  but  gave  no  explana* 
tion  of  what  he  referred  to  in  the  fuggeftion  at  firft  made  ; 
nor  have  I  been  able  fince  to  afcertain  it.  I  will  however  en- 
deavor to  fathom  this  bufmefs  if  poffible,  and  will  in  cafe  I 
fucceed,  immediately  afterwards  unveil  to  you  the  myf- 
tery. 

The  fuccefs  of  France  in  her  military  operations  con- 
tinues to  be  aftonifhingly  great,  both  in  Italy  and  upon  the 
Rhine.  All  Italy  may  indeed  be  confidered  as  fubjugated  ; 
for  the  French  troops  find  at  prefent  in  that  quarter  no  op- 
pofing  force  in  the  field  againft  them  ;  and  Mantua,  the  on- 
ly garrifon  which  fuftains  a  fiege,  is  clofely  inverted,  and  it 
is  thought  will  foon  furrender.  The  Pope,  I  hear,  has  made 
a  provifional  agreement  with  Buonaparte,  by  which  he  is  to 
pay  about  twenty-one  millions,  fifteen  of  which  in  fpecie, 
and  the  refidue  in  articles  for  the  army  •,  to  give  up  one  hun- 
dred pictures,  the  rareft  pieces  of  art  j  300  manufcripts,  andex- 
clude  the  Englifh  from  his  pofts.  The  king  of  Naples  too 
has  an  Envoy  now  on  his  way  here,  and,  it  is  faid,  with  au- 
thority to  clofe  upon  terms  favorable  to  France.  It  is  further 
to  be  obferved,  that  the  French  have  entered  Leghorn,  upon  the 
principle  that  the  Englifh  held  it,  or  rather  made  it  a  place  o£ 
depofit  for  all  their  fupplies  for  Corfica,  and  elfewhere  in  that 
quarter  ;  and  had  alfo  violated  the  neutrality  of  Tufcany  a- 
gainft  France.  In  that  port  too,  much  Englifh  property  was 
taken  by  the  French,  which  they  deem  a  lawful  prize.  The 
Auftrians,  when  finally  compelled  to  abandon  the  field,  and 
feek  fafety  by  flight  into  the  mountains  of  the  Tyrol,  croffed 
the  Venetian  territory,  and  in  confequence  whereof  the 
French  purfued  them  into  Verona.  Thus  it  appears,  that  no 
part  of  Italy  can  now  well  be  faid  to  be  free  from  the  effecls 
of  the  prefent  war,  or  not  to  yield  in  fome  mode  or  other 
heavy  contributions  to  its  fupport ;  except  Naples  at  the  e&- 


C    353    3 

tremity,  and  who  is  now  about  to  contribute  J  and  Genoa 
Who  loans  money,  I  prefume,  voluntarily. 

Upon  the  Rhine  too  the  fame  fuccefs  has  attended  the 
arms  of  France*  Both  her  armies  in  that  quarter,  that  of  the 
Sambre  and  Meufe,  under  Jourdan,  and  that  of  the  Rhine 
and  Mofelle,  under  Moreau,  have  each  had  feveral  adtions 
with  the  Auftrians,  and  vanquilhed  them  in  almoft  every  in* 
ftance»  As  one  moment,  indeed,  and  after  gaming  fome  im«* 
portant  advantages,  Jourdan  retired,  as  before  a  more  potent 
enemy,  and  which  brought  after  him  the  Auftrians,  and  with 
accumulated  force.  At  the  fame  moment  however,  and 
whilft  the  attention  of  the  Aufirians,  elated  with  their  appa- 
rent fuperiority,  was  drawn  to  that  point,  Moreau,  who  had 
been  inactive,  and  even  made  a  (hew  of  detaching  a  confi~ 
derable  part  of  his  force  for  Italy  (provifion  being  made  on 
the  rout  for  that  purpofe)  crofled  the  Rhine  alfo,  at  a  very 
difficult  pafTage,  where  it  was  expected  no  fuch  attempt 
would  be  made,  and  attacked  and  defeated  the  Auftrians  in 
feveral  rencounters,  killing  many,  and  taking  likewife  many 
prifoners.  Since  this  event,  which  was  about  three  weeks 
paft,  thefe  armies  have  gone  forward  flowly,  but  with  a  con- 
tinued career  of  good  fortune,  acting  in  concert  though  at  a 
confiderable  diftance  from  each  other,  and  penetrating  into 
the  interior  of  Germany.  The  laft  achievement  was  that  o£ 
Frankfort,  and  which  was  taken  by  Jourdan,  and  from 
which  city,  it  is  faid,  a  contribution,  of  thirty  five  millions  of 
Florins  is  demanded.  Where  this  bold  enterprize  will  end, 
and  to  what  extremity  the  French  are  difpofed  to  prefs  their 
fortunes,  in  cafe  they  are  not  repulfed,  it  is  impoflible  for  me 
to  fay.  Nothing  tranfpires  from  this  government  upon  that 
point,  and  of  courfe  I  kave  no  data  whereon  to  reft  a  conjec- 
ture other  than  you  now  poflefs.  It  is  however  to  be  obferv- 
ed,  that  as  the  Auftrian  armies  retire,  they  approach  each 
other,  as  do  the  French  in  advancing.  Perhaps  it  is  the  in- 
tention of  the  Auftrian  cabinet  they  fnall  unite,  in  the  hope 
as  they  are  now  nearer  together,  and  their  junction  may  in 
confequence  probably  be  fooner  made  than  that  of  the  French, 
they  may,  thus  united, attempt  fomething,  and  with  better  fuc- 
cefs againft  the  divided  force  of  France.  If  this  be  the  cafe, 
it  is  likewife  probable  we  (hall  (hortly  witnefs  a  greater  and 
more  decifive  action  than  has  yet  been  fought.  But  it  is  ftill 
more  probable  that  peace  with  Auftria,  and  upon  the  terms 
heretofore  infilled  on  by  France,  will  foon  clofe  the  war  be- 
tween thefe  two  powers. 


[    354    ] 

In  the  interior  too  every  thing  has  a/Turned  a  new  and 
more  invigorating  affect  than  was  fhewn  before,  fince  the 
commencement  of  the  revolution.  Great  harmony  prevails 
between  the  Icgiflative  corps  and  the  executive  ;  and  a  great- 
er fpiric  of  contentment  is  difcerned  by  ihofe  who  travel 
through  France,  among  all  ranks  of  people  than  was  feen  at 
any  time  before,  fince  the  beginning  of  that  era.  It  is  even 
faid,  that  a  change  is  gradually  making  among  thofe  who 
were  heretofore  deemed  the  implacable  foes  of  republican  go- 
vernment ;  many  of  whom,  now  that  they  find  they  are  pro- 
tected in  the  rights  of  perfon  and  property,  begin  tolofe  muck 
of  their  hatred  to  that  form.  In  truth,  prior  to  the  eftablifhment 
of  the  prefent  conftitution,  the  people  of  France  had  little 
opportunity  of  judging  correctly  of  the  merits  of  the  republican 
fyilem.  They  judged  of  it  by  what  they  faw  in  the  revolu- 
tion ;  for  Europe  exhibited  no  other  example  to  their  view  ; 
and  eftimating  its  merits  by  that  ftandard,  they  faw  in  it 
nothing  but  a  feries  of  terrible  and.  convulfive  movements, 
which  they  dreaded  even  more  than  the  tyranny  that  was  late- 
ly overthrown.  When  therefore  this  circumilance  is  con- 
fidered,  and  the  improvement  which  the  new  government 
has  introduced  is  properly  appreciated,  we  immediately  per- 
ceive the  caufe  to  which  this  change  of  fentiment  in  that  clafs 
is  to  be  afcribed. 

The  mifunderilanding  which  lately  fubfifled  between  Ruf- 
fia  and  Sweden  has  been  compromifed  by  iome  conceffions  on 
the  part  of  the  latter  ;  among  which  the  recall  of  Baron  de 
Stael  was  included,  and  whofe  place  was  committed  by  the 
Swedilh  government  to  Baron  Rehaufey,  with  the  grade  of 
charge  d'affaires.  But  the  French  government  refufed  to 
receive  him,  it  is  faid,  becaufe  he  was  prefumed  to  bq; 
appointed  under  the  influence  of  Ruflia.  One  of  the  minif- 
ters  of  Holland  (Blauw)  and  Reybaz  from  Geneva  were  al- 
fo  lately  recalled  by  their  refpective  governments,  upon  the 
demand  of  the  direttoire,  and  apparently  much  againft  the 
willies  of  thofe  governments  j  each  of  thofe  gentlemen  hav- 
ing fince  received  affurances  of  the  undiminimed  confidence 
of  his  conftituents.  The  motive  of  the  dire&oire  for  mak- 
ing this  demand,  in  either  cafe,  is  unknown  ;  no  reafon,  as 
I  bear,  being  given  for  it  to  either  of  the  governments  to 
which  it  was  made. 

Permit  me  to  make  known  to  you  the  wifh  of  Ifaac  Cox 
Barnet,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  from  Elizabeth  town 
(Jerfey)  to  be  appointed  conful  at  Breft.  This  young  man 
is  well  recommended  to  me  in  poiat  of  morality  $  appears  to 


C    355   -I 

pofiefs  adequate  talents,  and  from  what  I  hear,  is  induftrious  ; 
and  being  in  every  view  ftridtly  an  American,  and  therefore 
entitled  to  the  confidence  of  this  country,  I  beg  leave  to  re- 
commend him  to  your  attention.  The  intereft  of  our  coun- 
try requires  that  a  conful  mould  be  placed  at  that  port  ;  and 
the  character  of  the  port,  being  the  great  dock-yard  of 
France,  requires  that  the  truft  fhould  be  confided  \v  ith  care, 
and  to  fome  perfon  whofc  character  would  repel  fufpicion. 
in  addition  therefore  to  what  I  have  faid  of  Mr.  Barnet, 
I  beg  to  refer  you  to  Mr.  Boudinot  of  Jerfey,  whofe  nephew 
he  is  ;  and  who  will  doubtlefs  give  you  more  correct  in«. 
formation  of  his  merits  than  I  poflefs. 


From,  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  the  Miwjler    Pknl- 
potentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 


Paris,   Ip  MeJJldory  #h  Tear  of  the 


CITIZEN  MINISTER^. 

THE  hope  of  feeing  depart  daily  the  new  mini  fief 
whom  the  executive  directory  propofed  to  fend  to  the  United 
States,  prevented  my  fooner  anfwering  your  letter  of  the  25 
Ventofe  (15  of  March)  laft.  You  call  my  attention  in  your 
note  of  the  pth  of  this  month  (27  of  June)  to  the  arguments 
which  that  letter  contains  relative  to  our  complaints  againft 
the  treaty  concluded  between  the  United  States  and  Great- 
Britain.  Time,  citizen  minifter,  has  fumciently  ripened  the 
points  that  were  then  in  difcumon,  and  far  from  being  en-< 
feebled,  our  complaints  againft  that  treaty  have  acquired 
fince,  in  our  eftimation,  new  force.  I  will  content  myfelf 
then,  without  entering  into  details,  to  announce  to  you,  that 
the  opinion  of  the  directory  has  never  varied  upon  that  point. 
It  has  feen  in  this  act,  concluded  in  the  midft  of  hoftilities,  3 
breach  of  the  friendfhip  which  unites  the  United  States  and 
this  Republic  ;  and  in  the  flipulations  which  refpect  the  neu- 
trality of  the  flag,  an  abandonment  of  the  tacit  engagement 
which  fubfifted  between  the  two  nations  upon  this  point  fince 
their  treaty  of  commerce  of  1778.  The  abandonment  of  the 
principles,  confecrated  by  this  treaty,  has  (truck  us  with  great- 
ef  force,  from  the  conlideratiou  that  all  the  other 


C    35<5    1 

United  States  have  made,  contain  them,  as  from  the 
further  one,  that  thefe  principles  are  fince  fo  generally  ac- 
knowledged, that  they  now  form  the  public  law  of  all  civilized 
nations. 

After  this,  Citizen  Minifter,  the  executive  directory  thinks 
jtfelf  founded,  in  regarding  the  ftipulations  of  the  treaty  of 
j 778,  which  concern  the  neutrality  of  the  flag,  as  altered  and 
fufpended  in  their  moft  efTential  parts,  by  this  act,  and  that 
it  would  fail  in  its  duty,  if  it  did  not  modify  a  itate  of  things 
which  would  never  have  been  confented  to,  but  upon  the 
condition  of  the  moft  Uriel  reciprocity. 

(Signed) 

CH.  BE  LA  CROIX. 


Front  the  Minifter  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  to  tie 
Minijler  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  July  iqth,  179  5. 

I  HAVE  received  your  favor  of  ipth  Meflidor  (7th  July) 
and  am  forry  to  find  by  it  that  the  anfwer  I  gave  to  yours  of 
iptli  Ventoie,  containing  the  exposition  of  your  objections  to 
our  late  treaty  with  England,  was  not  fatisfactory  to  you.  To. 
this  latter  letter  therefore  I  ihall  alfo  make  a  reply,  and  in  the 
hope  that  it  will  produce  its  defired  effect. 

I  obferve  that  you  confine  your  objections  in  this  letter  to 
a  fimple  article  in  that  treaty,  which  failed  to  fecure  protec- 
tion in  our  bottoms  to  your  goods  ;  and  which  you  deem  a 
violation  of  a  tacit  agreement  which,  you  fay }  has  fubfifted 
between  the  United  States  and  France,  fince  their  treaty  of 
1778  *,  and  an  abandonment  of  the  principles  confecrated  by 
that  treaty.  You  likcwife  fay,  that  the  directoire  confiders  the 
ftipuiationsof  our  treaty  of  1778,  which  refpect  the  neutrali- 
ty of  our  flag,  as  altered,  and  fufpended  by  this  act ;  and  that 
it  would  think  itfelf  wanting  in  its  duty,  if  it  did  not  modify 
a  ftate  of  things  which  would  never  have  been  confented  to 
but  upon  principles  of  ftrict  recipocity. 

You  feem  aware,  and  with  great  reafon,  that  you  have  no 
right  ta  complain  of  that  ftipulation,  unlefs  it  violates  fome 
exiiling  obligation  either  of  the  law  of  nations,  or  of  our 
treaty  with  you  ;  and  in  confequence  intimate  that  it  has  vio- 
lated both  ;  for  you  add3  that  the  principles  of  that  treaty 


C    357    3 

have,  in  that  refpecl:,  become  fincethelaw  of  all  civilized  na- 
tions. I  (hall  endeavour  to  (hew  that  that  article  has  violated 
neither  the  one  nor  the  other. 

I  prefume  it  cannot  be  controverted,  that  by  the  old  and  cf- 
tablifned  law  of  nations,  when  two  powers  are  at  war,  either 
may  take  the  goods  of  its  enemy  in  a  neutral  (hip.  This  doc- 
trine is  eftablifhed  by  the  moft  eminent  writers,  and  admit* 
ted  in  practice  by  all  nations,  between  whom  particular  treaties 
have  not  ftipulated  the  contrary.  To  prove  this  ailertion  in 
its  firft  part,  permit  me  to  refer  you  to  the  follow  ing 'authori- 
ties, and  which  are  clear  and  explicit  to  that  effect  ;*  and 
to  prove  it  in  the  fecond  part,  permit  me  to  aik,  if  the  law  of 
nations  was  not  fo,  why  were  fpecial  treaties  entered  into  by 
particular  nations  to  ftipulate  the  contrary  ?  Is  it  prefumable, 
that  any  powers  would  form  treaties  to  eftablifh  what  \vi-s  al- 
ready eftablifhed  ?  Or  was  it  thought,  when  our  treaty  of 
1 7 78  was  formed,  that,  in  this  refpe£t,  it  made  no  change  ; 
or,  in  other  words,  ftipulated  nothing  ? 

But  you  fay  that  the  law  of  nations  has  changed,  and  that 
the  principles  of  that  treaty  have  become  fince,  in  that  refpecl:, 
the  general  law  of  all  civilized  nations.  Permit  me  to  aik  you 
by  what  authority  was  this  done  ;  or  how  it  appears  that  it 
is  done  ?  I  admit  that  it  is  changed  among  thofe  nations  who 
have  formed  treaties  to  that  efFect,  and  bet  ween  thofe  only  who 
have  formed  them  j  but  further  the  doctrine  cannot  be  car- 
ried. It  cannot  be  faid,  for  inftance,  that  the  affent  of  apar- 
ticular  number  of  nations  to  a  rule  which  ought  to  operate 
between  themfclvesonly,is  to  become  a  rule  for  other  nations, 
who  have  never  afiented  to  it  ;  or,  in  other  words,  that  a  part 
of  the  civilized  nations  would  have  a  right  to  dictate  a  law  to 
another  part :  Such  a  do£tiine  would  fubftitute  force  to  right, 
and  might  be  productive,  in  other  cafes,  and  efpecially  in  the 
hands  of  governments  lefs  friendly  to  liberty  than  yours  and 
ours  are,  of  confequences  the  moft  fatal  to  fociety  :  It  is  there- 
fore in  my  judgment  not  a  found  doctrine.  That  Britain  op- 
pofed  the  principle  that  free  (hips  mould  make  free  goods  in 
the  laft  war,  and  has  likewife  oppofed  it  in  the  prefent  war, 
are  facts  well  known  to  you  •,  as  it  likewife  is,  that  all  your 
enemies,  in  the  prefent  war,  have  done  the  fame,  including 
fome  who  are  now  your  friends  ;  and  to  the  great  detriment 
•f  America.  Admitting  then  that  a  majority  of  the  civilized 
»ttions  have  a  right  to  bind  the  minority  in  a  rightful  caufe 

*  Eynkerikoek,  vol.  ad.  Queft.  juris  pub.  lib.  x.  cap.  14. 

Voet  dc  Jure  militari,  cap.  5.  2.  No. 

Vattcl  lib.  3.  cap.  7.    Scd,  115,  and  many  others. 


t  358  ] 

(as  it  is  admitted  the  prefent  one  is)  how  was  it  to  be  done 
upon  the  prefent  occafion  j  when  the  powers  compofmg  that 
majority  had  fhifted  fides,  and  were  now  marmalled  in  oppo- 
ficionto  the  principle  they  had  lately  adopted. 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  article  in  quellion  has  not  violated 
the  law  of  nations,  according  to  the  opinion  of  enlightened 
authorities,  and  the  practice  of  nations.  Nor  has  it  violated 
our  treaties  with  France  :  Upon  which  latter  point  I  mall  alfo 
add  a  few  words. 

It  is  to  be  remarked,  that  you  do  not  urge  a  violation  of  any 
pofitive  itipulation  in  our  treaty  of  1778  ;  on  the  contrary, 
you  charge  only  the  breach  of  a  tacit  agreement,  which  you 
intimate  to  have  grown  out  of  that  treaty.  But  of  what  na- 
ture was  that  agreement,  and  whence  is  it  inferred?  The  treaty 
contains  an  exprefs  iHpulation  between  America  and  France, 
that  when  either  of  the  parties  are  at  war  with  another  nation, 
it  will  refpecl  the  flag  of  the  other  party,  trading  with  that 
other  nation  ;  and  it  ilipulates  no  more  in  that  behalf.  And 
its  reciprocity  is  to  be  found  in  a  change  of  circumliances  ; 
whereby  the  party  lately  at  war  is  now  at  peace,  and  enjoy.- 
ing  in  turn  (the  other  being  at  war)  the  privilege  of  its 
flag,  in  trade  with  the  enemy  of  the  other.  It  does  not  ftipu- 
late  that  we  will  unite  in  impofing  that  rule  on  other  nations  ; 
nor  does  it  ftipulate  that  we  will  adopt  no  other  rule  with  any 
other  nation  :  Ofcourfe  we  were  free  to  a&,  in  that  refpecl, 
as  we  thought  fit  j  and  -therefore  have  violated,  by  means 
thereof,  no  agreement  with  you  either  pofitive  or  im-. 
plied. 

I  concur  with  you,  as  I  did  in  my  lad  communication,  on. 
this  fubjecl  ;  that  the  utmoft  refpecl  is  due  to  the  principle 
of  free  mips  making  free  goods  ;  and  with  you  I  alfo  unite  in 
the  hope,  that  it  will  foon  become  univerfal  j  fince  it  is  a 
principle  diclated  by  reafon,  and  neceflary  to  the  freedom  of 
the  fea,  and  in  conlequence  to  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of 
nations.  The  United  States  have  too,  as  you  obferve,  in- 
ierted  it  in  all  their  treaties,  where  they  could  obtain  it  ; 
and  to  which  I  may  add,  that  they  will  molt  certainly  continue 
to  prefs  it  in  their  future  treaties,  as  opportunities  occur, 
and  circumftances  may  favor,  till  it  becomes  general.  To 
promote  which  end,  however,  it  is  proper  here  to  obferve, 
that  an  harmonious  concert  between  the  two  nations  is  ab- 
folutely  neceflary  ;  for  otherwife  it  were  impoflible  they 
fliould  fuccced. 

You  will  obferve,  that  in  my  reply  to  your  complaints,  I 
have  heretofore  confined  myfelf  ftri&ly  to  the  fubjedi  of  thofe 


C    359    ] 

complaints ;  never  going  beyond  them,  to  expofe  in  return 
.the  injuries  we  have  received  from  this  Republic,  in  the 
courfe  of  the  prefent  war.  But  I  might  have  told  you  in  the 
outfet,  thut  by  a  decree  of  the  convention  in  1793,  ^1C  arci- 
cles  in  queftion  of  our  treaty  of  commerce  were  fet  afide  ; 
and,  in  violation  whereof,  about  fifty  of  our  rjflels  were 
brought  into  your  ports  5  their  cargoes  taken  from  the  pro- 
prietors, and  who  yet  remain  unpaid  ;  that  about  the  fame 
time,  and  without  any  motive  being  afligned,  even  to  the  pre- 
ient  day,  upwards  of  eighty  others  of  our  veflels  were  embar- 
goed at  Bordeaux,  and  detained  there  for  more  than  a  year  $ 
and  to  the  great  injury  of  the  proprietors,  who  yet  remain 
unpaid :  That  for  fupplies  rendered  to  your  iilands  in  the 
Weft  Indies,  which  have  been  and  ftill  are  fupported  princi- 
pally from  the  United  States,  as  for  innumerable  fpoliationa 
that  have  been  made,  and  are  daily  making  upon  our  com- 
merce in  thofe  iilands ;  as  likewife,  for  fupplies  rendered  to 
the  Republic  here, — immenfe  fums  are  due  to  our  citizens,  a» 
authenticated  by  the  higheft  fuitable  public  authorities  there 
and  here,  and  for  the  want  of  which  many  of  them  are  ruin- 
ed.* I  fay  I  did  not  bring  thefe  things  forward,  becaufe  ic 
would  have  borne  the  afpedt  of  a  recrimination,  and  which 
I  did  not  wifh  any  part  of  my  conduct  to  bear,  in  any  tranfac- 
tion  with  the  French  Republic  •,  and  becaufe  I  was  difpofed 
to  yield  every  pofiible  accommodation  to  your  prefent  exi- 
gencies that  my  duty  would  permit ;  and  becaufe  I  confid- 
ed and  ftill  confide  that  your  government,  paying  due  regard 
to  thofe  exigencies,  was  difpofed  and  would  do  all  the 
juftice  in  its  power  to  thofe  fuffering  individuals.  Nor 
do  I  mention  thefe  things  now  with  that  view.  I  do  it,  on  the 
contrary,  merely  to  inform  you  of  them ;  fince,  as  the  com- 
munications that  were  made  on  thefe  topics  were  made  to 
the  preceding  government,  and  are,  in  confequence,  probably 
unknown  to  the  prefent  one  ;  and  fince  they  are  interefting 
faclis  which  you  ought  to  have  before  you  in  all  deliberations 
on  this  fubjec~t, — provided  it  be,  as  I  think  it  is,  equally  the  in- 
tereft  of  both  Republics,  to  preferve  for  ever  inviolate  the 
good  underftanding  which  now  fo  happily  fubfifts  between 
them. 


*  It  is  worthy  of  attentisn,  tbat  under  thefe  circumftanees,  and  when 
fucli confidcrable  fums  were  due  to  the  American  citizens;  the  United 
States  paid,  and  before  it  w*s  due,  the  whole  of  the  French  debt,  amount- 
ing to  upwards  ot  thirty  millions,  Liv.  Toumois.  [This  was  a 
the  iUtual  fiwn  was  about  eight  cr  ten.  J 


C    3«°    3 

For  what  has  parTed,  the  United  States  have  always  found 
an  excufc  in  that  unhappy  ftate  of  things  that  was  attendant" 
on  your  revolution  ;  and  have  looked  forward  to  the  perioc:> 
when  a  free  and  happy  conflitution  fhould  be  eftablimed  here, 
as  the  moment  when  by  conciliatory  and  friendly  councils, 
the  two  Republics  fhould  harmonize,  not  in  a  painful  review 
of  any  unpleafartt  incidents  that  have  palled,  if  fuch  there 
were,  but  in  devifing  the  means  founded  in  their  mutual  in- 
tereft,  and  to  be  fecured  by  fuitable  and  permanent  arrange- 
ments, whereby  to  increafe  their  harmony,  and  cement  their 
union  ;  and  greatly  mortified  would  they  be,  if  this  were 
not  the  cafe.  But  I  truft  that  this  will  be  the  cafe  j  and  un- 
der which  impreflion,  and  upon  the  obfervations  already 
made,  I  fubmit  the  fubjecl:  now  in  difcuflion  between  us  to 
the  wifdom  and  candor  of  the  dire&oire  executif. 


[  No.  XXXVII.  ] 

MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE-. 

Paris,  Augujl  4^,  1796. 

WITHIN  a  few  days  paft,  Mr.  Mangourit,  formerly 
conful  at  Charlefton,  now  fecretary  of  embaffy  in  Spain,  was 
appointed  with  the  rank  of  charge  d'affaires,  to  fucceed,  with 
us,  Mr.  Adct.  This  event,  as  well  in  refpecl:  to  the  gentle- 
man employed,  as  the  grade  chofen,  gave  me  great  concern  ; 
and,  therefore,  merited  my  immediate  attention.  Accord- 
ingly I  vifited  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs  this  morning,  and 
remonftrated  earneftly  againft  the  mi  (Ron  of  Mr.  Mangourit 
to  the  United  States  ;  as  a  perfon  who,  having  given  offence 
to  our  government  upon  a  former  occafion,  could  not  be  well 
received  by  it,  upon  the  prefent  one.*  To  the  grade,  however, 
I  thought  proper  to  made  no  explicit  objection  •,  becaufe  I  had 
no  reafon  to  conclude  that  it  was  chofen  with  any  unfriendly 
view  towards  us  ;  and  becaufe  I  prefumed,  if  the  meafure  was 
broken  in  on£  part,  it  would  probably  be  fo  in  the  other.  The 
miniiler  replied  to  me  in  terms  fufficiently  refpe&ful ;  but 
neverthelefs,  in  fuch  as  induced  me  to  believe,  that  in  cafe  any 

*  I  made  no  other  obj  dion  to  Mr.  Mangourit,  but  the  one  ftated,  and 
After  his  removal,  expreftcd  a  with  to  a  member  of  the  diredoire,  as  I  had 
been  inftrumenUl  to  it,  that  the  government  wculd  appoint  himelfewbere. 


C    3«i    ] 

tnange  was  accorded  in  the  meafure,  it  would  not  be  with  his 
vom'ent :  He  obferved,  however,  that  if  I  would  write  him 
a  fhort  note  on  the  fubject,  he  would  lay  it  before  the  direc- 
toirc  ;  and  which  I  promifed  I  would  do. 

Within  a  few  days  patt,  too,  I  heard  that  the  diretloire  had 
paffed  an  arrete,  authorifuig  the  fcizure  of  neutral  vefTcls  del"- 
tined  for  England  j  to  take  effect  when  the  Englifh  likewife 
feize  them.  This  arrete  was  not  .announced  officially;  hut 
by  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  minifter  to  Barthelerni,  the 
French  ambaiFador  at  BaiJe,  publiflied  in  the  gazettes,  I  faw> 
that  the  report  was  true.  In  confequence,  I  likewife  fpokd 
to  the  miniiler  on  this  fubject ;  and  received  from  him,  in  re- 
ply to  my  remonftrance  againft  it,  a  general  anfwer,  corref- 
ponding  much  in  fentimcnt  with  his  letter  above  mentioned, 
a  copy  of  which  I  herewith  inclofe  you. 

It  is  faid,  that  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offenfive  and  defen- 
five,  between  France  and  Spain,  is  in  great  forwardnefs, 
whereby  the  latter  cedes  to  the  former  Louifiana,  and,  per- 
haps the  Flcridas.  I  have  no  authentic  information  of  this-, 
but  the  fource  from  whence  it  came  is  of  a  nature  to  merit  at- 
tention. 

I  have  the  pleafure  to  tranimit  to  you  herewith,  fome  com- 
munications refpecting  our  affairs  at  Algiers,  by  which  it  ap- 
pears, that  Mr.  Barlow  had  the  good  fortune  to  fucceed  with 
the  Dey,  in  prolonging  the  term  allotted  for  the  payment  of 
the  fum  due  him,  concluded  by  our  late  treaty  for  the  ranfom. 
of  our  prifoners,  and  for  peace  j  and  finally,  and  although 
the  money  was  not  received,  that  he  had  obtained  the  dif- 
charge  of  our  prifoners,  and  who  were  fortunately  arrived 
.  fafe  at  Marfeilles.  Upon  this  eVent,  therefore,  which  not  on- 
Jy  liberates  from  a  long  and  painful  captivity  fo  many  of  our 
countrymen,  but  in  all  probability  fecures  the  peace  which 
was  endangered  by  the  delay  of  the  money  ftipulated  to  bfi 
paid,  I  beg  leave  to  congratulate  you  •,  finceit  is  an  event,  net. 
only  important  in  refpect  to  the  confolation  which  it  yields  to 
humanity  ;  but  equally  fo  in  regard  to  the  extenfipn  and  fecu- 
rity  of  our  commerce,  in  a  region  of  the  world  heretofore 
unexplored  by  it,  and  where  it  promifes  to  be  very  productive. 

I  commit  this  letter,  with  other  communications  for  you, 
to  the  care  of  Doctor  Edwards,  who  will  deliver  them  in  psr- 
ibn  ;  and  to  whom  I  beg  to  refer  you  for  other  details  upon 
the  fubjecl:  of  our  affairs  here,  upon  which  you  may  wiih  in- 
formation. He  has  been  more  than  a  year  in  Europe,  and 
the  greater  part  of  that  time  here  ;  has  had  opportunities  of 
correct  information,'  and  which  he  has  Improved  to  advan- 
A  a  a 


.     C     3«*     1 

ta-ge.     To  him,  therefore,  I  beg  to  refer  you,  as  to  an  autho- 
rity \vell  informed,  and  very  defervingof  confidence.  I  am,  bV. 


[  No.  XXXVIII.  ] 

FKCM  MK.    MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETLY  OF  STATE* 

Paris y  Augujl   l$th,    1796. 

BEING  highly  imprefTed  with  the  impropriety  of  Mr, 
Mangoutit's  mifiion  to  the  United  States,  and  in  confequence 
very  defircus  to  prevent  it,  I  thought  proper  to  ftate  my  ob- 
jections to  it  in  perfon,  to  a  member  of  the  dire&oire,  with  a 
requeft  that  he  \\  ould  communicate  the  fame  to  the  direcloire; 
and  have  now  the  pleafure  to  inform  you,  upon  the  authority 
of  that  member,  that  the  arrete  appointing  him  is  refcinded. 

I  lately  received  an  account  from  England  of  the  capture 
of  one  of  cur  veflels,  upon  cur  coaft,  on  the  point  of  enter- 
ing one  of  our  ports,  taken  by  a  French  privateer,  upon  a 
prefumption  fhe  had  Englifh  property  on  board,  as  fhe  was 
cleared  out  from  that  country.  Although  this  report  was  not 
fo  well  authenticated,  nor  accompanied  with  the  neceflary 
details,  to  enable  me  to  act  officially  on  it ;  yet  as  it  might 
be  and  probably  was  true,  I  communicated  it  immediately  to 
the  minifter  of  marine,  afking  whether  fuch  orders  were  gi- 
ven. He  appeared  aftonifhed  at  the  report,  and  declared,  that 
none  fuch  were  ifliied.  I  conclude,  therefore,  that  this  out- 
rage, if  really  committed,  is  an  unauthorised  one  ;  and  for 
which  we  ihall  obtain,  from  the  proper  parties,  in  convenient 
time,  a  fuitable  reparation. 

The  French  troops  continue  to  enjoy  an  uninterrupted  ca- 
reer of  good  fortune,  both  in  the  Empire  and  in  Italy.  Ii\_ 
the  former  they  meet  with  little  oppofition ;  for  as  they  have 
a  decided  fuperiority  there,  the  Auftrians  appear,  in  confe- 
quence,  carefully  to  avoid  a  general  action  j  and,  therefore, 
retire  flowly  before  them.  And  in  Italy,  a  feries  of  victories 
were  lately  obtained  by  Buonaparte  over  Wurmfer,  which 
arc  deemed  more  brilliant  than  even  thofe  he  had  before  a- 
chieved  over  Beaulieu,  Wurmfer's  predeceflbr.  To  protect 
the  garrifon  of  Mantua,  and  retrieve  the  fortune  of  Auftria  in 
Italy,  a  confiderable  force  was  detached  from  the  Rhine, 
\T ith  other  troops  gathered  fiprn  other  cnaarfrers,  under  Wurm- 


C    363    1   • 

fer ,  and  who  p rifling  the  Tyrol  defcended  into  Italy,  and 
attacked  Buonaparte,  and  in  the  commencement  with  fome 
fuccefs.  But  this  reverfe  of  fortune  was  tranfitory,  as  it  \va  -> 
fudden  ;  for  ab  foon  as  the  latter  gathered  together  his  troops, 
he  returned  upon  his  antagonists  with  accumulated  force  ;  and 
in  the  courfe  of  a  few  days,  as  appears  by  official  documents, 
totally  demolifhed  his  army,  killing  and  taking  upwards  cf 
twenty  thoufand  men. 

It  is  lately  reported  that  Mr.  Hammond  is  appointed  tore- 
pair  here  to  treat  for  peace  ;  but  as  yet  he  has  not  arrived,  nor 
have  we  other  details  on  that  head  than  are  now  in  the  En- 
glifh  papers.  With,  fcV. 


[  No.  XXXIX.  ] 

FROM    M2.    MONHQE,    TO    THE    SECRETARY  OF    STATE. 

Paris,  Augujl  2~tkt    1796. 

AFTER  the  accommodation  which  was  (hewn  in  the 
cafe  of  Mr.  Mangourit,  by  abandoning  the  project  offending 
him  to  the  United  States,  I  thought  the  ends  hud  patted  here, 
and  that  nothing  was  further  to  be  apprehended  from  the  tem- 
per which  occaiicned  it.  But  in  this  I  was  difappointed;  for 
I  now  hear,  that  it  is  decided  to  recall  Mr.  Adct,  without  no- 
minating a  fuccefTor  to  him  ;  and  that  he  is  to  be  inftru&ed 
to  declare  to  our  government,  that,  the  cullomary  relations  be- 
tween us  are  to  ceafe,  and. on  account  of  our  treaty  with  En- 
gland ;  with  other  things  to  the  fame  efFe6t.  *  *  *  * 
I  {hall  fee  the  rninifter  to-morrow,  and  endeavor  to  lead  him 
to  this  f abject,  ifpoflible;  and  in  any  event  renew. my  ex- 
ertions to  prevent  the  meafure,  though,  indeed,  I  begin  to  def- 
pair  of  fuccefs  ;  fo  often  do  they  return  with  the  fame  difpo- 
fition  to  the  fame  fubje£t. 

I  am  told  the  treaty  with  Spain  is  probably  concluded;  and 
by  which  France  is  to  have  Louifiana  and  the  Fioridas. 
This  might  have  been  obtained  when  peace  was  made  with 
Spain ;  but  was  declined  from  the  fear  it  might  ultimately 
embroil  them  with  us.  The  acceptance  of  it  now,  therefore, , 
fhews  that  that  motive  has  lefs  weight  at  the  prcfent  time^ 
ihaj-utthen  had. 


C    364    J 

It  is  generally  believed,  that  an  attempt  \\illbe  made  to  in- 
vade England  ;  great  preparations  being  made  along  the  coaft 
for  that  purpofe,  in  troops,  boats,  &c.  and  it  is  alfo  believed, 
that  the  fleet  from  Cadiz  is  intended  to  make  a  divcriion  fome- 
ivhere,  for  the  purpofe  of  drawing  the  Britifh  fleet  out;  of 
the  channel,  to  favor  the  project  of  a  defcent.  This  is 
ftrongly  fupported  by  circumflances,  and  is,  therefore,  more 
than  probable. 

It  is  even  whifpered,  that  an  attempt  on  Canada  is  to  be 
made,  and  which  is  to  be  united  with  Louifiana  and  the  Flo- 
richs  to  the  fouth;  taking  in  fuch  parts  of  our  weftern  people 
as  are  willing  to  unite.  This  is  worthy  your  attention, 
though  it  may  be  mere  report. 

I  will  write  you  again  in  a  day  or  two,  fince  this  is  difpatch- 
ed  in  hade  on  account  of  the  importance  of  the  communv* 
cation  which  it  contains. 


From  Mr.  Monroe,    to  Mr.  King* 

Paris >  Augujl  28//J,  1796. 

As  foon  as  the  order  of  this  government,  as  notified 
by  theminifter  of  foreign  affairs  to  Barthelemi,  the  French 
miniito  at  Bane,  appeared  in  the  papers  (for  it  was  never  no- 
tified to  the  foreign  mhiifters  here)  I  applied  for  information, 
v/liether  orders  were  iiTued  for  the  feizure  of  neutral  veiTels, 
fiating,  equally  as  the  motive  of  mv  application,  a  report  ap- 

Earently  well  authenticated,  that  or; :  of  our  veflels  had  been 
itely  taken  near  our  own  coaft ;  and  W;  informed  that  no  fuch 
order  was  ifTued ;  and  further,  th;r  no^u;  fuch  would  be,  in 
cafe  the  Britifh  did  not  feize  our  velTils.  I  arn  happy  to  give 
vou  this  information,  becaufe  I  flatter  myfelf  the  knowledge 
of  this  fact  may  be  ufeful  to  our  commerce  with  the  coun- 
try in  which  you  refide< 

From  Mr.  Pickering^  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

June,  13,   I 

Sis., 

I  HAVE  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your   feveral 
kttcrs  of  Nov.  jtlu  Dec.  6th  and  22d,   1795?  and  of  Jan, 


C    3^5    3 


26tk,  Feb.  1 6th,  and  aoth,  and  March  ictk  and  25th,  179$. 

On  a  full  consideration  of  the  cafe  of  the  conful  at  Ham- 
burg, the  prefident  has  determined  to  make  a  change,  as-foon 
as  a  proper  perfon  can  be  found  to  fupply  the  place  of  Mr. 
Parii'h  ;  the  fubftitute,  if  pciTible,  will  be  an  American  Citi- 
zen. The  minifter  of  the  French  Republic  has  lately  pre- 
i  en  ted  the  complaints  of  the  French  Directory  concerning  that 
conful  ;  copies  of  Mr.  Adet's  letter  and  my  anfwer  you 
will  find  inclofed. 

With  regard  to  the  armed  veflel  called  Le  Cam"  us,  about 
which  the  directory  hare  made  the  reprefentation  which  you  in- 
clofed, a  full  ftatement  fhali  b~  prepared  for  your  information ; 
at  prefent  I  will  only  r'emark,  that  ihe  is  the  fame  vcfiel, 
which,  under  the  name  of  Les  Jumeaux,  was  fitted  out  in 
the  port  of  Philadelphia,  in  direct  violation  of  the  laws  of  the 
United  States.  This  fact  has  been  dlablifhed  by  legal  pro- 
cefs  ;  the  agent  who  fitted  her  having  been  convicted  of 
the  oiFence  in  the  Circuit  Court.  On  her  return  to  this 
port  from  the  Weft  Indies,  me  was  known  to  be  the  fame 
veflel,  with  a  new  name.  Some  Philadelphia  merchants, 
whofe  veflel  had  been  captured  by  le  Catfius,  had  her  attach- 
ed by  the  ufual  procefs  of  that  court,  and  (he  remains  in  the 
cyftady  of  the  marmal  awaiting  the  court's"  decifion.  If  the 
property  of  the  veflel  had  not  been  changed  (and  that  it  has 
been  changed  is  yet  to  be  legally  proved)  fhe  would  certain- 
ly be  forfeited — forfeiture  being  the  penalty  of  the  law,  one 
half  to  the  ufe  of  the  profecutors. — The  alledged  change  of 
property  gives  rife  to  aqueftion  which  the  judiciary  muit  de- 
cide. The  procefs  has  been  iflusd  at  the  fuit  of private  pcrfom^ 
not  by  the  government  ;  and  you  know  that  the  executive  can- 
not take  the  veflel  from  the  cognizance  of  the  judiciary. — 
This  has  been  repeatedly  and  fully  explained,  many  months 
fince,  to  Mr.  Adet. 

But  the  principal  matter  which  now  demands  attention  is 
what  concerns  the  late  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain. 

Of  the  views  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  on 
this  iubject  you  have  long  fince  been  poflefled,  as  well  before 
as  fubfequent  to  its  ratification.  Thefe  views  were  commu- 
nicated to  you  for  the  fole  purpofe  of  furiiiming  you  with  the 
means  of  removing  objections,  and  difpellingjealoufies.  By 
your  own  reprefentations,  both  objections  and  jealoufies  ex- 
ifted.  It  has  therefore  been  a  matter  of  no  fmall  furprize  to 
the  prefident,  that  during  fo  long  a  period  you  contented  your- 
feif  merely  with  having  thofc  means  IB  your  pofleflion,  with- 


out  applying  them  to  die  object  for  which  they  were  trani- 
mitted. 

As  early  as  October  laft  you    predicted  that  if  Mr.   Jay's 
treaty  fhould  be  ratified,  it  would  excite  great   difcontent  iri 
France.     Early  in  November  you  mentioned  the  arrival  of  Mr. 
Fauchet,  extremely  diflatisfied  with  the    treaty  ;  adding  that 
he  v.  as  \v«-il   received,  and  would   therefore  be    attended  to. 
On  the  6th  of  December  you  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  my 
letter  of  September  I2th,  written  fubfequently  to  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty,   to  repeat  and   further  explain  the  princi- 
ples and  views  of  the  government  concerning  it.     Mr.  Adet's 
objections  to  the  treaty,  and  their  refutation  accompanied  my 
ktter.     And  with  fuch  means  in  your  hands,~— means  amply 
iuilicient  to  vindicate  the.  conduct  of  the  United   States,  not 
lefs  regret  than  furprize  is  excited,  that  no  attempt  was  made 
to  apply  them  to  the  highly  important  ufe  for   which    they 
were  lent.     Although  you  anticipated   difcontents — although 
the  fymptoms  of  difccntent  appeared — although  thefe  fymp-. 
toms  unattended  to  and  unallayed  might  increafe  to  an  inflam* 
rnation — and  Mr.  Fauchet's  arrival,  with  all  his  difTatisfaction 
and  prejudices  about  him,  would  alTaredly  arid  to   the  irrita- 
tion,— yet  you  were  filent  and  inactive  ,  until  on  the  I5th  of 
February  you  were  alarmed  by  the   project  of  the  directory  t 
QctidtHtally  communicated  to  you  by  the  minifber  for  foreign 
affairs,  oi  fending  to  this  country  an  envoy  extraordinary,  to 
repreicnt  to  our   government  their   decifion  concerning  the 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  ;  "  that  they  confidered  the  treaty 
of  alliance  between  us  as  ceafing  to  exift,  from  the  moment 
the  treaty  was    ratified."     Your  letter  of  the    2oth  of  the 
lame  month  defciibes  your  fecond  interview  with  the  minifter 
on  the  project  of  fending   an    envoy  extraordinary;  and  the 
reafons  you  urged  to    difiuade  them  from   it  were  certainly 
very  cogent.     Your  letter  of  the  loth  of  March  informs  us 
that  the  project  was  laid  aiide  ;  and  your  letter  of  the   25th 
of  March,  that  you  had  had  an  audience  of  the  directory   on 
the  fubject  ;  and  that  they  had  agreed  to  fufpend  their  pro- 
poicd    extraordinary    miflion,    until  the  points  in    queftion 
fhould  be  difcufied  between  you  and  the  minifter  for  foreign 
rifairs.     The  refult  of  this  audience  appears  fatisfactory  ;  and 
irom  the  good    citcdt  produced  by  the  partial   explanations 
then  given,   may  be  calculated  the  happy   confequences  of 
the  full  communications  which  might  have  been  made,  and 
which  for   fo  long  a  time  you   had  poffefled  the  means  of 
making,    in  vindication  of  the  meafures  of  the  government 
you  reprint.     That  thefe  were  not   made — that   they  hat! 


C 

not  been  made  even  fo  late  as  th*  2$tb  A\,  is  again   to 

be  extremely  regretted  ;  became  rb:  jufttce,  :hc  honor, 
and  the  faith  of  our  country  were  qudftioned,  and  confequcnt- 
ly  their  mod  important  iiuerefts  were  qj:  flake. 

It  is  painful  to  dwell  on  this  fubject. — You  have  here  the 
fenfations  of  the  prefident  in  relation  to  the  line  of  conduct 
you  have  purfucd.  He  trufts  the  explanations  you  propo- 
led  have  now  been  given — that  they  have  been  full  and  fatis- 
factory  to  the  French  government  :  It  is  unnecefHiry  to  add, 
that  if  by  any  podibiiity  they  (hould  not  have  been  given,  the 
prefident  expects  they  will  no  longer  be  withheld.  If  perlbnal 
interviews  are  difficult  to  be  obtained,  a  written  communica- 
tion may  at  any  time  be  made  ;  and  the  latter  is  evidently 
the  moit  eligible  mode  ;  it  is  the  mode  which  the  prefident 
expreisly  delires  may  be  adopted  ;  and  that  a  complete  copy 
ef  the  communication  may  be  tranfmitted  tb  this  office. 


I  have  die  honor  to  be,  C5"V. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 

,'om  tke  Min'ijlir  Plenipotentiary  oft.be  French  Repullit)   r.s 
the  Unliid  States  —  to  the  Secrtlary  cf  State. 


Pliladt/ffca,    ilth  Prcirial,  tfk  Tear  of  the 

(May  3l/£,  I790J 


THE  executive  directory  has  juft  fent  me  the  order  to 
demand  formally  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
the  recall  of  Mr.  Parifh,  the  American  conful  at  Hamburgh. 
I  haften  to  fulfill  its  intentions,  and  to  ftate  the  mo- 
tives on  which  the  demand  of  my  government  is  ground- 
ed. I  think  this  cannot  be  done  in  a  better  manner,  than  by 
tranfmitting  you  an  extract  of  the  difpatch  which  I  have  re- 
ceived on  that  fubject. 

"  The  executive  directory  is  informed,  that  Mr.  Pariih  is  nee 
only  the  avowed  agent  of  England  for  the  fitting  out  of  the 
French  emigrants  j  but  that  in  his  quality  of  American  conful 
he  givss  paflports  for  France  to  Englifhmen,  under  the  title  of 
Anglo-Americans.  A  conduct  fo  reprehenfible  mud  needs 
the  indignation  of  both  ~  governments.  It  is  the  ex- 


C    368    ] 

tremc  of  perfidy  *,  fines,  under  the  feal  of  an  alliance  we  chei- 
iih,  it  accredits  among  us  the  fpies  of  England. 

"  The  French  Republic  at  war  with  an  enemy,  more  to  be 
dreaded  becauie  of  his  intrigues,  than  redoubtable  by  his  arms, 
has  in  vain  taken  every  precaution  which  a  legitimate  defence 
commands.  The  agents  of  the  cabinet  of  St.  James  intro- 
duce themfelvcs  on  our  territory,  fow  there  the  feeds  of  dif- 
turbance  and  fediticm  j  and  the  confnl  of  a  friendly  powefc 
does  not  blufli  to  abufe  his  character  in  order  to  favor  Englifh- 
men  in  France,  by  rendering  himfelf  guilty  of  the  crime  of 
forgery," 

I  mail  not  allow  myfelf  the  liberty  of  adding  a  fmgle  re- 
flection to  that  extract  ;  It  would  be  to  infult  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  if  I  were  to  fay  more  on  that  fuhject,  in 
order  to  induce  it  to  avenge  that  infnngemerjt  upon  the 
faith  of  treaties,  that  violation  of  the  guarantee  of  nations. 

Accept,  Sir,  the  aflurance  of  my  efteem. 

P.  A.  ADET. 


i  ibe  Secretary  cf  State,  of  the  United  States >  to  the  Minijier 
Plenipotentiary  cf  the  French  Republic. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

June  ^d>  1796. 


Yefterdayl  received  your  letter  of  the  31(1  of  May, 
Communicating  the  requeit  of  the  directory  of  the  French  Re- 
public, that  Mr.  Parifh,  conful  of  the  United  States  at  Ham- 
burgh, may  be  recalled. 

I  have  now,  Sir,  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  in  confe- 
quenceof  a  letter  from  Mr.  Monroe,  received  the  lait  autiimn, 
fuggefting  fome  co'mplaints  againlt  Mr.  Parifli,  an  enquiry 
\vas  directed  to  be  made,  in  order  to  afcertain  how  far  they 
were  founded,  and  whether  any  really  exceptionable  conduct 
of  his  required  a  change  in  the  confulate  at  Hamburg.  The 
information  expected  from  the  propofed  enquiry  has  not  been 
received.  But  fome  facts  have  othcfwife  become  known, 
which  although  they  do  not  impeach  the  integrity  of  Mr. 


J 

Parifh,  or  derogate  from  his  mercantile  reputation  ;  yet  ift 
an  officer  of  the  Uniied  States,  they  deferve  to  be  no- 
ticed. 

Mr.  Parim  is  not,  nor  ever  was,  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States.  He  is  a  foreign  merchant  of  great  eminence,  eltab- 
lifhed  at  Hamburgh.  He  had  been  particularly  friendly  to 
the  United  States,  efpecially  at  the  commencement  of  their 
revolution,  when  friends  were  invaluable,  and  was  inflru- 
mental  in  procuring  for  them  important  fupplies.  Thefe  good 
offices,  his  fair  characler  and  his  mercantile  abilities  and  in- 
fluence, originally  pointed  him  out  as  the  guardian  of  the 
American  commerce  at  Hamburg.  But  the  United  States 
could  not  expe£t  that  a  man  of  fuch  extended  correfpondence 
in  trade  would  confine  his  agency  to  the  affairs  of  the  United 
States  alone.  It  mult  certainly  have  been  underftood,  as  in  all 
like  cafes  where  foreign  merchants  are  appointed  confuls, 
that  while,  as  our  conful  he  protected  cur  commerce,  he 
would  continue  free  to  carry  on  his  ufual  mercantile  bufinefs. 
If  an  idea  had  been  entertained  that  he  muft  have  relinquifh- 
ed  this  as  a  condition  of  holding  the  American  confulate,  af- 
furediy  he  would  have  refufed  the  latter. 

As  a  merchant^  then,  Mr.  Parim  would  naturally  confider 
himfelf  at  liberty  to  tranfact,  for  any  body,  any  bufinefs  of  the 
kind  ufually  intruded  to  the  management  of  a  merchant  ;  and 
hence  we  may  account  for  his  agency  for  Great  Britain,  as 
mentioned  in  your  letter.  But  the  other  information  given 
to  the  directory,  that  Mr.  Parim,  as  an  American  conful,  giv- 
es paflports  to  Engli/fjmen^ under  the  title  of  Anglo-Americans, 
for  the  purpofe  of  introducing  into  the  French  territory  emiffarie.r 
of  the  BritiJJj  Court ,  imports  a  crime  of  fo  deep  a  die,  as  may 
well  juftify  an  opinion  that  the  perfons  who  gave  the  informa- 
tion were  in  an  error. — Mr.  Monroe,  in  his  letter  before  re- 
ferred to,  having  mentioned  the  neceflity  for  Mr.  Parifh  to 
iffue  paflports,  and  remarked  on  the  importance  and  delicacy 
of  the  trull,  fays — u  In  juftice  however  to  this  gentleman,  I 
muft  add,  that  I  do  not  know  any  inftance  in  which  he  has 
betrayed  it»" 

Thus  much,  Sir,  it  feemed  proper  to  communicate  to  you, 
to  explain  the  traafattions  of  Mr.  Parifh,  and  the  conduct  of 
our  government  refpe£ting  him.  Defirous,  however,  of  main- 
taining a  courfe  of  action,  as  impartial  as  his  principles,  the; 
prefident  has  for  fome  time  contemplated  a  change  in  die  con- 
fulate at  Hamburg,  and  propofes  to  fupply  the  place  of  2 
foreigner  by  an  American  citizen.  This  change  will  be 
B  b  b 


[     370     ] 

made  as  fcon  as  a  fit  character  mail  prefent  to  fucceed  Mr. 
Pariih. 

I  am,   &c. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING, 


[  No.  XL.  ] 
FKOM  MR.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE* 

Pansy  Sept.    loth,  1796. 

I  HAVE  been  ju ft  favored  with  yours  of  the  i3th  of 
June  ;  the  only  one  received  from  the  Department  of  State, 
fmce  that  of  the  7th  of  January  laft,  a  note  from  Mr.  Taylor 
of  the  1 3th  of  May  excepted. 

You  charge  me  in  this  letter  with  a  neglect  of  duty,  in 
omitting,  as  you  itate,  to  diffipate  by  a  timely  and  fuitable 
application  of  the  lights  in  my  pofTeffion  the  difcontent  of  this 
government,  on  account  of  our  late  treaty  with  England  ; 
and  youfupport  this  charge  by  a  reference  to  certain  paflages  in 
my  own  correfpondence,  which  ftate  that  this  difcontent  broke 
out  in  February  laft,  four  months  after  I  had  received  a  letter 
from  yourfelf  and  Mr.  Randolph,  upon  the  fubjecl:  of  that 
treaty  ;  and  whence  you  infer,  and  on  account  of  the  delay  or 
interval  which  took  place  between  the  one  and  the  other  event, 
that  I  was  inattentive  to  that  important  concern  erf  my  coun- 
try, and  urge  the  previous  and  ftrong  fymptoms  of  difcontent 
which  I  witnefled  and  communicated,  as  an  additional  proof 
of  my  neglect. 

Permit  me  to  remark  that  this  charge  is  not  more  unjuft 
and  unexpected,  than  the  teftimony  by  which  you  fupport  it 
is  inapplicable  and  inconclufive  :  Indeed  it  were  eafy  to  {hew, 
that  the  circumftances  on  which  you  rely,  if  they  prove  any 
thing,  prove  directly  the  reverfe  of  what  you  deduce  from 
them. 

If  fuch  difcontent  exifted  and  the  formal  declaration  of  it, 
or  commencement  of  meafures  in  confequence  of  it,  was  de- 
layed (and  the  greater  the  difcontent,  and  the  longer  the  de- 
lay, the  ilronger  the  argument)  and  any  inference  applica- 
ble to  me  was  drawn -from  that  circumftance,  I  fhould  fup- 


t  371  ] 

pefe  it  would  be  precifely  the  oppofite  one  from  that  which 
you  draw.  Where  a  discontent  exiits,  it  is  natural  and  ufual 
for  the  party  feeling  it,  tc  endeavour  to  remove  it,  or  cx-prd's 
ats  fenfe  of  it  j  but  the  purfuit  of  an  onpoiite  conduct  for  a 
great  length  of  time,  and  efpecially  a  time  of  revolution,  and 
when  a  different  and  more  peremptory  one  was  obferved  to 
all  the  other  powers,  is  no  proof,  without  other  documents  of 
negligence  in  me. 

.But  why  did  this  difcontent  not  break  oet  before  thefe  letters 
were  received  ?  You  faw  by  my  communications>  as  carry  as 
December  1794,  and  which  were  frequently  repeated  after- 
wards, that  it  exifted,  was  felt  upon  our  affairs  here,  and  was 
likely  to  produce  the  moft  ferious  ill  confequences,  if  the 
caufe  continued  to  exi'ft.  If  thele  accounts  were  correct,  why 
did  this  government  take  no  iteps  under  its  mil  impreffions, 
and  particularly  in  Auguft  1795,  whesi  Paris  was  itarving, 
and  our  veffels  deftined  for  the  ports  of  France  were  feized 
and  carried  into  England  ?  Was  not  this  a  crifis  difficult  for 
me  to  fuftam  here  j  when  the  eyes  of  France  were  fixed  upon 
me,  as  the  representative  of  xhe  nation  up.cn  whofe  friendship 
they  had  counted  3  as  the  man  who  had  jufl  before  been  the 
organ  of  declarations  the  moii  friendly  _?  Why  leave  us  after- 
wards ,  and  until  the  laft  ftage,  to  aur  unbiased  deliberations 
upon  that  fubjett,  ami  without  an  -effort  to  impede  their  free 
courfe  ?  Do  difficulties  like  thefe,  with  the  relult  which  fol- 
lowed, give  caufe  to  fufpecl;  that  I  was  idle  or  negligent  at 
my  poll  ?  That  I  was  at  any  time  a  calm  or  indifferent  fpec- 
tator  of  a  ftorm  which  was  known  to  be  rifing,  and  which 
threatened  injury  to  my  country  r  Or  that  I  withheld  any 
light  which  came  to  my  aidj  and  which  might  be  ufeful  in 
diffipating  it  ,? 

I  do  not  wilh  to  t>e  underflood  as  afuiming  to  myfdf  the 
merit  of  this  delay  ;  becaufe  I  know,  thinking  and  feeling  as 
the  government  did  on  this  fubject,  that  the  ftrong  bias  of  af- 
fection which  this  nation  entertained  for  us,  was  the  true  caufc^ 
of  it.  But  1  well  know,  that  I  have  done  every  thing  in  my 
power,  and  from  the  moment  of  my  arrival  to  the  prefent 
time,  to  promote  harmony  between  the  two  republics,  and  to 
prevent  this  from  taking  any  flep  which  might  poffihly  dillurb 
itj  and  which  I  have  done  as  well  from  a  lincerc  attachment 
to  both,  as  from  a  perfuafion,  let  the  merit  of  the  points  in  dif- 
cuffion  be  what  they  might,  that  a  continual,  temperate,  and 
Friendly  condu£t  towards  us  was  the  wifeit  policy  which  this 
government  could  adopt,  and  would  produce  the  belt  effect 
iipon  that  unioiij  which  it  is,  I  preiume,  equally  its  wilh  and 


C     37-     3 

its  interefl  to  prcrferve,  and  cf  courfe  leave  to  its  councils  lefs 
caufe. hereafter  for  felf  reproach.  It  is  from  the  fincerity  of 
thefe  motives  and  the  knowledge  this  government  has  of  it, 
that  I  have  inedlantly  made  efforts  to  preferve  that  harmony, 
and  been  heard  in  friendly  communication,  and  often  in  re- 
raonftrance  upon  the  topics  connected  with  it,  in  a  manner 
I  could  not  otherwife  have  expected. 

But  you  urge,  that  as  I  knew  this  difcontent  exifted,  I  ought' 
to  have  encountered  and  removed  it.  I  do  not  diftinctly 
comprehend  the  extent  of  this  pofition,  or  what  it  was  your 
v/iiii,  under  exifting  circumftances,  1  mould  have  done.  Till 
the  1 5th  of  February,  no  complaint  was  made  to  me  by  this 
government  againft  that  treaty  ;  nor  did  I  know  before  that 
period  that  any  would  be  ;  for.  from  the  moment  of  its  orga- 
nization till  thtu,  the  utmoft  rcflrve  was  ooferved  tc  me  by 
it  on  that  fubi ',:;/!•-  The  intimations  which  I  witneiTed,  were 
written  before  the  eft'abfiflinlent  of  the  pfefent  government, 
and  drawn  of  cq.urfe  from  circumfhinces  which  preceded  it,' 
Of  the  probable  views  therefore  of  the  prefent  government 
in  that  refpecl,  i  fpoke  only  by  conjeclure.  Was  it  then  your 
wifh,  that  becaufe  I  fufpeded  this  government  would  be  or 
was  difcontented  with  that  treaty,  that  I  fhould  ftep  for- 
ward, invite  the  difcu(Bon,  and  provoke  the  attack  ?  Would 
it  have,  been  politic  or  fafe  for  me  to  do  it  ;  and  efpecially 
upon  a  fubjet"t  fo  delicate,  and  important  as  that  was  I  And 
li.ad  I  done  it,  would  I  not  have  been  juftly  cenfured  for  my 
raflineii  and  indifcretion  ?  And  might  not  even  different  mo- 
tives have  been  ailigned  for  my  (jonducl;  ?  To  me,  I  own,  it 
ii! ways  -appeared  nioft  fuitable,  as  well  as  mod  wife,  to  (land 
on  the  cfefenfive  ;  and  to  anfwer  objections  only  when  they 
were  made  ;  upon  the  fair  and  reafonable  prefumpticn,  till 
they  were  made,  that  none  would  be  ;  and  upon  the  principle, 
if  none  were  rnade3  thzt  ourobjecl  was  obtained  ^  and  if  there 
were,  that  then  there  would  be  fufficient  time  to  anfwer  them, 
and  in  a  regular  and  official  manner.  By  this  however  I  do 
not  wiih  to  be  underftood,  as  having  declined  at  any  time  in- 
formal friendly  communications,  on  this  or  other  fubjeets, 
when  fuitable  occafipns  occured  ;  for  the  contrary  was  the 
cafe,  as  is  already  obferved. 

What  the  circum'flances  were,  upon  which  I  founded  my 
opinion  of  the  probable  ill  confequences  of  that  treaty,  in  cafe 
it  were  ratified,  were  in  general  communicated,  as  they  occur- 
ed. There  was  however  one  other,  and  which  was  particu- 
larly impreflive  at  the  time,  omitted  then,  but  which  Inowthink 
proper  to  add)  becaufe  it  was  that  upon  which  I  founded  thq 


r  375  J 

intimation  given  you,  inmyletter  of  the  2  oth  of  October,  on  that 
Head.  Callingoneday,uponthefubjetlofour Aigerine  affairs, in- 
formally, upon  Jean  de  Brie, who  had,  in  the  committee  of  pub- 
lic fafety,  the  American  branch  under  his  care,  I  found  him 
engaged  upon  that  treaty,  with  a  copy  of  it  before  him,  and 
other  papers  on  the  fame  fubject.  I  began  with  the  object  of 
my  vifit,  and  from  which  he  foon  digreffed  upon  the  other 
topic,  and  with  great  afperity  ;  adding  that  he  was  preparing 
a  letter  for  me  on  that  fubjeft,  to  be  fubmitted  to  the  com- 
mittee. I  anfwered  his  charges  in  the  manner  which  appear- 
ed to  memoft  fuitable,  and  finally  aiked  him,  if  he  had  receiv- 
ed the  correspondence  which  took  place  on  that  fubjecl  be- 
tween Mr,  Adet  and  Mr.  Randolph  ;  and  to  which  he  re- 
plied that  he  had  not.  I  then  informed  him  I  had  that  cor- 
refpondence,  which  was  an  interefting  one  ;  and  requefted  he 
would  permit  me  to  give  him  a  copy  of  it  ;  and  further  that 
he  would  delay  his  report  to  the  committee,  until  after  he  had 
perufed  and  fully  weighed  it,  which  he  promifed  ;  and  in 
confequence  I  immediately  afterwards  gave  him  a  copy  of  that 
correfpondence.  This  incident  took  place  juft  before  the 
movement  of  Vendemiaire,  by  which  the  execution  of  the 
project  contemplated  was  probably  prevented.  I  omitted  this 
before,  becaufe  I  hoped  it  would  never  be  revived  •,  and 
becaufe  I  did  not  wifh  to  give  more  pain  on  this  fub- 
jecl:, and  efpecially  as  I  foon  afterwards  found  that  the  treaty 
was  ratified,  than  could  be  avoided.  And  I  now  mention  it, 
as  well  to  (hew  the  ftrong  ground  upon  which  that  intimation 
was  given  ;  as  to  prove  that  none  of  the  lights  furniihsd  me, 
in  that  refpeft,  were  withheld. 

So  much  I  have  thought  proper  to  fay  in  reply  to  your  fa* 
vor  of  the  i^th  of  June  -,  and  now  it  remains  for  me  to  proceed 
with  a  detail  of  the  further  progrefs  of  this  bufmeis  here, 
fince  my  laft ;  at  leaft  fo  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with  it. 

I  fought  immediately  after  my  laft  was  written,  and  ob- 
tained as  foon  as  I  poflibly  could  obtain  it,  an  informal  con- 
ference with  fome  members  of  the  dire&oire,  upon  the 
fubjecl  of  my  laft  ;  beginning  by  exprefiing  my  concern  to 
hear  they  were  ftill  diilatisfied  with  us,  and  propofed  taking 
fome  ftep  in  confequence  thereof  ;  and  which  1  fincerely  re- 
'gretted  becaufe  I  had  concluded  the  contrary  was  the  cafe,  af- 
t  ter  the  explanation  I  had  given  to  their  feveral  complaints  ; 
and  becaufe  I  thought  any  rneafure  which  had  an  unfriendly 
afpecl:  towards  us,  would  be  equally  detrimental  to  theirs  and 
our  intereft.  They  fcverally  replied,  they  were  diffatisfied 


C    374     ] 

with  us,  on  account  of  our  treaty  with  England,  and  thought 
that  the  honor  of  their  country  would  be  fullied  in  their 
hands,  if  they  did  not  fay  fo.  I  endeavoured  to  lead  them 
into  converfation  upon  the  points  to  which  they  objected  ; 
but  foen  found  they  were  averfe  to  it,  and  were  of  opinion 
that  too  much  time  had  already  been  beftowed  on  that  fubjecL 
One  of  the  members  however  obferved,  that  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  principle  t\\M  free  Jhtps  wade  free  goods,  in  favor  of 
England,  was  an  injury  of  a  very  lerious  kind  to  France  ; 
and  which  could  not  be  pafled  by  unnoticed.  I  told  him, 
that  in  this  nothing  was  abandoned,  fince  by  the  law  of  na- 
tions, fuch  was  the  cafe  before  ;  and  of  courfe  that  this  ar- 
ticle only  delineated  what  the  exiiting  law  was,  ns  I  had  fully 
proved  in  my  note  to  the  mifiiiterof  foreign  affairs  ;  that  we 
were  not  bound  to  impofe  the  new  principle  on  other  na- 
tions. He  replied,  if  we  could  not  carry  that  princi- 
ple with  England,  nor  protect  our  flag  againft  her  out- 
rages, that  that  was  always  a  reafon  why  France  mould 
complain  ;  that  they  never  afked  us  to  go  to  war,  nor  intend- 
ed fo  to  do;  but  that  the  abandonment  of  that  principle  for- 
mally by  treaty,  at  the  time  and  under  the  circumstances  we 
did  it,  in  favor  cf  that  power,  was  quite  a  different  thing. 
Finding  that  a  further  preffure  at  the  time  might  produce  au 
ill  e£Fe£t,  and  would  certainly  not  produce  a  good  one,  I  pro- 
ceeded next  to  the  other  points,  and  to  hint  what  I  had  heard 
of  their  intention  with  relpe£l  to  Canada  and  Louifiana  ,  and 
to  which  it  was  replied,  that  in  regard  to  Canada,  they  had  no 
object  for  themfelves  ;  and  in  regard  to  Louifiana,  none 
which  ought  to  difquiet  us  -,  that  they  finccrely  wifhed  us 
well,  and  hoped  matters  might  be  amicably  adjuiled,  fince 
they  were  difpofed  to  meet  fuitable  propof.tions  to  that  ef- 
fect with  pleafure  ;  adding  in  tta  clofe,  that  the  miniiter  of 
foreign  affairs  was  inftrucSed  to  communicate  to  me  the  ar- 
rete  they  had  patfed  ;  but  in  a  manner  to  imprefs  me  with  a 
belief  it  was  done  rather  for  the  purpofe  of  enabling  me  to  tranf- 
mit  it  to  you,  than  addrefs  them  at  prefcnt  further  on  the  fubje£h, 
Through  other  channels  I  have  fince  heard,  that  this  arrete  is 
withheld  from  me,  and  will  be,  until  the  difpatch  is  gone  ; 
nnd  with  a  view  of  fecuring  themfelves  againft  further  inter- 
ruption from  me,  in  the  prefent  flage,  upon  the  meafure  a- 
ciopted. 

From  what  information  I  can  collecl  of  the  contents  of  this 
arrete  from  other  fources  (for  from  the  above  none  was  col- 
lected) it  is  to  fufpend  Adet's  fun&wns ;  inftru&ing  him  to 


[    375    3 

declare  the  motive  of  it  ;  and  which,  I  prefume,  will  c 
pond  with  what  was  declared  here,  leaving  him  there  for  the 
prefent  :  But  what  he  is  farther  to  do  is  not  fuggefted,  nor 
can  I  form  a  conjecture  of  it,  until  I  received  the  communi- 
cation promifed  by  the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs  ;  and  which 
I  /hall  endeavour  to  procure,  as  foon  as  poffibb. 

I  herewith  enclofe  you  a  copy  of  a  communication  from 
the  minifter  of  foreign  affairs,  with  my  reply  to  it ;  and  by 
which  it  appears  that  a  truce  is  obtained  by  oar  agent  from 
the  Regencies  of  Tunis  and  Tripoli,  and  with  the  aid  of 
France. 


From    the  Minifter  cf   External  Relations,    to    the  Minifter 
Plenipotentiary    of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Piiris,    13^,  Fruclidor,  ^th  Tear  cf  t!:a  Republic. 

(Aug.  30^,  1796.^ 
CITIZEN  MINISTER^ 

I  HAVE  the  honor  of  transmitting  you  a  difpatch  of 
Citizen  Ilerculais,  conful  of  the  republic  at  Algiers.  You  will 
thereby  fee,  that  he  has  not  a  little  contributed  to  the  truce 
lately  concluded  between  the  Regency  of  Tunis  and  the  Unit- 
led  States  of  America.  Me  adds,  that  thefe  preliminaries  will 
ere  long  be  followed  by  a  peace. 

It  is  my  duty,  citizen  minifter,  to  inform  you  that  by  int-er- 
pofinghis  good  offices,  on  this  occafion,the  conful  of  the  French 
Republic  has  a£r,ed,  in  conformity  to  the  intentions  of  the 
executive  directory,  agreeably  to  the  eighth  article  of  the  treaty 
of  commerce  of  17 78,  between  the  United  States  and  France. 
The  French  Republic  had  already  interceded  in  favor  of  the 
United  States,  with  the  other  Regencies  of  Barbary.  This  new 
proceeding,  will  be  for  the  federal  government  a  frem  proof 
of  the  good  faith  of  the  executive  directory  in  fulfilling  the  en- 
gagements contracted  by  the  treaties. 

Health  and  Fraternity. 

(Signed)  CH.  DELACROIX. 


t    37*    1 

E.\'>\;-Slfr(,ni  tiie  Dijpatch   of  Citizen  He 
Algiers  >  the  24^  of 

,  179(5.) 


THE  Americans  have  concluded  a  truce  with  Algiers, 
by  the  interpofition  of  Faurin  to  whom  I  had  addrefTed  the 
conful  of  America,  [fee  my  letters  No  i  and  2.]  Yufuf  Sa- 
petap  faid,  that  knowing  how  much  I  had  the  fuccefs  of  this 
affair  at  heart,  he  was  very  glad  to  give  me  that  token  of 
friendfhip,  and  that  he  would  do  every  thing  in  his  power, 
in  order  to  remove  all  obftacles. 

True  Copy         (Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 

Minifter  of  External  Relations. 


From  the  Minifier  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America > 
to  the  Minijler   of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  Sept.  id,  1796. 

I  HAVE  been  favored  with  yours  of  the  3Oth  of  Aug, 
(i3thFruclidor)  communicating  the  agreeable  and  interefting 
intelligence  of  a  provifional  treaty  being  entered  into  by  the 
UnitedStates  with  the  regenciesof  Tunis  and  Tripoli;  through 
the  mediation  and  friendly  interference  of  your  conful  at  Al- 
giers ;  which  I  fliall  immediately  make  known  to  our  govern- 
ment ;  being  always  happy  to  be  the  organ  of  fuch  communica- 
tions r.s  are  calculated  to  (Irengthen  the  ties  of  friendmip  be-» 
the  two  republics. 


[  No.  XLI.  ] 

FROM  Mr.  MONROE,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Paris >  Sept.  2I//S,   1796. 

As  yet  I  have  heard  nothing  from  the  minifter  of 
foreign  affairs,  refpecling  the  arrete  of  the  direcloire,  men- 
tioned iu  my  laft ;  and  which  I  underftood  he  was  inftru£ted  to 


C     377     3 

communicate  to  me.     I  therefore  conclude  that  the  delay  is 
intentional ;  and  that  I  (hull  not  hear  from  him,  until  the  dif- 
patch  is  gone  ;  and  after  which  it  will  be   tifelefs  ;  in 
confider  it  in  that  light  at  prcfent,  and  for  reafons  heretofore 
communicated,  which    every    day  further    experience 
fully  confirms. 

But  being  extremely  anxious  to  fathom  the  point,  v/ 
this  government  intended  any  thing  really  hoftile  to  us,  b 
what  it  calls  a  reprifal  for  our  treaty  with  En?'  ind,  or  in- 
demnity againft  its  confluences  5  and  in  particular  \vl 
it  meant,  in  cafe  it  became  polTefled  of  Canada,  Louifiana  e.n-i 
the  Floridas,  to  invite  cur  weftern  people  to  a  junction  with 
them,  and  thus  eventua'ly  difmember  us,  in  cafe  they  were 
willing,  Hatelyrovived  a  converfation  mentioned  in  my  1  alb,  with 
a  member  of  the  directoire,  leading  it  more  dire'tly'  to  this 
point,  than  I  then  did  or  was  able  to  do,  and  obtained  from 
him  the  anfveer  I  wifhrd.  He  told  me  explicitly,  they  had 
no  object  with  rcfpect  to  Canada  for  themfelv.s,  but  wiftied 
it  fcparated  from  England:  That  they  were  net  anxious  n- 
bout  Louihana,  and  if  they  took  it,  it  would  bs  only  in  cafe 
of  a  war  between  Spain  and  England,  and  then  the  princip?.; 
motive  would  be  to  keep  the  Britifh  from  it,  who  would 
doubtlefs  endeavour  to  avail  themlelves  of  fuch  an  occafion  to 
feize  the  mouth  of  the  Miffifippi  :  That,  with  refpecl  to  oir 
interior,  we  had  no  caufe  to  be  uneafy  ;  for  there  did  not  exill^ 
in  the  breait  of  a  member  of  the  government,  an  intention  or 
wifh  to  difturb  it ;  that  they  would  take  no  Hep  they  did  not 
avow  to  our  government,  and  that  therefore  we 
bour  no  fufpicion  of  defigns  from  them,  beyond  \vhat  they 
did  avow. 

I  have  likewife  obtained  information  from  other,  and  I 
think  authentic,  fources,  upon  this  point,  and  by  which  I  am 
the  more  confirmed  in  the  integrity  of  the  above  comm-. 
tion. — In  fhort,  I  am  fatisfied  that.no  fuch  project  exifts  at 
prefent,  either  on  the  part  of  this  government,  or  the  weft- 
ern people  cf  the  United  States  ;  and  that  what  has  been 
whifpered  on  that  fubject  is  either  the  fuggefdon  of  flander, 
originating  perhaps  with  thofe  who  wim  it  ;  or  the  offspring 
of  fancies  too  much  agitated  with  the  danger  of  the  pieftnt 
crifis.  From  the  year  1786,  a  period  remarkable  for  the  per- 
nicious tendency  which  an  unfortunate  and  difaftrous  nego- 
ciation  had  upon  our  affairs  in  that  refpecl:,  till  our  late  treaty 
with  Spain,  we  were  always  in  a  greater  or  lefs  degree  me- 
naced with  that  misfortune  ;  but  by  that  treaty  all  danger 
from  that  fource  was  happily  done  awey  \  an4  now  that 
C  c  ft 


[     378     ] 

rights  in  navigation  are  fecured  to  every  part  of  the  federal 
empire,  there  appears  to  be  nothing  in  the  political  horizon 
which  clouds  the  profpccl:  before  us,  or  which  ought  to  in- 
fpire  a  doubt  that  our  union  will  not  be  perpetual.  By  this 
however  I  do  not  with  to  inculcate  an  opinion,  that  we  ought 
to  be  over  confident  of  our  fecurity  upon  this  or  any  other 
point  ;  cr  inattentive  to  the  neceffary  means  of  preferring  it , 
for  in  no  fituation  of  affairs  ought  this  to  be  the  cafe  ,  in  the 
prefent  one  therefore  a  greater  degree  of  vigilance  is  of  courfe 
the  more  neceflary. 

An  order  was  lately  ilTued,  as  I  have  reafon  to  believe,  to 
feiz2  Britifli  property  in  neutral  velTels  ;  and  to  bring  thofe 
veffcls  into  port*  for  that  purpofe.  I  did  hope,  and  indeed 
underftood  at  firit,  that  the  arrete  of  the  direcloire  was  pro- 
vifional,  and  intended  to  be  applied  only  to  fuch  cafes  of 
Britiih  feizure,  as  occurred  lafl  year  ;  and  fuch  I  think  was 
the  cafe  at  fir  ft.  But  now  it  is  faid  it  is  modified  as  above. 
I  have  written  to  the  minifler  to  demand  an  official  information 
upon  this  point  }  and  in  the  interim  have  communicated 
the  fa£t,  as  I  under  ft  and  it  to  be,  to  Mr.  King,  to  whom  the 
information  may  be  ufeful. 

I  fend  you  a  copy  of  the  treaty  of  alliance,  offenfive  and  de- 
f en  five,  between  France  and  Spain  ;  and  which,  as  you  will 
obferve,  contains  no  ftipulation  refpecting  Louifiana,  and 
the  Floridas.  Nor  have  I  any  reafon  to  conclude  that  there 
is  any  fecret  article  on  that  fubjedr,.  I  rather  think,  from 
what  I  can  collect,  that  it  is  a  point  flill  in  negociation  be- 
tween thofe  powers  j  and  protracted  by  the  indecifion  of 
France,  whether  to  accept  or  reject  it ;  and  whofe  decifion 
upon  it  may  be  eflentially  influenced  by  the  relation  which 
is  to  Cub  Hit,  for  the  future,  between  this  country  and  ours.  If 
tl  is  ration  is  eltablifned  upon  the  clofe  footing  they  wifh  it, 
then  I  think  it  probable  (mould  the  queftion  be  fo  long  pro- 
t  v.cted)  this  government  will  decline  accepting  it  ;  from  the 
fear  it  might  prove  acaufeof  jealoufy  between  us  and  weak- 
en that  connection.  But  mould  the  contrary  be  the  refult, 
then  I  think  they  will  act  other  wife  ,  and  endeavor  not  only 
in  this  refpect,  butby  everyotherpraclicable  means,  to  itrcngth- 
cn  their  own  refources  j  and  to  make  themfelves  as  indepen- 
dent of  us  as  pofiible.  Upon  this  fubjecl:  however  I  never 
toucbecKvith  them, nor  do  I  hazard  a  conjecture  on  it  other  than 
on  general  circumftances  already  known  toyo.u. 

Jourdan  was  lately  compelled   to  retreat  through  a  con- 
fi durable  tract  of  country  ;  being  defeated,  as   I  prefume  (for 
unknown)  in  feveral  fevcre  aliens  andrenccunt- 


I   379    1 

ers,  and  doubtlcfs  with  great  lofs,  He  at  prcfcnt  fuflains 
himfelf  upon  the  Lahn,  where  he  occupies  a  ftrong  pofition, 
and  thinks  himfelf  fecure.  Beurnonville  is  however  on  his 
route  from  Holland,  at  the  head  of  twenty  five  tboufaftd  men, 
to  join,  and,  as  it  is  reported,  to  fupercede  him  ;  it  being 
a  maxim  of  this  government  to  remove,  and  without  delay, 
every  unfuccefsful  general,  upon  the  prefumption  that  the 
fpirit  of  the  troops  cannot  be  well  revived,  under  the  fame 
perfon,  with  whom  they  were  deprefled.  Moreau  writes, 
that  he  is  doing  well  ;  and:  Buonaparte  renders  an  account 
of  a  recent  and  more  brilliant  victory  obtained  over  WurmJLJer, 
in  the  Tyrol,  if  poffible,  than  the  former  one;  having  ac- 
tually taken  fixteen  thoufand  prifoners,  about  feventy  can- 
non, with  all  kind  of  military  ftores,  and  completely  broken 
the  army  he  had  lately  formed  there. 

The  marchof  Beurnonville  from  Holland  argues  a  fecret  un- 
derftanding  between  the  directoire  and  the  king  of  Pruftia  ; 
and  the  late  treaty  between  France  and  Spain,  almoft  the  cer- 
tainty of  a  war, between  the  latter  and  England. 

An  attack  was  lately  made  upon  a  camp  near  Paris,  con- 
fiding of  fix  or  eight  thoufand  men,  by  about  as  many  hundred; 
and  inwhichthe  latter  were  repulfed,many  of  them  taken  pri- 
fcners  ;  and  who  are  now  under  trial  by  a  military  com- 
miflion..  Of  thofe  upon  whom  fentence  is  pronounced,  fome 
were  condemned  to  capital  punimment,  which  was  imme- 
diately executed  ;  others  to  exportation,  and  fome  to  con- 
finement :  The  refidue,  which  conftituted  by  far  the  greateft 
part,  were  acquitted  and  difcharged.  This  enterprize  was 
undertaken  by  a  party  who  wifh  to  overthrow  the  govern- 
ment, or  rather  to  make  confufion  (for  fo  fmail  a  number 
could  not  expect  to  overthrow  the  government)  and  whofe 
oftenfible  object  was  to  eitablifh  the  conftitution  of  1 793.  The 
prefumption  too  is,  that  it  had  favourers  in  the  camp,  or  that 
it  would  not  have  made  an  attempt  on  the  camp  ;  but  of 
this  there  was  no  proof  that  I  have  feen.  It  is  doubtlefs  a 
fuite  of  BabceuFs  confpiracy  ,  originating  in  the  fame  fource, 
and  conducted  by  the  fame  active,  though  invifible,  agents.  To 
the  details  of  this  trial,  we  muft  look  for  a  more  accurate  de- 
velopement  of  the  character  of  this  affair,  than  can  be  obtained 
at  prefent  from  any  other  fource* 

In  general  the  people  of  this  country  are  weared  with  the  war; 
but  yet  there  are  no  fymptoms  of  an  approaching  peace  with 
the  Emperor,  or  with  England.  The  directoire,  it  is  faid,. 
wimes  peace,  and  upon  reafonable  terms  ;  but  of  this  I  have 
no  inforiiiation  to  be  relied  on.  The  ftate  of  the  finances  toot 


C   3S°   3 

be  bad  -,  indeed  it  is  inconceivable  how  three  or  four 
hundred  thoufand  men,  the  minimum  in  my  judgment  of  the 
Trench  force  on  foot,  with  the  expenfes  cf  the  civil  govern- 
r.:cnt,  the  colonial  eftabliftiment  and  the  navy,  are  fuilained, 

It  is,  that  imraenfe  conlilbutions  have  been  levied  in 
the  courie  of  the  prelent  year  in  foreign  countries  ;  and  in 
addition  to  which  it  maybe  qbiVrved,  that  the  occational  fales 
of  the  national  domains,  and  the  various  taxes  which  are  col- 
lected, might  likewife  form  a  conliderable  reieurce.  The 
conflict  cf  parties  alfo  in  the  two  councils  is  often  great, 
The  fact  is,  the  prefent  ccnftitution  \vas  formed  by  the  party 
(a  the  moderates  ;  and  by  the •  movement  cf  Vendemiaire,  in 
which  nt-ither  had  a  hand,  the  execution  of  its  functions  was 
committed  to  the  oppoiite  one.  The  former  party  therefore 
was  difTatisned  with  this  event  j  and  looks  forward  to  the  ap- 
yroaching  elections,  as  to  a  period  when  it  will  begin  to  reco- 
ver back  the  power  it  then  loft.  To  this  period  a  lib  the  roy- 
rJifls  look  forward  with  anxious  hope,  that  it  will  preiuit 
fo nic thing  favourable  likewife  to  their  \  This  period  is 

however  now  difbmt  fix  months  ;  u~;I  though  a  circumflance 
in  per fpecTive,  worthy  <  .  v-.lation  of 

the  probable  ultimate  ilTue  cf  i!  «  i  yet  perhaps 

too  remote,  and  even  too  trival,  confideriug  tlie  immediate  and 
urgent  prefi lire  of  other  caufcs,  to  have  much  inilnence  with 
tiiher  of  thofe  powers,  and  especially  the  Emperor,  in  decide 
ing  him  at  nrcfcnt  upon  the  great  qudlion  ot  war  or  peace. 


Frem  Mr.  Jiforitsf)  to  Mr.  King. 

Paris,  Sept.  l8/£,   1796'. 

4 

I  HAVE  reafcn  to  conclude,  that  this  government  ha^ 
lately  iflued  orders  to  its  vefiels  of  war  and  cruifcrs  to  feize 
Britilh  property  in  neutral  bottoms  ;  upon  the  principle  that 
the  Briiifh  feize  their  property  in  like  manner.  I  have  this 
information  from  a  fource  not  ilricHy  official,  but  whielt 
precludes  ail  doubt  cf  its  authenticity  ;  and  have  therefore 
thought  it  my  duty  to  communicate  it  to  you  without  delay; 
I  expect  daily  further  explanations  ftoip  this  government  up- 
on this  -fubject.  5  and  after  which,  and  efpecially  if  any  thing 
occurs  which  varies  from  the  purport  of  the  profejit 

be  allured  I  will  immediately  apprize  you  of  it. 


I    3*1 

[  No.  XLII.  ] 
FRCII  MH.  ?»Ic::r.C£,  TQ  THE  SEC.nr.-HY  OF  STATE. 

Paris,  Qcl.  6tk,  1790. 

I  INCLOSE  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  miriilcr  of 
foreign  affairs,  demanding  whether  orders  are  iiTued  for  fe'z- 
ingthe  property  of  their  enemies  in  our  vefiels  ;  and  to  which 
I  have  yet  received  no  anfwer.  I  am  confident  however,  that 
fuch  orders  are  iiuied  •,  being  aiTured  of  it  through  other  chan- 
nels, apparently  too  direct  to  admit  any  doubt  of  the  fa£l. 

I  enelofe  you  alib  copies  of  three  notes  from  him  and  «. 
replies:  The  two  firft  of  which  refpett  the  judicial  proceis 
fuftained  in  one  of  our  courts  againft  Governor  Collot,  kte  of 
Guadeloupe;  and  the  third  a  report  faid  to  be  circulating  here  , 
that  the  prefident  had  laid  an  embargo  on  all  French  vefiels 
in  our  ports.  Thefe  communications  contain  every  thing  that 
has  parted  between  this  government  and  myfelf,  fmcemy  laft; 
and  of  courfe  every  thing  that  I  can  now  add  to  what  you 
have  already  received. 

The  army  of  Sambre  and  Meufe  has  retreated  to  the  Rhine-, 
v.'here  it  was  met  by  twenty  five  thoufandmen  from  Holland, 
under  Beurnonville,  to  whom  the  chief  command  is  trani- 
ferred.  The  reports  of  the  lofs  fuftained  by  this  army  are 
various  •,  fome  accounts  make  it  twenty  thcufand,  whiHl 
others  reduce  it  to  fix  ;  but  in  my  judgment  the  former  ap- 
proaches nearer  the  truth  :  Great  part  of  its  artillery  mult 
likewife  have  been  loft.  The  retreat  of  this  army  expofed 
theother^  of  the  Rhine  andMofelle,  under  Mcreau,  to  danger; 
and  from  which  it  is  not  yet  extricated.  It  is  known  that  this, 
latter  is  alfo  on  the  retreat j  and  the  Arch  Duke  is  new  bend- 
ing his  force  towards  it.  Some  accounts  fay  that  Beurncn- 
ville  will  be  able  fo  to  co-operate,  as  to  give  effectual  aid  ;  but 
which  is  denied  by  others.  At  the  prefent  moment  there- 
fore nothing  certain  can  be  given  you  of  the  actual  fbite  of 
that  army,  or  of  what  will  probably  refult  from  it.  In  a 
(hort  time  however  I  ei*pe£l  to  be  able  to  be  more  full  and  ex- 
plicit on  this  fubjedl. 

It  is  faid  that  an  En  glim  minister  is  at  Dieppe  on  his  way 
here  ;  and  that  a  Portuguefe  enc  is  in  town,  with  ajriew  no 
doubt,  on  the  part  of  each,  to  treat  of  peace* 


C    382   3 


From  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of 
ricay  to  the  Minijler  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris  >  Sept.   21th,    1/96. 

I  HEAR  that  an  order  has  iffued  from  your  government 
for  feizing  the  property  of  your  enemies  in  neutral  bottoms  -9 
and  to  afcertain  the  verity  of  which  report,  I  take  the  liberty 
to  addrefs  myfelf  to  you ;  it  being  a  meafure,  in  cafe  it  be 
true,  which  cannot  otherwife  than  deeply  affect  the  intereft 
of  the  United  States  ;  and  of  courfe  upon  which  I  ought  to 
poffefs  the  moil  correct  and  early  information. 


Extract  f ism  the  Rcgijler  of  the  Rcfofoes  of  the  Executive  Di- 

recliry. 

l$th  Frtictidsi')  4//6  year  of  the  Republic. 

(Sept.  nth,   1796.^ 
The  Executive  Directory  rcfolves  as  follows  : 

THE  minifter  of  foreign  affairs  will  declare  to  Citizen- 
Monroe,  minifter  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  A- 
merica,  that  if  the  Federal  Government  does  not  put  a  flop 
to  the  procedure  againit  the  Citizen  Collot,  and  does  not  re- 
fer thofe  who  fue  him  before  the  government  and  his  na- 
tural judges  in  France,  the  executive  directory  will  take  the 
neceflary  mrafures,  that  reprifals  mail  be  ufed  for  reparation 
of  all  the  injuries  of  the  American  government,  and  of  its 
agents,  towards  the  French  citizens  and  government. 
This  refolve  fhall  not  be  printed. 

(Signed)      L.  M.  REVEILLERE  LEPEAUX,  Prefident. 
(True  Copy)       By  the  Executive  Directory. 

(Signed)  LAGARDE,  Secretary  General. 

{Signed)  CH.  DE  LA  CROIX, 

Minifter  of  Foreign  Affair?.. 


[  3*3  : 

Frtm  tht  Miniflcr  cf  Foreign  Affairs^  to  tie  Mintfter  P: 
tentiary  cf  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris  >  4th  Complementary-da^  4/£  Tear  cf  the  Republic. 

(September  2o/£,    1796.^ 
Cl  TIZEN  MlNIB  T£X, 

I  SUBMITTED  to  the  executive  directory  a  report  up- 
on the  affair  of  Citizen  Ccliot,  judicially  purfued,  for  two 
years  part,  before  the  tribunals  of  the  United  States  •,  for  hav- 
ing, while  he  was  governor  of  Guadeloupe,  caufed  to  be 
feized  a  vefiel  laden  with  counter-revolutionary  writings  which 
came  from  Philadelphia. 

The  executive  directory  confiders  the  fuit  brought  agninft 
the  Citizen  Collot,for  this  adminiftrative  act,  for  which  he  was 
accountable  only  to  the  French  government,  as  a  violation  of 
the  principles  of  the  rights  of  nations,  and  of  all  political 
maxims. 

The  Federal  executive,  upon  the  feveral  reclamations 
which  were  made  by  our  diplomatic  agents,  fhould  have  'repre- 
fented  to  the  fupreme  court,  that  they  had  no  right  to  take 
cognizance  of  this  affair  ;  and  that  it  ought  to  have  referred 
the  adverfaries  of  the  governor  of  Guadeloupe,  to  the  French 
government,  alone  competent  to  take  cognizance  of  their  plea- 
of  damage  a*id  intereft.  But  your  executive  have  remained 
filent,  2nd  the  tribunal  before  whom  this  affair  was  brought 
has  ventured  to  give  a  judgment,  by  virtue  of  which  General 
Collot  has  been  fummoned  to  prove  that  he  had  the  right,  as, 
governor,  to  do  the  act,  which  occafioned  this  procedure. 
This  judgment  indirectly  determines  the  amenability  of  the 
French  government. 

The  executive  directory  has  thought  it  became  its  dignity 
not  to  fuffer  any  longer  this  blow  directed  againft  the  inde- 
pendence and  fovereignty  of  the  French  Republic. 

I  am  directed,  Citizen  Minifter,  to  declare  to  you,  that c  if 
the  Federal  government  does  not  put  a  (top  to  this  unjuft 
procedure,  which  continues  againft  the  Citizen  Collot,  and 
does  not  refer  his  adverfaries  before  their  natural  judges  in 
France,  the  executive  directory  will  take  the  meafures  necef- 
fary  to  make  ufe  of  reprifals,  and  to  obtain  reparation  of  all 
the  wrongs  of  the  American  government,  and  its  agents,  to 
the  French  government.* 


C    384    ] 

i  1  requeft  you  to  communicate  this  declaration  to  the  Preii  - 
tkntof  the  UnkedStni.es  of  America,  arid  to  invite  him  te 
weigh  it. 

Health  and  fraternity. 
(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIXl 


From  tJce  Minijier  of  Foreign  Affairs,  io  the  till/lifter  Plenlp3» 
tentiary  cf  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris  >   i  I th  Vendemiaire,   $tb  Tear  cf  the  Re ^l lie. 

(Oftober  2dy    1796.^ 
Ci  nzEN  MINIS  TLPy 

I  AM  directed  to  inform  you  of  the  refolve  of  the  cx- 
fcutive  directory,  dated  the  25th  Fructidor  laft,  relative  to  the 
unjuil  procedure  which  continues  before  the  tribunals  of  the 
United  States,  againil  the  Citizen  Collot,  governor  of  Gua- 
deloupe. While  I  invite  you  to  inform  your  government  cf 
the  particulars  of  that  refolve,  I  rely  entirely  on  the  official  de- 
claration that  I  made  you  on  the  5th  Complementary  day  c£ 
the  4th  year. 

Health  and  fraternity. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 


From  the  Mint/iff  Plenipotentiary  cf  tJ:e  United  States  of  Ame~ 
r/Cijr,  to  the  Miwjler  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  Sept.  l-jib,    1796. 

I  HAVE  received  your  favor  the  2oth  inftant  (4th 
Compleinentaire)  communicating  the  arrcte  of  the  direcloire 
executif,  taken  in  confequence  of  a  proccfs  fuftaincd  a-- 
gainft  Citizen  Collot,  late  governor  of  Guadeloupe  ;  for  the 
f^izure  of  one  of  our  vefleis,  whilil  he  was  governor  of  that 
ifland,  upon  the  charge  of  introducing  into  it  counterrevolu- 
tionary writings  ;  and  which  arrete  you  requeft  me  to  trari"- 
mit  without  delay  to  our  government. 

I  beg  to  allure  you,  that  I  {hall  immediately  tranfmit  to  our 
government  the  arvete  referred  to ;  and  will  alfo  make  known 


•I    383    3 

\o  you  the  anfwer  I  receive,  as  foon  as  I  receive  it.     Upon 
tins  fube£i  however  I  think    roer  tofubmit  to     ou  foO'j./b- 


fubje£i  however  I  think  proper 
fervations,  which  you  may  probably  deem  worthy  th;  r.«tcn- 
tion  of  your  government  in  the  prelent  ftage. 

It  appears  that  the  Citizen  CoHot  is  called  on  at  the  fuit  of 
an  individual,  to  anfwer  for  an  act  which  the  latter  deems 
a  perform!  injury  ;  and  that  the  demand  made  upon  him 
by  the  court,  is  to  fhew  that  he  feized  that  veflel  by  vir- 
tue of  his  powers  as  governor  :  There  is  yet  no  final  judg- 
ment againft  him,  and  the  preemption  is  none  will  be  ;  for 
the  demand  made  on  him  to  fhew  by  what  authority  he  acted, 
recognizes  that  of  this  government  -,  and  proves  of  courie,  if 
he  mews  fuch  authority,  that  die  judgment  will  be  in  his 
favor.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  is  required  to  (hew  fpecial 
power  to  feize-vefiels  from  his*  government  ;  and  it  is  therefore 
probable  it  will  be  fufficient  to  fhew  that  he  was  governor 
only.  This  is  the  {late  of  the  cafe  before  the  court. 

In  the  United  States,  any  and  every  perfon  may  be'  called 
on  in  court  to  anfwer  at  the  fuit  of  an  individual  ;  and  when 
the  procefs  is  fa*  veil  and  returned  to  court,  there  exifts  no  au- 
thority in  the  executive  power  to  remove  it  ;  nor  can  it  be  re- 
moved otherwife  than  by  the  court  itfelf,  and  according  to  its 
own  rules.  This  principle  is  general,  and  applies  equally  to 
the  officers  of  our  own  government,  and  to  thofe  of  other  coun- 
tries ;  for  I  knew  a  procefs  ferved  upon  the  governor  of  one 
of  our  States,  after  he  had  retired  from  office,  for  an  act  per- 
formed, whilft  he  was  governor  ;  and  from  which  I  think  he 
Was  relieved  by  mewing  that  he  was  governor  at  that  time.  I 
mention  this  fact,  as  well  to  fhew  the  univerfality  of  the  prin- 
ciple, as  to  obferve  I  think  it  probable,  had  Governor  Collot 
attended  in  perfon  or  by  counfel  and  fliewn  his  commiffion  to 
the  court,  the  fuit  would  have  been  difmiiled  in  the  com- 
mencement ;  and  to  add  alfo,  that  I  likewife  think  it  proba- 
ble its  continuance  for  fo  long  a  term  in  court,  proceeded  from 
his  not  taking  thofe  meafures  in  his  defence,  which  the  confti- 
tution  and  laws  of  our  country  require  ;  and  which  every 
other  perfon  is  bound  to  take  ;  an  omiffion,  I  prefume,  in- 
curred, if  fuch  be  the  cafe,  from  his  being  unacquainted  with 
the  laws  and  cuftoms  of  our  country. 

It  feems  tome  to  be  a  found  doctrine,  that  until  there  is  an 
ultimate  decifion  by  the  court,  and  againft  juft  principles,  there 
can  be  no  caufe  of  complaint;  efpecially  when  the  nature  of 
our  government  and  its  laws  are  confidered  ;  and  to  explain 
which  I  have  thought  proper  to  fubmjtto  you  the  atave 


C    38<*    ] 

/,y/w  ike  Minifln-  ef.  Foreign  Affairs,  to-  the  Mtmjle  r  PL  -nipt* 
tefitmry  of  tie   United  States  of  A  men  en. 

Paris  y   i-$th  VtndiTii'uure  $th  Tear  cf  the  Republic. 

(October  4//J,   1796.^ 

Is  it  true,  Sir,  that  the  Federal  government  has  or-, 
clcred  an  embargo  on  our  veflels  of  war  and  merchantmen  ? 
Is  it  true  that  Mr.  Skipwiih,  upon  the  receipt  of  this  intelli- 
gence,, teftified  a  joy  as  mifplaced,  and  as  furprizing  as  the 
news  itfelf.  Be  ib  good,  Sir,  as  to  inform  me  on  thefe  two 
points.  If,,  as  I  flatter  myfelf,  boti};  are  without  foundation, 
you  will  haften,  I  doubt  not,  to-.deny  the  nrlt,.and  Mr.  Skip- 
with  will  make  it  a  duty  to  refute  the  fecond,  in  writing. 

I  beg  you  to  accept,  in  the  meantime,  the  ailurancc  of  ni£ 
entire  eonfaleratiOn. 

.  (Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 

From  the    M'mijlcr  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  Stutes,  to  tlif 

Mlnijl<r  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris  y  October  $thy    1796. 

I  HAVE  juft  received  your  note  of  yefterday,  comma- 
nicating  a  report  which  is  circulated,  that  our  government 
has  put  an  embargo  on  your  veflels  of  war  and  of  commerce; 
and  demanding  of  me  whether  it  be  true,  I  have  received 
this  communication  with  great  furprize,  becauie  I  have  not 
only  no  official  information  to  that  effedt,  but  never  heard  of 
the  report  before;  of  courfe,  I  entirely  dilbelieve  it ;  and  the 
more  fo,  becaufe  I  truft  you  have  given  no  caufe  for  fuch  a 
procedure ;  and  likewife,  becaufe  I  am  fatisiied,  that  with- 
out ferious  and  weighty  caufe,  the  Prefident  of  the  United 
States  -would  not  adopt  it. 

In  regard  to  what  you  have  heard  refpecling  Mr.  Skip- 
with,  I  am  equally  fatisfied  from  my  perfonal  knowledge 
of  his. political  principles,  and  of  the  intereft  he  takes  in  the 
welfare  of  both  republics,  and  which  cannot  be  promoted 
otherwife  than  by  a  continuance  of  friendihip  and  harmony 
between  them, — that  if  the  report  were  true,  it  would  prove 
to  him  a  caufe  not  of  pleafure,  but  of  the  moft  ferious  re- 
gret j  fmgc  it  would  €vjnc.e  the  profpeft  of  an  apprgiiclung 


E 

rupture  between  them  ;  and  which  could  not  otherwiie  thaw- 
give  pain  to  'the  friends  of  liberty  and  humanity  every  where. 
lie  is  atprsfcnt  on  a  vilit  at  fome  diftance  from  Paris,  fo  that 
f  cannot  now  communicate  to  him  the  purport  of  your  note 
respecting  himfelf  j  but  will  do  it  immediately  on  his  return. 


£  row.  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  the  Minijler  PItnipo- 
tertiary  cf  the  United  States  of  America. 

Parifi  .l6th  lr£Kukm'mlre9_ .  §th  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(Qcldw   7/£,  i  796-^ 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

THE  executive  directory, informed  thatMr.  Parifli,  Ameri- 
can conful  at  Hamburgh,  took  the  liberty  of  giving  paflportSj. 
under  the  appellation  of  Anglo-Americans  to  Englifhmen, 
which  he  reprefented  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and! 
that  the  conful  was  the  avowed  agent  of  England,  for  the 
tranfportation  and  and  equipment  of  the  emigrants,  thought 
it  its  duty  to"  demand  formally,  of  the  Federal  government, 
his  recall.  The  anfwer  of  the  fecretary  of  ftate  to  the  French 
minifter  is  nothing  lefs  than  an  indirect  j unification  of  the 
conduct  of  Mr.  Parim.  The  material  fact  of  which  that  con- 
ful is  accufed  is  in  it  held  as  doubtful. 

I  am  directed,  Citizen,  to  notify  to  you,  that  the  execu- 
tive directory  renews  the  demand  of  Mr.  Parifh's  recall,  and 
to  declare  to  you,  that  no  faith  will  be  given  in  France  to  the 
pafTports  and  other  a£r.s  from  him,  or  with  his  fignature.  I 
requeft  you  to  give  information  of  this  meafure  to  the  Prefi- 
ilent  of  the  United  States. 

Health  and  Fraternity, 

Signed) 

GH.  DELACROIX. 


&rcm  the  Minifies  Plefiipotefttiaty  of  the  U'/tifrd  States  f 
to  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,  October   r 2th,   1796. 

I  HAVE  received  your  note  of 'the- 7th  inftant  (i6& 
-)  upon  the  fubject  of  Mr.    Parifti,  our  conful  at 


Hamburgh,  requeuing  me  to  communicate  its  contents  to  onr 
government  ;  and  with  which  I  (hall  certainly  comply  by  the 
firft  opportunity  that  occurs. 


From  Jlfr.  Monroe,  to  Jlfr.  Ktng. 

P  aris  y   October  I2ihr    1796!     i 

I  HAVE  been  favored  with  yours  of  the  ipth  of  Sep- 
tember, and  ihould  have  anfwered  it  fooner,  had  I  not  wifh- 
ed.t'o  obtain  previoufly',  an  explicit  anfwer  from  this  govern- 
ment upon  a  demand  Lhad  made  of  it,  whether  orders  were 
iffued  to  leize  the  property  of  its  enemy  in  our  bottoms,  which 
I  daily  expected  to  obt.nn,  but  did  not  until  within  a  few 
days  paft.  I  am  forry  now  to- inform  you,  that  what  I  lately 
intimated  in  that  refpecc,  is  too  well  founded  ;  fmce  I  have 
been  formally  notified,  that  fuch  orders  are  iflued  ;  and  « that 
«  it  mall  regulate  its  conduct  towards  the'veflels.  of  neutral 
'  and  allied  powers,  in  all  refpe£ts,  in  the  fame  manner  as  the. 
*  Englifh  arc  permitted  to  do.'  I  give  you,  therefore,  this  in- 
formation without  delay,  that  you  may  avail  yourfelfof  it  in 
fuch  manner  as  you  may  judge  moll  fuitable  for  the  benefit 
of  fuch  of  our  countrymen  as  are  interfiled  in  it. 

Your  notification  to  Mr.  Johnfon,  of  the  purport  of  my 
former  letter  upon  this  fubjett.,  and  which  he  inferted  in  the 
Englifh  papers,  was  immediately  transferred  into  thofe  of 
this  city;  and,  of  courfe,  attracted  the  attention  of  this  govern- 
ment. But  as  I  had  correctly  ftated  what  was  then  dated  to- 
me, which  was  presented,  with  equal  accuracy  by  you  ,  this 
incident  gave  me  no  concern  ;  and  I  mention  the  republica- 
tionh'-'re,  only  to  apprize  you,  that  that  .  circumftance,  the 
only  one  you  might  wifh  to  avoid,  has  occurred,  and  without 
producing  any  inconvenience  that  I  know  of. 


[  No.  XLIII.  ] 

MR.    MotfROE,    TO    THE    SECRETARY    ©F 

Paris,  Ot7.   2 1/?,    1796, 

I  HAVE  lately  received  from  the  minifter  of  foreign 
s,i£airs  the  note  I  intimated  to  you,  fomc  time  fmce,  I  had  r$a« 


t    389   3 

fen  to  conclude  he  was  inftru&ed  to  write  me  ;  a  copy  of 
which,  with  one  of  my  reply,  I  herewith  inclofe  to  you.  I 
likewife  fend  you  copies  of  two'  other  notes  from  him,  and  of 
iny  replies  upon  other  fubje&s  j  and  which  are  only  deferving 


oi    attcin'jn,  as  they   ferve  to  fhew  the  actual  difpofldon  of 
tliis  government  towards  us  at  the  prefent  moment. 

Upon  a  critical  view  of  the  note  firft  above  mentioned,  it 
was  doubtful  v.  hether  my  functions  were  not  likewiie  fuf- 
pended  with  rLofe  of  Mr.  Adet  •,  and  I  was  difpofed  in  con- 
fequence  to  afk  an  explanation  on  that  head  ;  but  from  this  I 
•was  fwerved  by  the  following  ccnfiderations  :  Firit,  That  if 
it  r,rcre  fo  intended,  it  would  probably  have  been  fo  exprefied, 
and  in  explicit  terms  ;  Secondly,  as  it  was  not  fo  exprefied, 
that  fuch  a  demand  might  tend  to  irritate  and  thereby  widen 
the  breach  ;  and  Thirdly,  that  the  fame  end  might  be  obtain- 
ed by  the  febmiffion  of  one  of  my  paiTports  to  the  minifter 
for  legaliiation  ;  fmce  it  would  tend  to  prove,  in  cafe  he  per- 
formed that  office,  that  they  were  not  fufpended.  According- 
ly I  took  this  latter  courfe  •Van^*f6lund,*fo  far  as  any  inference 
was  to  be  drawn  from  that  'crr&urhfliance,  that  jt  was  not  the 
intention  of  the  direcloire  to  futpead  them.  ^ 

This  fubjecl  is  now  before  the,  .prefident,  upon  the  repre- 
fentation  of  Mr.  Adet  ;  and  upon;  which,  as  I  know  nothing 
beyond  what  you  now  have,  it  is  impoffible  for  me  to  make 
any  comment.  He  will  of  courfe  difpofe  of  it  in  fuch  a  man- 
ner as  he  thinks  moft  conducive  to  the  honor,  the  intereft, 
and  welfare  of  our  country  ;  and  in  the  interim,  and  until  I 
hear  from  you,  I  fhall  endeavour,  and  without  a  compromit- 
jnent  of  any  kind,  to  conciliate,  fo  far  as  in  my  power,  the 
good  difpofition  of  this  government  towards  us. 

I  fend  you  a  Gazette,  which  contains  any  official  account 
of  the  arrival  of  Moreau  at  Fribourgh,  after  making  a  fafe  and 
honourable  retreat  through  a  great  extent  of  country  ;  and  t® 
which  he  was  expofed  by  the  defeat  of  Jourdan.  He  is  now 
eonfidered  as  out  of  danger.  The  army  too  under  Bcurnon- 
ville  is  faid  to  be  reorganized,  and  in  confiderable  force  ;  fo 
that  it  is  poflible  notwithftanding  the  late  feafon  of  the  year, 
fcmething  further  may  be  done,  and  efpecially  if  the  Arch- 
duke, by  advancing,  courts  a  new  rencounter. 

Yefterday  the  Englifh  minifter  arrived    but  what  the  profr 
petl:  of  peace  is,  thire  is  no  datum  wherein  to  h'aafttil  a 
jedure. 


L" 

\ 

from  tie  MimJIer  of  External  Relations  y  to.  the  Min'tflcr  Pl 
Icntlary  of  lie  United  States  of  America. 

Paris.)   16    Vemkmiair^  $th  Tear  of  tl:e  Republic, 


CITIZEN 

THE  executive  directory  charges-  me  to  notify  to 
you  the  tuipeniion  of  all  the  functions  which  it  lias  pre- 
icribed  to  the  minifler  plenipotentiary  of  the  French  Repub- 
lic near  the  United  States.  It  charges  me  likewife  to  com- 
municate to  you  the  nrret  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  fend 
you  a  copy,  and  agreeably  to  which  our  fliips  armed  for  war, 
will  treat  the  United  States,  as  thefe  fuller  the  Englifh  to  treat. 
them. 

The  firft  ilep,  Citizen  Mfmfter,  does  not  need  to  be  com- 
mented on.  My  difpatdiespf  the  lytli  Ventofe,  and  ipth 
Meflidor  laftjind  more  especially  the  events  which  for  fome 
time  pad  have  followed  each  otfier  in  the  United  States,  fuili- 
ciently  explain  its  motives,  .  Citizen  Adet  will  enter  with  the 
Federal  government  upon  further  explanations,  which  I  dare 
hope  will  fully  juilify  to  it  the  meafure  of  the  executive  di- 
rectory, It  is  painful  for  the  French  government,  to  fee  it? 
Jelf  forced  to  a£ts  which  befpeak  a  coldneis  between  two 
nations,  whom  fo  many  qircumibmces  engage  to  unite  then> 
fcjves  more  and  more  clofely*  But,  Citizen  Minifter,  you- 
know  too  well  from  what  fide  the  iirft  blow  Vv'as  given  to  that 
iriemlihip,  \vliiqh  our  two  nations  had  fworn  to.  It  is 
very"-  confoUng  for  the  executive  directory  on  reviewing 
jng'its  conduct  and  that  of  th-e  goyernmem  which  preceded 
it,  to  find,  that  the  French  Rcpubiif  is  blamelefs  in  this  re- 
fpecl.  At  prcfent.  its  dignity  wc/ukl  -eyidently  be  brought  in* 
to  queftion,  it  M'ould  neglecl:  its  duty,  if  it.jdid  not  give  un- 
j&quwocai  proofs  of  a  juit  diiratisfnciion. 

Tjie  ordinary  relations  fubfiftiu^  between  the  two  people  in 
virtue  of  the  conventions  arul  treaties  fhallnot  en  this  account 
be  fufpended.  The  confuls  wi.il  remain  charged  to  fuperin- 
tcnd  tlujMi.  The  eventual  modifications  which  mall  be  pro.- 
fiuccd  in  that  ftate  of  things  by  the  arret  of  the  direjch>ry3 
I  communicate  to  you,  can  in  no  manner  be  confidered  as  al- 
terations made  by  us.  Thefe  would  generally  be  command- 
ed by  the  eircumftances,  and  by  the  violation  of  the  moft 


[     391     ] 

general  laws  of  neutrality,  which  the  Engliiii  take  the  liberty 
to  commit,  if  they  were  not,  as  they  are,  the  fulfillment  of 
the  treaty  between  the  two  republics,  and  the  nectilary  con- 
fequence  of  the  treaty  fmee  concluded  between  the  United 
States  and  England.  The  federal  government  is  too  en- 
lightened, not  to  have  forefeen  all  the  reiults  of  that  treaty, 
and  no  doubt,  too  juft  to  defire,  that  its  \vhoie  weight 
ihould  fallen  the  French  Republic. 

It  fliall  not  be  the  fault  of  the  executive  directory,  Citizen 
Minifter,  if  the  political  relations  between  the  two  nations 
are  not  fpeedily  reeftabliihed  on  the  footing  they  ought  to  be, 
and  if  the  clouds,which-caft  abloom  on  our  alliance,,  be  not 
difpelled,  by  frank  and  loyal  explanations  *  to  which  it  will 
be  anxious  to  liften  above  all,  Citizen  Miniiler,  when  they 
ihali  be  made  through  you. 

Health  and  fraternity. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CRCIX. 


from   ike  Minijlcr  Plenipotentiary  cf  the  United  States  >  to  tk$ 
Minijltr   of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris >   OCT.    iitk,  l~$6. 

I  HAVE  juft  been  favored  with  yours  of  the  7th  raft. 
(i6thVendemiaire)annouricingthat  the  dire&oire  exccutif  had 
iufpended  Mr.  Adet's  functions,  as  minifter  plenipotentiary 
to  the  United  States  -,  and  had  likewife  given  orders  that  the 
armed  (hips  of  the  republic  mould  treat  our  veilels  in  the 
fame  manner,  as  the  Englifh  treat  them  ;  and  that  both  mea- 
fures  were  taken  in  confequence  of  certain  acls  ot  our  go-, 
vernmcnt,  which  have  occurred  in  the  courfe  of  the  prefent 
war  ;  and  particularly  our  late  treaty  with  Great  Britain. 
I  have  received  this  communication  with  real  concern,  be- 
caufe  I  had  prefumed  that  the  explanation  I  had  given  in  my 
replies  to  your  feveral  complaints,  Hated  in  the  two  notes1  to 
which  you  refer,  was  iatisfaclory  ;  and  becaufe  I  cannot  othu- 
wife  than  lament  that  any  incident  ihould  occur,  and  efpecial* 
ly  during  my  fervice  here,  which  betrayed  a  diminution  on 
either  fide  of  that  harmony  and  friendihip  which  ought  al- 
ways t9  fubuft  tetweea  our  ggvenuiK-nK.  I  flatter 


[    392    ] 

however  that  this  difcontent  will  prove  tranfitory  ;  and  that  I 
(hall  foon  have  the  pleaiure  to  witnefs  the  complete  reftoratiotr 
of  that  fincere  and  cordial  amity,  which  has 'Heretofore  fo  Hap- 
pily fubfiiled  between  the  two  republics.  - 

I  forbear  td  add  any  thing  at  prefent  upon  the  fi-bj 
your  complaints' •,  becaufe  in  the  ftate  in  which  tLat  biii..,,is 
now  is,  it  could  not  otherwife  than  be  unprofitable  j  3rd  be- 
caufe it  would  illy  accord  with  the  refpec-t  I  owe  to  my  own 
government,  before  whom  that  fubjetfcnow  is,  for  me  to  ad- 
drefs  you  further  on  it,  at  the  prefent  moment.  I  ill  ill  await 
therefore  with  patience,  as  it  is  my  duty  to  do,  the  orders  of 
the  prefident  in  this  refpecl:  ;  te  whom  it  belongs  to  diredt 
the  courfe  it  may  be  deemed  fuitable  for  me  to  t:v.>%.  in  thd 
prefent  conj  un&ure. 

Be  allured,  Sir,  that  as  there  is  no  political  object  v'  id 
I  have  more  fincerely  at  heart  than  a  continuance  of  perfcwC 
harmony  between  our  two  republics  •,  fo  no  politic,;!  inci- 
dents can  occur  to  give  me  fo  much  pleafure  as  tbof,,  in  which 
I  become  the  organ  of  fuch  communications  as  have  a  tenden- 
cy to  promote  it. 

1  cannot  clofe  my  reply,  Citizen  Minifter,  without  makr 
to  yourfelf  and  the  direc~loire  executif  my   fincere   acknow- 
ledgment for  the  attention  with  which  you  have  heard  my  fe- 
deral communications,  formal  and  informal,  on  thir  ft 
and  in  which  I  have  endeavoured,  with  the  beft  views  towards 
the  intereft  and  welfare  of  both  countries,  to  divert  you  from 
any  meafure  of  this  kind  5  and  I  beg  to  affure  you  that  the 
liberal  fentiments  you  have  been  pleafed  to  exprefs  in  my  fa- 
vor, will  always  prove  a  fource  of  the  moil  graceful  remem- 
brance. 


DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

Auguft  22(1)  1 796. 

Six, 

ON  the  ipth  of  July  I  received  your  letter  of  tkz  2d  of 
laft  May  covering  the  paper  bearing  date  the  pth  of  March, 
and  figned  by  M.  De  La  Croix  the  French  minifter  for  foreign 
affairs,  exhibiting  the  complaints  of  his  government  againfl 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  your  anfwer  to 
thofe  complaints  •,  and  on  the  21  ft  of  July,  the  latter,  togeth- 
er with  a  tranflation  of  the  miniller's  ftateraentj  were 
mittcd  to  tfce  Frefident  at  Mount  Verngn. 


L    393    3 

Antecedent  to  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  the  prefident  had 
^conceived  it  necefFary  to  iend  a  new  minifler  to  reprefent  the 
United  States  at  Paris,  and  had  made  a  tender  of  the  appoint- 
ment to  General  Charles  Cotefworth  Pinckney  of  South  Ca- 
rolina, und  a  letter  of  the  loth  inftant  from  the  prefident 
which  I  received  the  I3th,  covered  Mr.  Pinckney's  letter  ot 
the  27th  of  July,  declaring  his  acceptance  of  the  office.  He 
may  be  expected  in  Philadelphia  by  the  clofe  of  the  prefent 
month  ;  and  he  will  embark  for  Europe  as  loon  after  as  mail 
be  practicable. — My  letter  of  the  1 3th  of  June  (of  which 
a  duplicate  and  triplicate  have  been  forwarded)  will  have, 
manifeiled  to  y®u  the  uneafinefs  and  diffatisfa&ioQ  of  the 
prefident  j  and  the  caufe  of  both  will  be  apparent  in  the  let- 
ter itfelf. 

The  prefident  feeling  forcibly  the  obligations  of  his  office, 
to  maintain  the  honor  and  interefls  of  the  United  States,  in 
relation  to  foreign  nations  j  and  our  connections  with  France 
in  particular  demanding,  frcm  various  caufes,  the  moft  con- 
ftant  and  pointed  attentions,  to  prevent  or  re:  '.  >ufies 

and  complaints,  it  was  impcilible  to  conceal — it  was  a  duty  to 
exprefs,  his  fenfations  consequent  on  the  receipt  of  your  letters 
<?f  February  i6th  and  2oth,  and  March  loth  and  25th;  a 
further  confideration  of  thefe  communications  with  other 
concurring  circumftances  determined  the  Prefident  to 
make  the  appointment  I  have  herein  announced,  Mr, 
Pinckney  will  be  the  bearer  of  your  letters  of  recall. 
To  enable  him  to  accomplish  the  objects  of  his  million,  he 
will  require  all  the  Official  documents  in  your  pofleffion, 
including  your  correfpondence  with  the  French  Government 
as  well  as  with  your  own  ;  and  according  to  the  ufual  and 
neceflary  courfe  of  diplomatic  agencies  you  \\ill  be  pleafed  tQ 
transfer  them  to  him. 

lam,  bV. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING, 


DEPARTMENT  OF  STATS. 

September  yth,   1796, 


GENERAL  PINCKNEY  will  be  the  bearer  of  this  letter, 
He  is  to  fucceed  you  as  the  minifter  plenipotentiary  of  th« 
United  States  with  the  French  Republic. 

E  e  6 


C     394  <1 

I  mclofe  a  triplicate  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the  2'ld  ultimo, 
in  which  the  motives  to  his  appointment  are  fuggeited.  I  al- 
io  inclofe  your  letter  of  recall,  addrefied  to  the  directory  of  the 
French  Republic,  and  a  copy  thereof  for  your  information  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  prtiiderit  wifhes  you  to  take  leave  of 
that  body. 

The  claims  of  the  American  merchants  on  the  French  Re- 
public are  of  great  extent,  and  they  are  waiting  the  iiTuc  of 
them  through  the  public  agents  with  much  impatience.  Mr. 
Pinckncy  U  particularly  charged  to  look  into  this  bufmefs,  in 
which  the  ferious  interefts,  and  in  ibme  cafes  nearly  the  whole 
fortunes  of  our  citizens  are  involved.  You  will  have  the  good- 
nefs  to  communicate  to  Mr.  Pinckney  fuch  general  informa- 
tion as  may  facilitate  his  inquiries  concerning  it,  and  haften  a 
iuccefsful  conclufion. 

I  am,  C9V. 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 


From  tie  Mtntfter    of  Foreign   .Affairs,  to  Citizen  Monroe 
Minijlcr  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Paris,   iith  Frimairs,  $th  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(Dec.  2fl)   1796.} 
CITIZEN  MINISTER 

As  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Pinckney  at  Paris  feems  to  be 
near  at  hand,  if  it  has  not  already  taken  place,  I  thought 
it  incumbent  on  me  to  inform  you  of  the  formalities  which 
you  will  have  to  obferve  on  that  occafion.  It  is  cuftomary, 
that  the  recalled  miniiler  and  his  fucceiTor  tranfmit  to  the 
minifter  of  external  relations  the  copy  of  their  credentials 
and  letters  of  recall.  Prefuming  that  your  letters  of  recall  have 
already  been  received  by  you,  I  invite  you  to  communicate; 
them  to  me  as  foon  as  pciTible. 

Health  and  Fraternity. 

(Signed) 

OH.  DE  LA  CROIX* 


C     395     3 

From    the    Minifter    Plenipotentiary  of  the    United    States   cf 
America,  to  the  Minifttr  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris ,  Dec.  y.l,  1796. 

I  HAVE  been  honored  with  your  favor  of  yefierday, 
prefcribing  the  mode  to  be  puriued  upon  the  arrival  t , 
Pinckney,  who  fucceeds  me  in  the  office  of  minhter  plenipo- 
tentiary with  the  French  republic,  by  forwarding  to  you  his 
letters  of  credence  with  mine  of  recall,  and  which  I  will 
moil  willingly  comply  with  as  foon  as  he  arrives.  He  may  be 
daily  expected  ;  perhaps  he  is  already  arrived,  of  which  I  will 
inform  you  as  loon  as  advifed  of  it.  I  have  not  yet  receiv- 
ed my  letter  of  recall  or  would  now  fend  you  a  copy  of  it ; 
I  expedl:  it  by  Mr.  Pinckney  ;  being  fo  advifed  by  our  Secreta- 
ry of  State,  who  then  announced  to  me  only  the  fact  t 
was  recalled.  Accept  the  aflurance,  &c. 

From  the  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  cf  Ameri- 
ca, to  the  Min'tfter  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Paris,    Dec.  6th}  I  796. 

I  HAVE  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  my  fuccclior 
(Mr.  Pinckney)  is  arrived  and  is  defirous  of  waiting  on  you 
for  the  purpoie  of  prefenting  a  copy  of  his  letter  of  credence 
for  the  dire&oire  executif  of  the  French  republic.  By  him 
I  have  alfo  received  my  letter  of  recall.  Pcvniit  me 
therefore  to  requeik  you  will  be  fo  obliging  as  to  appoint 
a  time  when  Mr.  Pinckney  and  myfelf  (hall  have  the  honor 
to  attend  you  for  the  purpofe  of  prefenting  you  copies  of  theie 
documents. 


From  the  Minijler  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  the  Miirjler  plenipoten- 
tiary of  the  United  States  of  America. 
Paris,    lyth,  Frimaire,   $th  Tear  of  the  Republic. 

(Dec.  9/£,    1796.; 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

I  HAVE  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honor  to 
write  tp  me,  in  which  you  ckrrund  an  interview  for  the  CU 


C    39<*    1 

tizen  Pinckney,  appointed  your  fucceflbr,  in  order  to  deliver 
me  a  copy  of  his  credentials  awd  of  your  letter  of  recall.  I  (hall 
be  glad  to  receive  you  this  very  day  from  one  o'clock  in  the 
Afternoon  to  four,  if  you  can  find  it  convenient.  I  requell 
you  to  propofe  it  to  Citizen  Pinckney. 

Health  and  Fraternity. 

(Signed)  CH.  DELACROIX. 

Crm  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  tie  Minifter  Plenip9- 
tentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Parity   Hth  Fri/nairet  $th  Tear  of  the  Republic, 

(Dec.  ll thy   1796.^ 

CITIZEN  MINISTER, 

I  HASTENED  to  lay  before  the  executive  directory  the  copy 
of  your  letter  of  recall  and  of  the  credentials  of  Mr,  Pinckney, 
whom  the  prelident  of  the  United  States  has  appointed  to 
fucceed  you  as  miniftcr  plenipotentiary  af  du..  fit  id  State? 
near  the  French  Republic.  The  directory  has  charged 
me  to  notify  to  you,  «  that  it  will  no  longer  recog- 
nize, nor  receive,  a  miniiter  plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States,  until  after  a  reparation  of  the  grievances  demanded  of 
the  American  government,  and  which  the  French  Republic 
has  a  right  to  expect." 

I  beg  you,  Citizen  Minifter,  to  be  perfuaded,  that  this  de- 
termination, which  is  become  neceflary,  does  not  oppofe  the 
continuance  of  the  affection  between  the  French  Republic 
and  the  American  people,  which  is  grounded  on  former  good 
O'fBces  and  reciprocal  interrft  \  an  affeclion  which  you  have 
iaken  pleafure  in  cultivating  by  all  the  means  in  your  power. 

Accept,  Citizen  Minifter,  the  affurance  of  my  perfect  con- 
fideration. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROtX. 


&rem   James   Monroe,    Citizen    of  the    United    States,    to  the 
Mini/ler  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

As  my  functions  as  rninifter  plenipotentiary  with  the 
trench  Republic  have  ccafed  by  the  letter  of  recall  which  I 


C    397     J 

kad  the  honor  to  prcfent  to  you  fometime  fmcc,  and  as  it  ii 
my  wifh,  in  obedience  to  the  order  of  my  government,  to  take 
my  leave  of  the  dire&oire  executif  witliout  delay,  permit 
me,  citizen  minifter,  again  to  reqiieft  th?t  ycu  will  be  Ib  oblig- 
ing as  prefent  this  iubjecl:  before  that  body,  and  obtain  from 
it  as  early  an  appointment  for  that  purpoie,  as  may  fuit  its 
convenience. 

Accept  the  aflurance  &e. 


From  the  Minifter  of  Foreign  Affairs  ^  to  Mr.  Mtfiroc. 
Par  is  y   7th  Nivofe,   $th  Tear  cf  the  Republic. 

(Dec.  2~thy  1796.) 

I  HAVE  the  honor  of  informing  you,  Citizen,  that  the 
directory  will  give  next  Decadi  (Dec.  30)  a  private  audience, 
for  the  delivery  of  your  letters  of  recall.  I  invite  you  to  come 
between  eleven  and  half  paft  eleven  o'clock,  to  the  houfe  of 
external  relations.  We  will  proceed  together  to  the  direc- 
tory, to  whom  I  {hall  have  the  honor  to  prefent  you. 

Accept,  Citizen,  the  expreffion  of  the  high  confideration 
and  of  the  fmcere  attachment,  which  are  due  to  your  civic  vir- 
tues. 

(Signed) 

CH.  DE  LA  CROIX. 

Addrefs  cf  Mr.  Monroe  to  the  Direclwy  on  preferring  his    letter 
cf  recall. 

I  HAVE  the  honor  to  prefent  you  with  my  letter  of  re- 
call from  the  prefident  of  the  United  States  of  America  whicK 
clofes  my  political  functions  with  the  French  Republic  ;  and  I 
have  likewife  the  honor  to  add,  that  I  am  in  Unacted  by  the 
prefident  to  avail  myfelf  of  this  occafion  $o  renew  to  you,  on 
his  part,  an  aiTurance  of  the  folicitucle  which  the  United 
States  feel  for  the  happinefs  of  the  French  republic. 

In  performing  this  aft,  many  other  confiderations  croud 
themfelves  upon  my  mind.  I  was  a  witnefs  to  a  revolution 
in  my  own  country  :  I  was  deeply  penetrated  with  its  prin- 
ciples, which  are  the  fame  with  thole  of  your  revolution  :  I 
faw  too  its  difficulties  ;  and  remembering  thefe,  and  the  im- 
portant fervices  rendered  us  by  France  upon  that  cccafion,  I 
have  partaken  with  you  in  all  the  perilous  and  trying  fausiioiis 
in  which  you  have  been  placed. 


C    398    3 

It  was  my  fortune  to  arrive  among  you  in  a  moment  of 
complicated  danger  from  within  and  from  without  ;  and  it  is 
with  the  moft  heartfelt  fatisfaction,  that  in  taking  my  leave,  I 
behold  victory  and  the  dawn  of  profperity  upon  the  point  of 
realizing,  under  the  aufpicesof  a  wife  and  excellent  conftitu- 
tion,all  the  greatoDJects  for  which,in  council  and  the  field,  you 
have  fo  long  and  fo  nobly  contended.  The  information  which 
I  (hall  carry  to  America  of  this  ftate  of  your  affairs  will  be 
received,  by  my  countrymen,  with  the  fame  joy  and  folicitude 
for  its  continuance,  that  I  no\v  feel  and  declare  for  myfelf. 

There  is  no  object  which  I  have  always  had  more  uniform- 
ly and  finccrely  at  heart,  than  the  continuance  of  a  clofe 
union  and  perfect  harmony  between  our  two  nations.  I  ac- 
cepted my  million  with  a  view  to  ufe  my  utmoft  efforts  to  en- 
creafe  and  promote  this  object,  and  I  now  derive  confolation 
in  a  review  of  my  conduct,  from  the  knowledge  that  I  have 
never  deviated  from  it.  Permit  me  therefore,  in  withdraw- 
ing, to  exprefs  an  earneft  wifli  that  this  harmony  may  be  per- 
petual. 

I  beg  leave  to  make  to  you,  Citizen  Directors,  my  particular 
acknowledgments  for  the  confidence  and  attention  with  which 
you- have  honored  my  million  during  its  continuance,  and  at 
the  fame  time  to  aflure  you,  that  as  I  mail  always  take  a  deep 
and  fmcere  intereft  in  whatever  concerns  the  profperity  and 
welfare  of  the  French  Republic,  fo  I  mall  never  ceafe  in  my 
retirement  to  pay  you,  in  return  for  the  attention  you  have 
ihewn  me,  the  only  acceptable  recompenfe  to  generous  minds, 
the  tribute  of  a  grateful  remembrance. 


Anfwer  of  the  Prefideni  of  the  Directory. 
M r.  M inifter  Plenipotentiary  of  tie   United  States  of  America. 

BY  prefenting  this  day  to  the  executive  directory 
your  letters  of  recall,  you  offer  a  very  flrange  ipectacle  to 
Europe. 

France,  rich  in  her  freedom,  furrounded  by  the  train  of  her 
victories,  and  itrong  in  the  efteem  of  her  allies,  will  not  ftoop 
to  calculate  the  confequences  of  the  condefcenfion  of  the  A- 
snerican  government  to  the  wi flies  of  its  ancient  tyrants. — The 
French  Republic  expects  however,  that  the  fucceflbrs  of  Colum- 
bus, Ivaleigh  and  Penn,  always  proud  of  their  liberty,  will 
n ever  forge i  that  they  owe  it  to  France.  They  will  weigh  in 
their  wifdora  the  magnanimous  friend  (hip  of  the  French  peo- 


L     399     1 

pie,  with  the  crafty  careffes  of  perfidious  men,  who  meditate 
to  bring  them  again  under  their  former  yoke.  AfTure  the  good 
people  of  America,  Mr.  Miniiter,  that,  like  them,  we  adore 
liberty;  that  they  will  always  pofTds  our  ePceem,  and  find  in 
the  French  people  that  republican  generofity  which  knows  how 
to  grant  peace,  as  well  as  to  cauie  its  Sovereignty  to  be  re- 
fpeded. 

As  for  you,  Mr.  Minifter  Plenipotentiary,  you  have  com- 
bated for  principles ;  you  have  known  the  true  interefts  of 
your  country, — depart  with  our  regret :  We  reilore,  in  you,  a 
representative  to  America  ;  and  we  preferve  the  remembrance 
of  the  Citizen,  whofe  perfonal  qualities  did  honor  to  that 
title. 


To  James  Monroe,  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States 
of  America  to  the  French  Republic. 

Paris,  November  %th,  1 79  5. 

ftjtf, 

IT  having  been  known,  that  you  had  received  let- 
ters of  recall  as  minifter  plenipotentiary  to  this  Republic,  from 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  a  general  meeting  of 
American  citizens  was  holden  in  this  city  yefterday,  who,  de- 
firous  to  teftify  their  fenfe  of  your  fervices  in  that  capacity, 
fubfcribed  an  addrefs,  and  appointed  us  a  committee  to  prc- 
fent  the  fame. 

In  compliance  wkh  the  above  commiilion,  we  have  to  re- 
queft  you  to  affign  a  time  when  it  will  be  convenient  for  you 
to  receive  the  communication  entrufted  to  our  charge. 

In  behalf  of  the  fubfcribers  to  the  aforefaid  addrefs,  we  arc 
refpe£t.,  Sir,  your  obedient  humble  fervants, 

WILLIAM  TUDOR,        JESSE  PUTNAM, 
JOHN  BUFFINGTON,    JOHN  M.  FORBES. 
DANIEL  PARKER, 

Mr*    Monroe  s  reply. 

Paris,  November  <)thy  1 796. 

GENTLEMEN, 

I  WAS  this  moment  favoured  with  yours  of  yefter- 
informing  me  that  you  were  appointed  by  my  country- 


raeii  new  in  Paris,  to  prcfent  me  an  addrefs,  expreflire  of  their 
approbation  of  my  public  conduct,  fince  I  have  had  the  ho-* 
nour  to  reprefent  our  common  country  as  minifter  plenipoten- 
tiary with  the  French  Republic,  and  requefting  me  to  appoint 
a  time  when  it  would  fuit  me  to  receive  it. 

Permit  me  to  aflure  you,  gentlemen >  that  this  communica- 
tion has  given  me  the  higher!  fafisfa&ion  j  becaufe  under  ex- 
ifting  circumflances  nothing  can  be  more  grateful  to  me,  than 
the  approbation  of  fuch  of  my  countrymen  as  have  been  in 
France,  have  witaerTed  the  diilicult  fituation  of  our  affairs,  and 
have  known  my  conduct ;  and  I  beg  of  you  to  inform  them, 
that  the  defire  they  have  {hewn  upon  this  occafion,  to  honour 
me  with  theirs,  has  made,  as  it  ought  to  make,  a  very  deep 
impreilior!  on  my  mind.  AiTure  them  it  is  one  of  thofe  inte- 
refling  I;i  jiJents  attending  my  miffion>  which  will  never  be 
era  fed  from  my  memory. 

Flattering,  however,  as  is  this  proof  of  their  confidence  amf 
«fteem,  upon  the  prefent  occafion'?j  yet  there  are  fome  confi- 
derations  of  peculiar  weight,  which  forbid  my  receiving  it  at 
the  prefent  time.  Thefe  are  fuggefted  by  a  regard  for  the 
public  intereft,  grow  out  of  the  particular  fituation  of  our  af- 
fairs, and  will  of  courfe  be  duly  appreciated  by  you.  It  is  im- 
poffible  for  me  to  be  more  explicit  at  prcfent,  in  unfolding  to 
you  the  nature  of  thofe  considerations  to  which  I  refer ;  but  I 
well  know  that  the  mere  intimation  that  fuch  exift,  will  furnifh 
to  you  and  my  countrymen  in  general,  an  adequate  motive 
why  I  now  decline  receiving  from  them  a  paper,  which  I  highly 
prize,  and  mould  otherwife  be  happy  to  receive. 

JAMES  MONROE. 
-Y0  William  *Tudor>  John  Buffingtony 

Daniel    Parkery     Jeffe   Putnam^ 

John  M.  Forbes ,  Efquires* 


To  Jams  Monroe* 

Paris ,  January  l^th9  1797* 


BEING  informed  that  you  arc  now  on  the  point  of 
leaving  France,  we  have  the  pleafure  to  prefent  you  the  addrefs 
cntrufted  to  our  care  by  the  American  gentlemen  in  Paris,  an<4 
with  great  refpect,  &c. 

JESSE  PUTNAM, 
5)  ANIEL  PARKER,. 


^"l?  yj.v;rj  Monroe,  Mini  United  $ 

of  America. 

N  Paris }  Dec.  6tJ:,  1796. 

SIR, 

As  citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America  it  is  witk 
<deep  regret  \ve  find,  that  your  diplomatic  million  to  the 
republic,  is  foon  to  terminate  by  the  arrival  of  a  lucceflbr. 

If  there  is  a  moment  which  marks,  above  all  others,  the- 
unqueftionable  fmcerity  of  an  addrefs,  it  is  that  when  pre* 
fented  to  a  man  who  is  going  out  of  office. 

In  this  fituation  of  things  it  is,  that  your  fellow  citizens, 
now  at  Paris,  come  to  affure  you  of  that  honeft  and  lively- 
concern  which  they  feel  on  this  occafion.  Being  on  the  fpot — 
they  have  known,  and  it  is  with  pleafure  they  teftify  to  your 
faithful  and  unabated  application  to  the  duties  of  your  ar- 
duous office  and  your  unceafmg  vigilance  for  the  honor  and 
intereft  of  our  common  country. 

Thefe,  Sir,  are  our  fentiments  of  your  official  deportment 
in  affairs  of  a  public  nature  ;  but  when  we  recollect  the  readi- 
nefs  and  zeal  with  which  you  have  fo  uniformly  and  ably  ad- 
vocated the  individual  interests  of  your  fellow  citizens,  in  all 
the  critical  fituations  to  which  the  various  circumftances  of 
this  country  have  fo  often  reduced  them,  we  can  only  lament 
the  incompetency  of  language  to  do  juftice  to  the  force  o£ 
the  impreffion,  and  the  extent  of  our  obligations. 

To  this  we  can  only  add  our  moft  ardent  wifhes  that  you. 
may  receive  that  approbation  from  our  country,  which,  a^ 
far  as  our  obfervation  goes,  we  conceive  to  be  jultly  due  to 
your  fidelity  and  eminent  fervices* 

We  are,  with  the  warmeft  fentiments  of  refpecl  an$ 
efteem,  your  affectionate  fellow  citizens. 

SAMUEL  BROOME,  Semv  JOHN  HOUGHTON 
WILLIAM  TUDOR  R.  BENNET  FORBES 

JESSE  PUTNAM  JOHN  G.  HESLOP 

JOHN  BUFFINGTON          JOS.  SANDS 
WILLIAM  LOWRY  THOS.  LANG 

NATHANIEL  CUTTING   LOUIS  MARSHALL 
DANIEL  PARKER  JOS.  RUSSEL 

FULWAR  SKIPWITH        JAMES  V.  MURRAY 
JOHN  M.  FORBES  S.  P,  BROOME 

Pf  f 


F^EN  WORTH 
1.  VOUC11EZ 
G.  HO  WELL 
Z.  COOPMAN 
SAMUEL  FULTON 
WILLIAM  LEE 


SAMUEL  ANDREWS 
JOHN  FABRE 
JON  A.  NESBITT 
A.  WALDRYHN 
J.  S.  EUSTACE 
EPHRAIM  WALES 


ROBERT  J.  LIVINGSTON  EDW.  BRUMFIELD 


OLIVER  L.PHELFS 
ROBERT  LYLE 
JOS.  WHITTMORE 
OLIVER  CHAMPLAIN 
D.  THOMPSON 
JOHN  FLEMING 
STEPHEN  BLYTH 
SAMUEL  NORWOOD 
JAS.  HEMPHILL 
BENJ.  CALLENDAR 
JOHN  GRISTE 
THOS.  WILLARD 
THOS.  DARNFORTH 
JOHN  BRYANT 
JOHN  MITCHELL 
STEPHEN  FRENCH 
JOHN  WHEELER 
Z.  WALKER 
IBEN.  MAY 


F.  ROTCH 

THOS.  W.  GRIFFITH 

T-  HIGGINSON 

HENRY  WORTHINGTOK 

JOHN  HOOMES 

JOHN  PARKER 

F.  HOLLINGSWORTB 
HENRY  FULFORD 
HENRY  JOHNSON 
THOS.  PAINE 

G.  W.  MURRAY 
•WM.VANS,junr. 
THOS.  RAMSDEN. 

J.  C.  MDUNTFLORENCE 
JAMES  ANDERSON 
NOEL  FAMING 
JOHN  GREGORIE 
OTIS  AMMIDON 
M.  GELSTON, 


APPENDIX, 


From  the  M'uvjler  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of 
ricay  to  Mr.  Short.* 

Paris,  May  30^,    1795. 

1 

I  WAS  favoured,  about  ten  days  paft,  with  ypurs  of  il\?. 
4th  inftant,  and  mould  have  anfwered  it  immediately,  had  { 
not  previoufly  done  To  by  anticipation,  in  fome  meafure,  in  one 
of  ths  fame  date  through  the  armies,  or  had  I  not  waited  for 
the  arrival  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  who  was  then  on  his  way  from 
Dunkirk  for  this  place.  By  him  this  will  be  forwarded  ; 
indeed,  by  him  alone  would  I  hazard  what  I  deem  it  neceila- 
ry  to  communicate  to  you.  Previoufly  therefore,  permit  me 
to  amire  you,  that  this  government  will  admit  of  no  inter- 
mediate or  third  parties  in  its  negotiations,  but  will  only 
treat  with  its  enemies  themfe'lves,  or  directly.  The  only  power 
whofe  good  offices  they  ever  thought  of  accepting  was  the 
United  States;  but  the  negociation  of  Mr.  Jay  with  England 
has,  by  its  manner,  and  particularly  by  withholding  with  fuch 
care  the  refult,  infpired  fuch  diftruit  in  our  friendihip  for 
them,  that  they  are  difpofed  not  even  to  accept  of  ours.  This 
is  a  tact  of  importance,  which  I  did  not  chufe  to  hazard 
through  the  route  of  the  armies;  fince  if  it  was  known  to  the 
Spanilh  government  it  might  leflen  our  weight  in  our  nego- 
ciation with  that  court  j  for  I  always  knew  that  an  opinion  of 
a  good  underftanding  between  us  and  this  government  would 
greatly  forward  our  own  depending  negociations  eliewhere. 
You  mud  therefore  (or  rather  Mr.  P.)  muft  prefs  the  ob- 
ject of  your  negociation  to  a  clofe  as  foon  as  podihle,  count- 
ing with  certainty,  that  although,  in  general,  we  (land  well 
here,  yet  we  are  to  have  no  agency  in  the  affairs  of  France, 

*  Anfwer  to  Mr.  Short's  lettef  of  the  4th  May,  (fee  page 
vhich  upon  reflection  it  is  thought  proper  to  ini«r;» 


r  404  T 

r^d  of  courfe  are  to  derive,  from  that  confederation,  no   aic£ 
to  the  advancement  of  our  own. 

It  is  proper  to  inform  you,  that  juft  before  the  report  of 
Ivtr.  Jay's  treaty  reached  us,  this  government,   whofe  attach- 
ment to  us  was  daily  increafing,  had   it  in  contemplation   to 
extend,  by  all  the  means  in   its  power,  its  fortunes  to  us,  in 
cur   depending  negociatiorts  elfewhere;   and   that  even  fince 
ihnt  report,  upon  tht  prefufrtption  every  thing  is  right,  they 
hlKve  imlvuclcu.  (as  I  am  told}  their  miniiter,  negociating  with 
'-.pain,  to  iecure  in  their  treaty   the   points  infilled  on  by  us. 
lion  was  given  in  ft  before   the   report  of  Mr. 
ncnt  was  known,    and  I    am  inclined  to 
•iiiink,  that  although  it  was  not  in  Mr.  Pinckney's  power  (not 
able  ro  expbin  Mr.  Jay's  treaty  to  them,  without  which 
it  won'd  have  been  indelicate)  to  a  Ik  their  aid,    that  the  in- 
itrucYi.'r^  .-"nut  in  force.     In    any   event  Spain  will 

proof,  and  from  this  government  itfelf,    that 
;!!,  and  rejoice   in  our  profperity,   and  there - 
thcy  keep  their  own  affairs  to  themfelves,  yet 
ihe  Spahidi  court  will  find,  that  a  good   underflanding   with 
Trance   is  not  to  be  expefied  cr  preferred  without  a  gccd 

Handing  with   us, 

I  have  heard  that  Mr.  Jay  has  ftipulated   fomething  in   his 
treaty  refpe£ling  the  Miffifippi;  whereby,  upon  the  ridiculous 
.    -y=tee  to  us,  arj  extenfion  of  territory  is  fub- 
n  to  Britain,  and  fhe  in  confequence   admitted 
\  The  fa<Tt  of  a  guarantee  by  Britain  to  us 

jnuft  CAC;!-C  the  indignation  of  Spain  towards  her,  though 
•ready  to  yield  the  point  to  us :  But  the  extenfion  of  her  tcr- 
yirorv  in  an  t-.->  criv.piehcnd  the  fource  of  that  river,  and  there- 
bv  tnt'.tl:?  her  to  its  11^1  igation,  will  produce  a  more  ferious 
::\}d  alarming  eilcc):.  I  think  it  will  tend  greatly  to  feparate 
iSpnin  from  England,  and  to  force  the  former  into  a  mere  in- 
lunate  eonnec  Lion  with  France  and  the  United  States  ;  the 
inlt  Heps  towards  which,  is  an  accommodation  to  their  prefent 
Demands. 

Another  clrcumftance  which  will  facilitate  this  object  is, 
-that  England,  through  Sir  F.  Eden,  has  abfolutely  and  very 
lately  attempted,  upon  the  pretext  of  anexchange.  of  prifoners, 
to  open  a  nrgociation  for  peace  with  this  Republic.  I  fuf- 
•pccr,  Spain  knows  nothing  of  this,  but  I  am  affured,  by  autho- 
?ity  in  which  I  confide,  that  it  is  the  truth.  He  was  re- 
•  1  at  Dieppe,  ar\d  detained  whilft  his  terms  were  fent  t<? 


I    435    J 

the  committee,  and  an  anfwer  received  peremptorily 
ing  them.  If  true,  I  prefume  the  fact  will  be  made  known 
to  Spain;  fo  that  the  latter  power  ought  to  reject  all  delicacy 
towards  the  former  in  its  tranfa£Hons  with  it. 

I  have  one  other  obfervation  to  make,  which  fhe\rs  the 
necefli-y  of  difpatch,  if  poflible,  in  our  negociation  with  Spain. 
Suppofe  her  peace  made  with  this  Repuolic;  (he  is  of  courfe, 
relieved  from  the  prefTure  which  difpofes  her  to  accommodate 
us.  Shall  we  not  afterwards  (land  of  courfe  nearly  upon  the 
fame  ground  that  we  flood  in  that  negociation,  from  the  epoch 
of  the  one  which  was  conducted  by  Mr.  Jay  with  Mr.  Gar- 
doqui,  which  had  well  nigh  ended  (though  managed  by  the 
former  with  great  fkill,  and  according  to  the  rules  of  a: 
diplomacy)  in  the  occlufion  of  the  river  and  difmembf 
of  the  continent ;  which  negociation  has  certainly  tk' 
the  Spanifh  government,  from  that  time  to  the  prefent  day, 
into  an  opinion,  that  half  America  wifh  it  fhut:  At  leaft  to  me 
(who  was  in  the  Congrefs  during  the  pendency  of  that  ne- 
gociation, and  who  have  fince  feen  your  correfpondence)  fuch 
appeared  to  be  the  cafe. 

The  above  are  hints  upon  the  real  ftate  of  things  here,  up- 
on which  Mr.  Pinckney  and  yourfelf  will  take  your  mea- 
fures.  If  I  could  fatisfy  this  government  that  Mr.  Jay's  treaty 
contained  nothing  with  which  they  have  a  right  to  complain, 
every  thing  would  be  eafy  here  ;  we  might  forward  the  vie\vs 
of  the  two  countries  in  which  we  refide,  \vhich  in  refpect  to 
this,  I  ardently  wiih  to  forward,  making  previoufly  thofe  of 
our  own  fccure.  But  can  any  motive  of  intereft,  on  the  part 
of  France,  induce  her  to  accept  fuch  offers  from  us,  until  flic 
{hall  receive  fuch  fatisfadtion  ?  Where  the'  mterell  of  our 
country  can  be  advanced,  or  there  is  a  polfibility  it  niay,  I 
am  willing  to  attempt  any  thing  in  concert  with  you,  and 
fhall,  therefore,  be  always  happy  to  hear  from  you  in  th^ 
fpects. 

I  inclofe  you  a  letter  from  a  friend  of  yours  in  this  country, 
being  afTured  it  contains  nothing  of  a  treafonable  nature  :  No 
intelligence  of  the  march  of  armies  or  preparations  againft 
Spain,  which  it  is  the  intereft  of  this  government  to  keep 
Secret. 


I     49^    1 

•Vfv  Mini/ler  ^Plenipotentiary  tf.tbe  United  Sfat&tjif  An4£^ 
r/V<?,  to  the  Commit  tec  of  Public  5,-tfity.* 

Paris  yuly.'&tk)  .*79fr 

I  H  AVE  received  your -favour  of  ths  5  th  inflant,  rela- 
tive to  the  complaints  of  ibme  corfairs  ©f  the  Republic,  from 
Charleffcon,  in  which  you  requeft  jrnc  to  give  the  nccetfary 
explication  upon  that  fubjcclj  and  fo  far. as  thofe  complaints 
are  well  founded  to  promote  the  juit  demands  of  the  faicl 
complainants-  Permit  me  to  allure  you,  that  I  (hall  be  happy 
to  fulfil  your  deiire  in  bo.th  refpecls,  being  always  ready  to 
give  the  moft  frank  and  prompt  explanation,  according  to  the 
information  I  poflefs,  and  in  every  particular  of  the  conduct 
of  our  government  towards  our  ally,  and  equally  fo  to  pro- 
mote juftice  on  our  part,  where  injury  has  in  reality  been 
fufiained  by  any  of  the  citizens  of  this  K.epublic.  As  foon, 
therefore,  as  the  committee  will  be  pleafed  to  furnifh  me 
•\vith  an  accurate  detail  or  fpecification  of  thefe  complaints,  f 
promife  to  pay  the  attention  to  them,  which  has  been  defired 
•of  me* 


the  'SttrtfMy  sf  St&tt  of  tie  -Untied  .Stales,  to  Mr.  Monroe* 
Philadt'IplL't)  July  30^,    ^797- 


SINCE  I  clofed  my  letter  of  yeflerday,  I  have  been  in- 
formed by  Mr.  Swan,  that  Mr.  Adct's  difpatches  will  not  go 
ofi"  until  this  evening  ;  and  that  he  purpoled  to  notify  me  of 
the  opportunity  being  open  a  few  hours  longer.  I  haften 
therefore,  to  add  what  t  can  in  this  Ihort  interval  ;  expecting 
t.)  have  another  conveyance  next  week. 

I  mean  to  lend  to  you  the  accufations  -which  have  be  laid 
before  the  Preiident,  again  ft  Mr.  Fenwiek,  our  Conful  at 
Bourdeaux.  He  is  charged,  upon  flrong  prefumptive  grounds, 
cf  having  covered  French  property  under  an  American  name, 

*  See  page  222,  the  note  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety, 
to  which  this  was  ia  reply*  T  his  paper  vras  omitted  in  its  place 
i>v  accident. 


C   407 

%Y  virtue  of  his  office.     The  proof,  though  ex  partc,  impreiicc? 
powerfully  in  the  cafe  of  the  mip  Pomona;  on  board  of  whicrt 
he  is  fuppofed  to  have  fhipped  five  boxes  of  filver,  belonging 
to  French  individuals,  or  the  French  government,   as  verdi- 
grife  or  paints,  undtr  his  confular  feal  ;  and  alfo  in  the  cafe 
of  a  Captain  Alain,  from  whom  he,  or  feme  perfon  for  his 
ufe,  is  underftood  to  have  received  two  and  a  half  per  cen- 
tum at  leaft,  for  a  Cmilar   fcrvice.     This  affair  is  not,  and 
will  not  be,  prejudged.     But  the  Prefident  thinks  it  proper, 
that  Mr.  Fenwick  mould  ceafs   from  his  confular  functions 
until  further  order,  and  until    an  enquiry  can  be  made.     I 
requeft  you  to  communicate  a  copy  of  this  paragraph  of  my 
letter  to  him,  and  Mr.  Skipwith  our  Conful  General :  To  in- 
form Mr,  Fenwick,  that  it  is  advifeable,  that  he  (hould  ex- 
pedite to  me  any  proofs  or  declarations  in  oppofition  to  thefe 
charges  5  to  afmre  him  that  nothing  lefs  than  a  neceffity  arif- 
ing  from  a  due  refpecl;  to  our  national  character  could  have 
induced  even  this  provifional  ftep;  and  to  recommend  to  Mr. 
Skipwith    to  fill  up,   by    a  proper    agency,  this   temporary 
chafm.    To  mew,  however,  that  we  would  avoid  every  wound 
to  Mr.  Fenwick's  feelings,  it   is   anxioufly  defired,  that  no 
improper  eclat  be  made  in  this  bufinefs ;  and  if  you,  after  an. 
accurate  and  extenfive    examination  of  the  matter,  can  un- 
dertake abfolutely  to  difcredit  the   imputations,   the  fufpen- 
iion  may  be  withheld,  until  fome  ftatement  fhall  come  from 
liim. 

I  {hall  probably  fend  you,  by  the  next  vefTel,  the  final  de- 
termination on  the  treaty.  I  fufpect  that  it  will  not  be  verj 
wide  of  what  I  wrote  to  you  on  the  i4th  inftant. 

I  have  &V. 

EDM.  RANDOLPH. 


Note.  The  above  letter  being  of  a  perfonal  nature,  it  was  firft 
thought  beft  not  to  publifh  it :  But  upon  reflection,  as  it  refpected 
the  conduct  of  a  public  officer,  that  opinion  was  changed.  It  is 
due,  however,  to  Mr.  Fenwick  to  obferve,  that  in  confequence 
of  the  explanation  which  he  gave  of  his  conduct  in  the  - 

he  was  never  fufpended. 


THE    END 


14  DAY  USE 

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